Formative Years: The Seminary Experience

BOOK REVIEW:

Being There: Culture and Formation in Two Theological Schools.

By Jackson W. Carroll. Barbara C. Wheeler; Daniel 0. Aleshire and Penny Long Marler. Oxford University Press, 336 pp., $35.00

The students come excited and a bit anxious and are soon confronted with challenges to what they believe. The eagerness turns to perplexity, anger, sometimes loneliness and self-doubt, and eventually to a fresh understanding of ministry, worship, theology, faith and the church.

Theological education has been heavily scrutinized over the past 15 years, as evidenced by a growing body of literature. Some observers are concerned that seminaries are too much oriented toward professional training. Others complain that the curriculum is too trendy. Others worry that the quality of students is deteriorating. Analysts point out that the student population has shifted, as middle-aged students and second- or third-career students sign up for courses. There has been a massive influx of women into church leadership. Many seminaries seek to attract more women and racial minority students and to expose students to world cultures.

Rather than discuss such concerns or compile and analyze statistics, the authors of Being There watched and listened to and talked to the people being formed at seminaries and to the people doing the forming. Being There is an extensive empirical study in the sociology of education with theological education as a case in point.

Theological schools, whether of conservative or liberal stripe, intentionally press students into the mold of the ethos that is created by the faculty and administration. Theological education is an intense emotional experience; in some cases it is an intellectual pressure-cooker. The hope is that students emerge from the experience having absorbed a more mature and sophisticated understanding of Christianity and the church. At a time when theological educators fear being dictated to by financial considerations, the faculties in this study emerge as fully in control of education.

Three-fourths of Being There consists of descriptive accounts—with much verbatim reporting—of life in two Protestant seminaries. One is an evangelical seminary with a strong Reformed identity—called here simply "Evangelical Theological Seminary"; the other is a liberal, politically correct main line seminary—identified as "Mainline Theological Seminary." They were chosen to represent two major Protestant camps in the Association of Theological Schools.

The descriptive accounts cover classes, community life, dorm life, worship life, field placements, faculty meetings, community traumas and even, in the case of Evangelical Theological Seminary, students’ romantic lives. Four researchers spent three years visiting the two schools and participating in their life. The evangelical school was studied by researchers from the mainline, the mainline school by scholars from the evangelical world.

The culture of each school is conveyed through reports on the student assessments of teachers, the preferred styles of clothing, the marital hopes of women students, and the mannerisms and personality traits that endear or distance members of the communities from one another. This attention to detail, meant to convey the everyday realities of the schools, sometimes gives a soap-operaish feel to the narrative. We learn about Ann and Albert, who have alienated themselves from family and friends by their abrupt decision to get married, and we are prompted to worry about whether they will make it to the wedding. We also overhear faculty members as they bicker over whether a certain comment—made several years earlier by a candidate for a faculty position—was implicitly racist. This sort of vignette definitely gives the reader a taste of "being there."

The larger theme, however, is the students’ response to the faculty’s agenda. Mastering the faculty’s language, learning how to debate within the school’s ideological limits, negotiating the foibles and passions of teachers and other students, figuring out how to be accepted in this community and then how to relate to the folks back home—this struggle can be debilitating as well as exhilarating. The faculties of both institutions believe passionately in the rightness of their respective causes.

At ETS the students come formed by the evangelical youth culture. They know the songs, the lingo and the hot issues of evangelicalism. They come to ETS to get a good education. They are willing to work hard, pray hard and argue hard. They debate the ordination of women and the appropriateness of using technology in evangelism. They negotiate the conflict between the "truly Reformed"— those who articulate a highly cognitive and rationalistic version of Reformed theology—and the more heart-oriented evangelicals, especially the charismatics and Pentecostals. The professors want to put a more sophisticated intellectual and theological floor under popular evangelicalism. By and large, the students are amenable to this. They revere their teachers, even those with whom they disagree. Along with correct interpretation of scripture and a heavily cognitive faith, they learn appropriate evangelical manners.

At mainline seminary students are older and come with more varied life experiences. They too come with much church experience. They approach the church primarily as a social-service provider. At MTS they encounter in the faculty a radical liberation/justice agenda—one that is propounded precisely in opposition to the liberal social agenda the students know and trust.

As portrayed in Being There, life at MTS is a choreographed battleground. Affinity groups are hunkered down in their trenches while teachers stress issues of "justice," "liberation," "racism" and "sexism." White men especially must "duck and cover" as they are pressed to take responsibility for racism and sexism—although ageism, disable-ism and the issue of homosexuality fight for a place in the discourse of marginalization.

Although both schools exemplify how educational institutions socialize their students, the situation at Mainline Theological School calls for special consideration because it seeks to transform mainline Protestantism in radical ways. At ETS, I would argue, the faculty is trying to ground students more deeply in the intellectual heritage of their own tradition and to think through the issues of the day in the terms of’ Reformed theology and piety. This is not to say that ETS is not the site of heavy debate. But those debates take place within parameters set by the Reformed tradition. At MTS, on the other hand, serious departures from traditional Christianity and academic study are assumed to be appropriate, even normative, and do not even need to be argued for.

The teaching style at MTS is confrontational, designed to evoke guilt and shame. It seems like the medieval penitential system in multicultural dress—except that at MTS sinners are offered no clear practice of penance that can lead to absolution and reincorporation into the community. Offenders are left to twist in the wind.

No wonder students get confused. One student asks, "Is it my responsibility to penetrate the black community and interact with my black brothers and sisters, or is it my responsibility to withdraw and let them work out their anger, or should I make myself available to be a scapegoat for their anger?" MTS offers no theological guidance for this dilemma. The effectiveness of the formation is evidenced by the fact that after three years some white male students are grateful to the institution for opening their eyes and leading them to the truth about racism and sexism in themselves and the church.

Rarely does anyone at MTS cross the race and gender barrier to offer comfort and support in the war between the sexes and the races. When the Community Committee at MTS selects Asian-American relations as the theme for an annual retreat, without input from Asian-Americans at the seminary, the transgression is treated with deadly seriousness. The bar of judgment comes down on whites (although we are not told the racial make-up of the committee): "MTS is under ‘white dominance.’ Whites ‘let’ the minorities have some power, but on their own terms," one student opines.

A strict policy on inclusive language is announced to students when they arrive at MTS. Being There records an event at which that new orthodoxy is challenged. A veteran faculty member is retiring and a farewell service at which he will preach is planned. He requests that a hymn he wrote—probably during the days of protest against the Vietnam war—be sung at the service. The problem is that the hymn includes the words "Lord," "Father" and "Almighty God"—now strictly taboo according to the language police. A great struggle ensues. In the end the hymn is included in the service, but students who object pin a protest message to their clothing. There is apparently no thought given to the notion that, in a Christian community, celebrating a faithful and dedicated professor might be more honorable than fighting yet another skirmish in the great gender war.

All in all, MTS comes off as a grim place. The thought of spending three years there, let alone a career, is daunting. The real issues of injustice are obscured by an ethos of hypersensitivity in which each group is encouraged to point out how insensitive the others are. The school seems to be drowning in a symphony of self-righteous complaining.

Exit interviews with MTS graduates suggest that the faculty is somewhat successful in inculcating the gospel of pluralism, inclusivity and diversity. One student remarks that he now has "a fuller understanding and appreciation of the gospel of Jesus Christ." Another summarized the gospel according to MTS in two points: "God does have a sense of humor, and it is possible to be good and dear friends with people whom you disagree with theologically."

Yet other students, especially white men, may be reinforced in the traditional views they brought with them. As one student put it, "at MTS being white, male and middle-class is taboo." Another said, "We white males feel absolutely marginalized. Stomped on, spit on, emasculated." Not only male students are put off by the approach. One female student who came from a "peace and justice" orientation found the divisions and bickering so debilitating that she took refuge in the congregations she pastors and stopped trying to find a place for herself at school. The school’s radical stance drove her to a more centrist position.

One wonders, too, about the effect of this seminary experience on the congregations these students will serve. The polemical and divisive pedagogy of MTS is not easily transferable to local congregations. Unlike students in seminary or delegates to a denominational convention, members of local congregations have to live together over the long haul. They do not have the luxury of leaving town after the fights and caucuses are over. The authors of Being There work hard to remain neutral not only in their interactions with the subjects of the study but also in their assessment of the culture-forming authority of the institutions. At no point do they ask the normative question: Is this what ought to be happening in a theological school? Perhaps this would have betrayed their covenant with their informants.

Because theological schools are the training ground for church leaders they are de facto the intellectual centers of the church. The stakes are very high. The study of MTS, if it represents what is happening in comparable institutions, illustrates why the mainline Protestant denominations are experiencing such turmoil and fragmentation. Polarization and conflict are being intentionally injected into the churches through the seminaries.

The account of MTS raises for this writer a basic question: Is the gospel of Jesus Christ reducible to the gospel of political correctness? At MTS it seems to be taken as self-evident that it is. Little theological writing before James Cone’s A Black Theology of Liberation seems to be taken seriously. At the time of the research, Cone’s book was used to teach the first-year courses in both "Mission and Ministry" and "Introduction to the Old Testament."

One student makes explicit the faculty agenda: "I was so glad that I had no theological background per se until I got to MTS. Because it enabled me to embrace liberation theology to the point [that] I have embraced it. It became so apparent to me in the beginning of my relationship with theology that this could be the only way that all people despite sex, race, gender discrimination could be freed through Christ." But how could the student be so sure of this judgment, having been exposed to nothing else? All of Christian literature and doctrine has been refracted through the lens of multicultural politics.

It is this reductionism that is the most disturbing part of the portrait of MTS. The testimony of scripture appears to have no autonomous voice. The concerns and insights of Paul, Origen, Augustine, Aquinas, Luther, Calvin and Wesley apparently no longer have anything to contribute to Christian understanding. The doctrinal foundations of the Christian faith—the Trinity, the incarnation and the atonement—become so many knickknacks gathering dust on the shelf, perhaps needing to be put out in a yard sale.

At an annual consciousness-raising event a feminist student declares that "since Jesus’ death on the cross was not necessary for salvation, God is a divine child abuser."’ This prompts a strong, polarized debate on the atonement in the campus journal, though one observer comments, "What started as a debate about the nature of the atonement moves to more typical MTS concerns about feminism, justice, liberation and praxis."

The philosophy behind the pedagogy at MTS seems to be that we learn to make peace by making war. Moments of cooperation and reconciliation stand out in bold relief, since they are hard won. There is little grace here, little forgiveness, little comfort or salvation. There are passing references in Being There to a more conservative strain in the faculty, but it is barely in evidence. The faculty appears incapable of criticizing its own ideology.

Ephesians teaches that in Christ the hostility between Jews and pagans, on which each group staked its identity, has been destroyed. It is not the combatants who present their grievances to one another and obtain whatever concessions from their opponents they can before suing for peace; it is God who has created a new meeting ground, and without asking the parties to the dispute which is most aggrieved. Those who realize that the situation they live in has been radically changed by God are forced to come to terms with the reality that they are no longer enemies but friends who together celebrate the reconciliation wrought for them by Christ. What their ethnic, racial and gender histories urge them to proclaim as ultimate has been subordinated to the unity of all people in Christ Jesus. Theological schools might be teaching students how to put on Christ, how to adjust to this new eschatological reality, this new creation, the reign of God that they neither create nor have the power to withhold from one another. I remain unpersuaded that MTS is using the best strategy to achieve this goal.

The two schools studied here both want to transform their constituencies: one cultivates a cognitive theological agenda, the other a political agenda. But these are not the only two options. A school might seek to shape the spiritual identity of the church by nurturing students’ knowledge of God through prayer, study and worship.

The authors of Being There have painted vivid pictures of theological education, taking us well beyond impressions, nostalgia and theory. There is no doubt that, positively or negatively, theological schools do form students. The question this book leaves readers with is: On what basis are they being formed and toward what end?

Sacraments for the Christian Life

Christians are people who acknowledge that they belong neither to themselves nor to the age, but to God in Jesus Christ through the Holy Spirit. They are out of step with a society that prizes individuality and autonomy. They are at odds with a culture in which power over persons and property gauges success and garners respect. Unlike their secular friends, Christians do not aim to be self-created or self-directed. Instead, they are directed by God, whose call to live a holy life dedicated to the rescue of others is laid bare in the life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.

The Christian life is lived in freedom from the norms and expectations of the world because Christians live by divine standards; it is lived in celebration because they claim to live in the reign of God. Christians learn the dimension of that reign by following Jesus around Galilee as he healed, fed, forgave, confronted and taught. Then they dedicate themselves to honoring it.

Reclaiming a vigorous Christian identity is a countercultural act in a culture that no longer grasps the beauty of a disciplined, centered and divinely directed life. A Christian chooses a life that scrutinizes self and society through the Christian filters of the triune God who became incarnate, died on a cross and remains present to a community gathered for holy living. What could make less sense to a world torn by dissension and strife? A decision for Christ and the Christian life becomes a courageous, perhaps even an irrational act.

Yet Christians are as weak and forgetful as anyone else. They become distracted and confused by the call of the world and need to specify and focus their Christian identity. Christians need to be re-Christianized, to have their true identity in Christ made palpable so that they can take it with them when they venture into the marketplace, into the public arena and into the private struggles of their lives.

Most are not up to living the Christian life alone. They need the company of others who aim for a distinctively Christian way of life in a broken world. They need to taste and touch together. Fortunately, the church has the means of focusing Christian minds and upbuilding the community: the sacraments.

Sacraments are concrete actions by which Christians may be marked, fed and touched by the Holy Spirit so that the reality of God and the work of Christ become embedded in the body and psyche. Sacraments recall God’s promises and presence to the worshiping community, binding it together ever more tightly and to clearer purpose. The Holy Spirit is the specific agent of Christianization in the sacraments, binding Christians into the trinitarian life in baptism, and feeding them on the dramatic reenactment of redemption played out through the death and resurrection of Christ in the Eucharist. As Basil the Great put it, the Holy Spirit reaches down from the divine majesty to graft believers into the Holy Trinity by dwelling in them.

Being grafted into the Trinity may be stated christologically without denying the trinitarian implication spelled out in later Christian theology: I am defined by the wisdom and power of God revealed in the death of Christ. I am sealed by the Holy Spirit and marked as Christ’s own forever. I die and rise with Christ to new life. I am clothed with Christ to fight the powers of sin and death.

These different formulations all share the view that grace is not simply divine graciousness upon which one throws oneself, seeking mercy rather than judgment, but also divine power that illumines the believer with the divine dignity that directs personal life. The grace conveyed to the believer in sacraments is the presence of God symbolized by water, oil or food, from which the believer takes strength and comfort.

On the occasion of my baptism, a friend wrote: "Try to remember deliberately once a day that you were and are baptized, that your life is underwritten by God and that in a sense this grandest position in life has already been achieved. You can never go higher than simple baptism. In a sense, this is a release from striving. What was sought for long and hard has not been found, it has found you."

Baptism centers a Christian’s life. First, this sacred washing purifies the baptized for a new life dominated by belonging to God. Forgiveness of sin demarcates the past life from a new life of freedom and joy.

Second, the baptized are always in the presence of God and carry the seal of the Holy Spirit around with them. They are ennobled and dignified by the presence of God, and live as signs of God’s self-communication through Jesus. The baptized know that they have been blessed by the divine presence. Their baptism has inaugurated a life of thanks to God.

Third, the baptized are empowered. No matter in which direction they turn, the dignity of God impels them to be agents of reconciliation and empowers them for self-control. They must be alert every time they touch another person’s body, mind or spirit because God now resides in them.

Churches that practice infant baptism are in the anomalous situation of having to catechize the baptized who may have little understanding that they participate in the trinitarian life. I grieve for a lost opportunity whenever I attend a baptism in which the preacher fails to preach on the meaning of the event. Those who were baptized as infants have a right to know what happened theologically: they were "glued" to the maker of heaven and earth by the Holy Spirit.

Participation in the Eucharist revivifies the power of baptism for daily strength and comfort. I once met a woman who told me she became a Christian because she needed a God she could eat, take into herself and be continuously transformed by. Daily strengthening in the Christian life begins with being reminded that through dying and rising with Christ, we belong to God. In re-enacting the Last Supper we participate again in that dying and rising first undertaken in baptism, when we were washed to begin life afresh. In the Eucharist we are fed and sustained in that life, even though our heads turn back to the world and we fall into sin and death.

The gift of the Eucharist concretizes the mutual indwelling of Christ in the disciples and of Christ with the Father, and therefore the indwelling of the Father and Son in the faithful. "Those who love me will keep my word, and my Father will love them, and we will come to them and make our home with them" (John 14:23). The bread of life is truly manna in our wilderness, reminding us of God’s love for us and rekindling our gratitude so that we return to God.

Luther put it strongly in his 1527 treatise, This Is My Body: "To give a simple illustration of what takes place in this eating: it is as if a wolf devoured a sheep and the sheep were so powerful a food that it transformed the wolf and turned him into a sheep. So, when we eat Christ’s flesh physically and spiritually, the food is so powerful that it transforms us into itself and out of fleshly, sinful mortal[s] makes spiritual, holy, living [persons]."

Christians are bound together by feasting at the Lord’s table. True, they are bound together by sharing in potluck suppers too, but there is a difference. In the parish hall, they share themselves, the work of their hands, their hospitality at a table set for one another. But the Lord’s table is set by God.

In this shared meal, Christians become sisters and brothers in Christ. In this moment, they venture out from behind the screens of privacy and solitude, out of the fragmentation that characterizes their lives. The Eucharist is the great Christian equalizer. All come hungry, yearning to be fed of God; all leave filled, fed on God’s love. Whatever divides them from one another dies away. No one’s need is greater than another’s. No one’s pain is deeper than another’s. No one’s sin is fiercer than another’s. Issues of race, gender and inequalities of wealth and power cease to exist at the Lord’s table. Here Christians are knit together by their hunger for God and God’s satisfying that need for each and all. Such unity, fleeting though it may be, is a taste of the Christian hope for the time when, as Julian of Norwich put it, all shall be well and all manner of things shall be well.

A third sacrament that belongs with baptism and Eucharist for the continuous strengthening in Christian identification with God is penance. This was eliminated by Protestants during the Reformation, and Protestants thereby lost individual opportunities for self-examination, reassessment and recommitment in a sacramental context. Group confession of general sinfulness lacks the edge that confession of specific sins offers. Perhaps the deletion of marriage as a sacrament has also diverted Christians from seeing marriage as life in God.

Christians who are bound together sacramentally understand that they are responsible for one another and for one another’s sins, more than a few of which have corporate dimensions. The admonition to the church in Ephesus still serves well: "So then, putting away falsehood, let all of us speak the truth to our neighbors, for we are members of one another." Christians’ solidarity and mutual responsibility are made plain in the pastoral offices of baptism, marriage and ordination. In some liturgies the whole congregation places itself at the disposal of those being baptized, confirmed, married and ordained by taking vows to support these persons in their new life and ministry. Perhaps during Lent Christians should volunteer for peer review to see how well they have carried out those vows.

Conversely, being under vows suggests that Christians submit themselves to correction and discipline by the church. The Christian life also directs how treasure and power are to be used. Can we talk about eucharistic living in corporate boardrooms, in Hollywood, on Madison Avenue? There is no absolute privacy in the Christian life.

Christians must work out knowledge of God as the source of direction for their lives and their various circumstances. What means of livelihood are appropriate for Christians? What entertainments befit those who live in the shadow of the cross of Christ? How should they handle failure and rejection, or power over property and persons? A strong sacramental life will call them back to make God their starting place. The dignity and graciousness of God will influence their mind and behavior.

The drama of sacraments as occasions in which the power of God comes to dwell in the believer can become obscured when a church takes its rites for granted or forgets the radical nature of Christian identity. In order to overcome that complacency, Christians must understand the radical nature of the Christian life. Theirs is a daring undertaking; they need an active sacramental life.

Provocations on the Church and the Arts

The relationship between religion and the arts has long been one of theologian Joseph Sittler’s primary interests. This spring Augsburg is releasing a collection of Sittler’s recent short reflections on various topics, and we are here publishing some of those dealing with aesthetic concerns. From the forthcoming Gravity and Grace, copyright © 1986 Augsburg Publishing House. Reprinted by permission.

I have been reflecting on when and where I first learned to carry on a lover’s relationship with the physical world. I think it began in elementary school, when I had a remarkable teacher whose name was Miss Davis, as I now recall it with affection. She had a habit which would be regarded in these days with disdain by educational theorists. She began each class session with a bit of writing of memorable beauty, and some of those things she read to us runny-nosed, cap-askewed little kids haunt me to this day. I think my love affair with the natural world began on hearing the lines she read to us.

We sometimes suppose that people look upon the world and find it beautiful and then look for a language with which to adorn what they behold. I think that is true, but it also works the other way. Sometimes we are partly blinded toward this world, and then someone puts the beauty of which we had not been aware into a gorgeous line. Thereafter we behold it in a new way. We go not only from beholding to language, but we may go from the beauty of language to the enhancement of beholding.

One of the selections Miss Davis read to us was from the last act of The Merchant of Venice when the great action has really finished and the young lovers are united. Lorenzo leads Jessica out into the night, and then come the beautiful lines:

How sweet the moonlight sleeps upon this bank!

Here will we sit, and let the sounds of music

Creep in our ears: soft stillness and the night

Become the touches of sweet harmony.

Sit, Jessica. Look, how the floor of heaven

Is thick inlaid with patines of bright gold:

There’s not the smallest orb which thou behold’st

But in his motion like an angel sings,

Still quiring to the young-eyed cherubins [V.i. 54-62].

I learned to look at the sky in a different way by virtue of hearing that passage.

And then as a lad growing up in the small Ohio town where my father was a pastor, I learned further to look at the world in a kind of fascinated and determined way. I owed part of this further fascination to the first four lines of John Keats’s "The Eve of St. Agnes":

St. Agnes’ Eve -- Ah, bitter chill it was!

The owl, for all his feathers, was a-cold;

The hare limped trembling through the frozen grass,

And silent was the flock in woolly fold.

Anyone who has lived in the country or in a small town will resonate to that passage. All of my life I’ve been a passionate lover of our rich American land’s variety: the lonely beauty of New England, the great chain of the Appalachians and the Green and White Mountains, the sweep of the prairies, the majesty of the Rockies, the unbelievable fecundity of the West Coast valleys. It all comes to expression in lines by Walt Whitman which Miss Davis first read to me. It occurs in his "Song of the Exposition," in which the undulating length of the lines is so like the undulating shape of the land in Iowa and Nebraska:

Thy limitless crops, grass, wheat, sugar, oil, corn, rice, hemp, hops.

Thy barns all fill’d, the endless freight-train and the bulging storehouse,

The grapes that ripen on thy vines, the apples in thy orchards,

Thy incalculable lumber, beef, pork, potatoes, thy coal, thy gold and silver,

The inexhaustible iron in thy mines.

Is it not possible that we can learn to regard the world as a place of grace, because there have been those among our fellows who have celebrated it in such language that the transcendent grace of God resonates and is reflected in the common grace of the creation?

By contrast, I think of the beautiful old building at the University of Chicago that houses the divinity school. It is in the Gothic style: old-fashioned, grave, dignified, rocky. There is not a false piece of material in it. The floors are real slate, not plastic tiles. The windows are real. The decor is quiet and serene. It is celebrative outwardly of what we are supposed to be about inwardly.

Too many church-related buildings look like they could just as well house some insurance company. The faculty in many seminaries sit in rows of little cubicles, one indistinguishable from another. In that way we become indistinguishable from one another. I don’t know how we stumbled into the stupidity we have committed whereby we affirm grace and create banality, affirm beauty and create ugliness. It makes no sense at all.

In the uses of literature, the uses of art, I find our intellectual obligation being unfulfilled. We simply are not cultivated people in our time. Of the old church an ancient historian said, "The church in the first three centuries won the empire because it outlived, it outthought, and it outdied the pagan world" -- including intellectual and artistic achievement. But much of the intellectual and aesthetic life within the contemporary congregation is simply contemptible. The intellectual content of the ordinary sermon is contemptible. It is often full of moral fervor and piety, but it is usually absent in the clarity of ideas that thread against the accepted norms and offer new possibilities for reflection.

How is it possible that our church social room should be filed with pictures that are mostly Kitsch -- to use that eloquent German word -- when centuries of artists have taken religious symbols and given them eloquent expression? I am continually amazed by the fact that something happens when one become pious. Is the price of piety stupidity? Is the result of being devout that one becomes intellectually and aesthetically insensitive so that the actualities of this world are no longer available to us?

I am not saying we must ignore science and technology. For example, some years ago an architect whom I had long known was invited to build a chapel for the Illinois Institute of Technology, where most of the architecture is in the Bauhaus style -- very technological and mathematical. So my friend designed a beautiful chapel in that style. But when he designed a stainless-steel altar rail all the people on the building committee became upset. They thought of course that altar rails are all made of wood and that they are all manufactured in Grand Rapids, Michigan. They were offended. "You can’t use a bare metal like that as an altar rail," they complained.

But the formula for stainless steel was worked out at this institution, and stainless steel is a beautiful product. Why not shape stainless steel to the glory of God? This was my friend’s view, and he was quite right. His attitude was a refinement of aesthetics: using a material so as to honor it, using it in its proper context.

Materials are important. There is a beautiful Lutheran church in Eugene, Oregon, designed by Pietro Belluschi. As one walks into that church, one becomes silent. It shuts you up, literally. There is something about the proportion, the use of materials, the combination of strength and serenity in that church that is utterly right.

It is not magic. Belluschi did things that are specifiable. He used a high brick wall in the back of the altar that doesn’t look like just any brick wall. When one gets close to it, one sees that those bricks are laid in and out so that they cast tiny shadows and give a depth of texture to the wall. One wonders why sounds reverberate so magnificently and finds out that the architect did careful planning, making use of the mathematical laws of acoustics. It is possible to reduce serenity to mathematics. We can accomplish these moods not by prayer alone, though the architect may have prayed about it. It is possible to use management of known principles in the creation of a church without rendering it banal or ugly.

We ought not permit the meaning of the term "experience" to be confined within the brackets of one’s own existence. The meaning of experience is a poor and haggard thing if it refers only to what has happened to me. The meaning of education and of culture is that we live vicariously a thousand other lives, and all that has happened to human beings, things that have been recorded not by my experience but by the experience of others, become a second life, and a third, and so on. I’m annoyed by those who define experience by saying, "Well, I haven’t met it yet; it hasn’t happened to me. Therefore, it has no authority." I would be a poor person if the only things I knew were what I have found out for myself.

Through great poetry and drama and essays I have experienced things that my own bracketed life never permitted me to experience firsthand. I have sailed the seas with Captain Ahab in Moby Dick. I have lived in a hundred strange places with Ernest Hemingway and Nathaniel Hawthorne. By reading Joseph Conrad, a particular favorite of mine, I have learned something of the horror of estrangement, alienation and the life-destroying energies of loneliness.

I have known how to comprehend my own moral embarrassment by the magnificent achievement of Shakespeare’s Hamlet. In Othello and Macbeth I have known something of human terror, to which the fairly pleasant and confined limits of my life gave me no access. Hamlet and King Claudius and Gertrude are more real than real, because they are the compressed essence of every king, and every queen, and every titled person before a moral problem. They are the fine essence of human reality. They are truth.

Traditional musical settings had a variety of forms, but they were all characterized by gravity. I am not sure you can be grave with the time beat this generation likes. I remember an old Sam Johnson statement that the jollity of the clergy much displeased him. Well, much contemporary liturgy is just too jolly! In the Christian faith there is certainly a mood of celebration and thanksgiving. But when one gets beyond the age of 25 or so, the celebrative mood is no longer adequate to one’s deepening awareness of life’s ambiguities. The God of our worship is indeed Lord of the dance; but there are nondanceable requirements that he is obliged to satisfy. So this jollification of the liturgy, this bounciness of the musical lines, is an appropriate mode for some occasions; it is bitterly inappropriate for others.

I am not here appealing for mordancy. Nor do I believe that the Gregorian chant is the necessary model for all liturgical music, but I am violently protesting against it disappearance. The old stance of the church that floats with a timeless, high impersonality -- this is the very essence of the Christian God-relationship. This was before I was; this will be when I am gone. God’s initiative toward me does not hang on the vagaries of my subjectivity. There is something in the old chants of the church that brought a necessary, audible balance to the self-incurvature of contemporary Christianity, and I very much lament its loss.

The problem of God -- whether or not God is and what is his disposition toward human creatures, and what God’s intent is in nature, history and human life -- pops up under a million labels, all the way from Wallace Stevens to Joyce Carol Oates. The problem of God eludes human labels, but God clearly does not fall simply within the confines of religious discussion.

The force of the feminist movement would be greatly strengthened if its contemporary vehemence was more deeply rooted in the larger and older chorus that cried out against earlier injustice.

There’s something in the mood of our culture that hates that. We want to hurry up and get to what something means to the individual. But this notion presents a serious danger for the true meaning of any important text -- biblical, literary or otherwise. The text had a particular meaning before I saw it, and it will continue to mean that after I have seen it. It expresses an intention that is meant to be heard by all, not interpreted according to any one individual’s preferences or biases.

Recently I spoke with Walter Holtcamp, Jr., who now runs the company, about those early days when we sought above everything to get clarity in the organ tone so that there wasn’t a big sonorous romantic mush but clear voices to articulate the polyphonic music of the period of Bach and Buxtehude. "Well," he said, "I’ve got news for you! They don’t even want clarity anymore. The new generation wants mush. The more romantic and mushy you can make it, the better they like it."

This evoked a deep sadness in me, but I won’t try to understand it. The older I get, the fewer things I understand. Some of you may have heard of the response from a famous literary figure who, upon the acceptance of a prestigious award near the end of his life, was asked to make a brief statement. He said: "I’m an old man; it’s a strange world; I don’t understand a damn thing." The older I get the more sympathy I have with this sentiment.

Education as Furniture and Propellant

I am interested in education particularly from the standpoint of the deep sadness I feel when seeing students in theological declamations from the very day they are ordained. They will never know as much theology as they do in their senior year of seminary. Ten years later their general culture has been localized; their reading has been vastly diminished; their effort to understand what is going on in principal fields of inquiry -- New Testament, church history, theology-is in many cases nonexistent. In places where I have been asked to help in adult education, I have tested this observation by bluntly putting a question to the group: "How many of you have read a New Testament introduction since you left the seminary?" Fewer than 10 per cent will raise a hand.

In the ministry we somehow have the feeling that the intellectual, historical and literary part of our preparation is something that can be deposited in us, or stuffed into us, in a period of three or four years; and we presume to run a whole lifetime on the original tankful.

When suddenly I had the job dropped in my lap of teaching Christian ethics, I had never read an entire textbook on the topic, and I knew it was too late to start scrounging around through 10 or 12 such books.

So I thought of a way to make the whole process of ethical thinking concrete. I selected four or five pieces of contemporary literature having ethical problems as themes, and then dismissed the class to read. I remember I gave the students Conrad's Lord Jim, Hemingway's The Old Man and the Sea, a series of short stories by Chekhov, Ibsen's The Master Builder and Arthur Miller's Death of a Salesman. The dramatic content of these works revolves around a moral core: a moral problem, a failure, an act of dishonor or betrayal, a vague sense of a meaningless life.

Having read the material, the students were ready to hear me talk about ethics and what canons of obedience are appropriate for the Christian message. I didn't have to spark interest in the ethical questions; that was done by the artists.

I would use the same approach for continuing education. That is, don't start off simply with lectures, but find some way to evoke the kind of question that requires a better answer than the students have received from their earlier education. For instance, why not send out reprints of a case study that concludes with an agonizing problem in medical ethics about whether to prolong life or let die. Ask, "At what point is the problem ethical, Christian? What has God got to do with the matter?" This is real education.

There are few things more futile than answering questions no one is asking. When I am called on to do two or three evenings with a group of people, whenever I know far enough ahead, I say to the inviter, "If you will have your people read a couple of things I will send you, then I will come." Otherwise, I come and am expected to be a kind of high-level entertainer. Well, I have enough debts, and my rent is steep enough that I would gladly take the money for it, but I don't feel good about it. The people are not sitting there open, precise, sharpened-up to hear someone address a pressing question.

People do not always respond as I might wish. For example, I was once asked by a group of pastors to discuss Reginald Fuller's The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives and responses to it. And I said, "I will not come unless you promise, every last one of you, to read Reginald Fuller" (this was months ahead of the event). The group inviting me had about 90 members, but only about 40 said they would read the book. (I went anyway.) However, the 40 who said they would do it -- and did -- spent a day in discussion and then wanted another. It was a real educational experience for them. I served in the capacity of ink; they were the blotter.

How can one's college years be spent in such a way that they are not a period of diminishment from religious understanding or a laming of true piety? Most students at our denominational schools have come from families in which, with greater or lesser intensity, the Christian tradition has been represented. In college a student presumably multiplies his or her person, joins the human race, moves away from a province into a great world. These are years of growth in which the individual progresses from a personally centered idea of the self into a notion of selfhood that is constituted by a vaster and profounder world than he or she knew as a child. The college years should indeed offer the opportunity for such opening outward.

Now while this growth is taking place, the whole religious tradition comes under scrutiny; in fact, it often comes under such scrutiny as leads to its rejection. Often this happens because the student's religious tradition may not seem able to keep pace in its intellectual structure with what he or she is learning in college. During such a period, what a student's intellectual maturation demands is an expanding doctrine of God. The simpler doctrine of God that is rightly and necessarily the one we learn as children remains tightly enfolded within the language, within categories that are simply incapable of filling the space of one's growing intellectual experience.

However, neither lamentation nor castigation of the students is the right way to get at the problem. The way to do that is to ask the faculty to come together to talk about theological enrichment and growth in theological discourse. In fact, these teachers were probably victims of the same circumstances during their own college years.

I meet many faculty people who, despite the enormously sophisticated research they do, are living with an adolescent or childhood notion of God, which is seemingly unable to open any discourse with their learned discipline. Therefore they simply create a compartment. On Sunday they are devout, pious Christians. During the rest of the week they are physicists, chemists, biologists or whatnot, and there is no intersection or crossover among the categories in which they live.

Fundamentally, one cannot live in this fragmented way. One may seem to bring it off. But the first result of these sealed compartments of discourse is that one's own area of specialty suffers. Second, the interior stress creates an intolerable personality tension (one which I have sensed in many of my university colleagues).

Thus the church-related college and its faculty must make conscious efforts to incorporate high-level theological study into the institution's general curriculum. For, indeed, the Christian faith is entirely capable of the ever more capacious interpretation that can parallel a student's or a teacher's expanding needs and understandings.

Wherever did we get the idea that only the "childish" is available or accessible to children? Where did we get the notion that only the absurdly reduced symbol is open to the child's imagination? We teach the children to sing "This is my Father's world," which is a good theological statement, but then we follow it up with little stories about the pansies and the kitty cats. Children can also know something beyond playthings.

Students eventually come to us at the seminary in such a riddled condition, with such an inadequate theology, because we have not thought the growing child's mind capable of including larger references to the meaning of the Word of God and the church.

Our humane education has shriveled under the pressure of our bureaucratic obligations. Our humanity itself becomes bureaucratized, routinized. This shrinkage of our educated and clerical humanity is one of the most discouraging aspects of my life. It is not that I expect the clergy to become theologians in the professional sense, though every ordained one should be a theologian. Nor do I expect them to be great scholars. But I do expect them to be alive human beings; and I do not find this aliveness in proper intensity among many of today's improperly educated clergy.

When I refer to intellectual content, I do not mean big words. For example, consider St. Augustine's sentence, "Thou has made us for thyself, 0 Lord; and our hearts are restless until they rest in thee." That is not incomprehensible to anyone. But how many preachers might reach or explore the depths of it with the common people? I preach to congregations of working people as much as I do to those at colleges and universities. And I preach the same sermons. I might use illustrative material that is more appropriate and intelligible and evocative here than there, but the content of the thought is the same. By intellectual I do not mean abstract, multi syllabic, cerebrally impenetrable. I mean reflective -- articulating the way something is. That can actually be done very simply.

If you ask me what makes a good teacher, I can tell you that he or she gives off the notion, "What I'm talking about is enormously important and alluring and exciting, and I wish you knew more about it." When that happens in a classroom, there is something worthwhile going on.

I remember a great, great teacher I once knew. He was a little, wispy, absentminded fellow who taught Romantic and Victorian poetry. The rest of the faculty regarded him as somewhat odd, and he was. He was so wrapped up in 19th-century pastoral poetry that he didn't pay much attention to grades. Therefore all the football players took his courses.

One day I sat in on one of his classes. At the end of the period, the professor said, in his soft voice, "Next Friday, gentlemen, you will have read when you come to my class, 'The Intimations of Immortality,' by Wordsworth. I wish you to come with your minds gloriously adorned." The funny thing was that those hulking, generally not-too-bright football players made the effort. For the man took the students more seriously than they took themselves. He didn't see why a fellow who was a tackle on Saturday shouldn't love Wordsworth. He invested his students with his confidence and the possibility that Wordsworth is every person's possession. This is teaching at its best.

College faculty should be educated persons. This is often not the case. Many of them are trained -- not educated. You can train dogs to jump, and you can train people to report what is going on in chemistry and transmit that information. But education means training the mind to unfold to the multiple facets of human existence with some appreciation, eagerness and joy. It is, in essence, the opposite of being dull. We've got plenty of trained, dull people on our faculties, but not many educated people.

Making Theology Central in Theological Education

Theology has been in a state of disarray since the passing of the theological giants of the so-called neo-orthodox movement. The discipline has been characterized by a dizzying diversity, and practitioners of the craft have too often been attracted to fleeting intellectual fads. There has been little agreement among theologians about the sources, norms and critical standards of the discipline. Methodological disputes have flourished, but no consensus has yet emerged from among the contending parties. In light of this confusing situation it is no surprise that theology continues to play a marginal role in American intellectual life and that theologians have little influence on debates about our public affairs. Indeed, it appears that theologians exert a diminishing influence within the life of American churches as well.

If theology is to regain its status as a significant intellectual and practical activity within the church, the university and our broader cultural and public life, then seminaries and divinity schools will have to give renewed attention to this venerable but threatened discipline. The restoration of theology would greatly enrich the cultural, intellectual and spiritual life of our society, and it would help overcome the gap between the academic and the ministerial, between the scholarly and the pastoral, that so bedevils American theological education.

Theological education has traditionally been organized around a fourfold curriculum which makes a familiar distinction between theory and practice. In this curriculum, three disciplines represent the theoretical side of the dichotomy (biblical studies, church history and systematic theology), while practical theology represents the task-oriented program providing the requisite skills for those preparing for the professional ministry.

The theory/practice distinction has dominated theological curricula since the founding of independent divinity schools and seminaries in the early 19th century. Prior to that time, theological training was simply an integral part of university education. University students were instructed in classical languages, rhetoric and grammar, and natural philosophy—studies that prepared the students for a better grasp of God’s revelation within Scripture and the natural world.

By the beginning of the 19th century, however, natural philosophy had given way to the natural sciences and a new understanding of critical reason emerged, one that did not so easily support the faith and piety that undergirded studies in divinity. By the time separate programs of graduate ministerial studies were established, it was not self-evident that theological training ought to be a fundamental aspect of a general university education. Training in divinity was no longer essential to those studies constituting a liberal education but had become the course of studies appropriate for those entering into a specific profession, the Christian ministry. Thus, precisely as the ministry gained professional status, the intellectual justification for theological education became blurred.

The fourfold curriculum offered a means of relating theological education both to theoretical developments within cognate fields of the university, and to the practical demands of ministry. But as questions of faith, commitment and value became increasingly alien to "objective" critical studies, the internal connection between theology and practice was severed. The so-called theoretical fields have developed into discreet disciplines with their own professional societies and journals; and the technical, specialized research emerging from these disciplines has little or no relevance for ministry in religious communities. At the same time, practical studies, unleashed from their theoretical counterparts, have become in their own way technical and specialized, focusing, on the technical skills of communication or counseling or administration. Insights for these courses are often borrowed from the related professional fields of communications or psychology or business administration, and their theological and religious aims and rationale have begun to disappear. The final consequence of the separation of theory and practice is the detheologizing of divinity school and seminary education.

It is scarcely surprising, then, that seminary and divinity school students complain that practical courses lack intellectual rigor and that scholarly courses seem irrelevant to their vocational and professional goals. The classical fourfold curriculum creates an enormous gap between the academic and practical aspects of a ministerial curriculum. Just as important, this standard curriculum eliminates theology from the core of both practical and academic studies. Theology as a theoretical discipline appears disconnected from the skills needed to be a successful parish pastor. Theology as an inquiry emerging from faith and piety appears to lack the marks of an impartial and critical discipline.

In order to address the problem of integration, we need to reassess the capacity of theology to unify theory and practice, critical studies and pastoral concerns. In particular we need to address three closely related issues. First, in what sense is seminary and divinity school education genuinely theological? Second, how is theology, rightly understood, a critical discipline, and how might it serve to unite the various aspects of our curricula? And finally, what do we mean by ministerial studies, and how are such courses to be integrated into a critical theological education?

We can begin addressing these issues by articulating a broader and more inclusive understanding of theology. We need to recover a sense of theology as a generic term, describing not simply one discipline among others but the common task in which we are all engaged. whether in biblical studies, constructive theology or comparative religion. Theology, rightly conceived, is a communal, formative and critical activity that can serve both as the integrative factor in seminary teaching, and as a key link to the rest of the university and the wider society. That is a rather sweeping claim, so let me highlight each of the elements within this definition.

Theology is a communal activity. Theology has traditionally been understood as the product of religious communities. Yet the notion of community that has undergirded that view has been narrow and exclusive. Among modern theologians the community of faith has been essentially defined as the community of elite, male, Anglo-European clerics. The effects of this narrow definition of community have been manifold. Women and people of color have been effectively eliminated from the conversation that serves to define the nature and goals of the community. Theological discourse has become the language of elites, with little relevance either for church congregations or for the broader secularized society. The marginalization of theology within our culture has been aided and abetted by this narrow definition of the community of faith.

During the past two decades, various liberation movements have demanded greater inclusiveness within religious communities. These movements have met with partial success, and religious communities have certainly become far more diverse. Nonetheless, traditional patterns of domination and subjugation continue to reign within religious and educational institutions, and so the situation of traditionally disadvantaged groups remains precarious. That is why the kind of community that exists at theological institutions is so important. The tradition of open and unbiased inquiry should be extended to include voices not previously heard in academic and theological conversations.

One important benefit of living in a diverse and occasionally cacophonous environment is that it guards us against a false ideal of community. Too often we think a community means a group of people who share a common history and a set of well-defined beliefs and aims. While members of a community must have some aims in common, their diversity and disagreements are signs that they are a vibrant community. True communities are, in philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre’s useful phrase, "historically extended, socially embodied arguments"—arguments precisely about the aims and goods the community should seek. Theological thinking within such a community is inescapably temporal. Theology is a thoroughly historical discipline, which does its work in the midst of communities and their traditions. Such a theology acknowledges the diversity of faith’s expressions and the pluralistic environment within which that faith must operate. It sees temporality as a crucial dimension of faith, and it accepts the culturally conditioned character of all human knowledge (including the knowledge of faith) as a sign that the transcendent God has become incarnate in human history and culture. Theology, then, is the discourse by which the arguments of these diverse perspectives are voiced.

Communities of the sort I am describing are constituted by the practices in which their people are engaged. A divinity school or seminary community is defined by its practices in a double sense. First, it is engaged directly in the practices constitutive of theological education—the transmittal of knowledge, the development of the capacities required for critical inquiry, the formation of skills for ministry, and the nurturing of the virtues of honesty and integrity that are essential to serious academic work. Second, it is influenced indirectly by those practices characteristic of the broad range of ministries for which students are preparing. The requirements of ministry are constantly shifting, and we must seek to respond as best we can to those changing demands.

Theology is a formative activity. Theology is a peculiar form of cognitive reflection, for its goal is not simply the expansion of knowledge. Theology has a quite practical goal—what I would call the formation of religious identity.

It is a commonplace to observe that human identity is formed within the matrix of roles and structures that constitute a society. Our identities are formed as we identify with the various social forms that bestow meaning on a society and its participants. Religious communities have traditionally played an important role in identity formation, a role sufficiently central to socialization in Western cultures that Kant and Schleiermacher could still argue, in the 19th century, for the social necessity of religion.

More recently, religious communities have exercised only marginal influence in the broader socialization process and have had a decreasing impact on the formation of their own members. There are surely multiple causes of this phenomenon, but one major factor has been the separation of theology from the communities and practices that form religious identity and character. It is not surprising that communities cut off from the critical and reflective guidance of theology have become aimless and uncertain. Nor is it surprising that theology, cut off from communities of practice, has become the esoteric discourse of academic elites.

Theology must once again become an activity forming religious identity and character. For it to play that role, theologians must be engaged in reflection upon religious practices. Some of those practices will be located within religious communities, while others may be broadly distributed within society. Theologians need to attend both to the practices of congregations—worship, preaching and counseling, for example—and to societal practices that have religious and moral dimensions—political discourse, public-policy decisions, behavior in the professions. By analyzing the structures and language of those practices, theologians can identify the basic convictions that operate within them and seek to subject them to analysis and criticism. In so doing, theologians can then seek to contribute to the reformation of those practices and of the human identities shaped within them. In that activity, theology can make a direct contribution to the ways in which human beings actually live out their lives.

The demands of contemporary ministry are exceedingly complex, and seminaries and divinity schools cannot possibly equip students with every practical skill they will need. They can, however, provide a broad-based theological education that will help develop the qualities of mind and character that clergy will need in an increasingly complex and pluralistic world. They can equip students with the intellectual and personal flexibility they will require for the challenges they will face.

These observations lead me then to my final point: theology is a critical activity. I have already indicated that I understand theology to be critical reflection on religious practices. If theology is to be a truly critical inquiry, then the standards according to which theologians make their critical judgments must be articulated. Given the current diversity within divinity school and seminary communities, and the broad range of practices for which our students are preparing, the task of reaching consensus about our critical standards will not be easy. But as we begin to build theological faculties for the 21st century, we must ask some hard questions about the future of theology. How can we continue to diversify theological education while developing rigorous standards of excellence? How can theology continue to serve the needs of the churches while it addresses broader social, cultural and political questions? How might theology contribute to the revitalization of the churches precisely as it assumes this broader, more ambitious agenda? These and other questions about the intellectual integrity of the theological disciplines can easily be set aside as we face the more imminent challenges of recruitment, placement and finances. But we must face these perplexing intellectual issues if we hope to secure a future for theological reflection.

Discussion of the criteria of a truly critical theology can be an important contribution to the university-wide reflection on the nature of a liberal education. As we develop our conception of theology as a critical discipline, we have an opportunity to raise new queries about the relation between the descriptive and the normative, and between the critical and the moral dimensions of human understanding. In so doing we can contribute to the ongoing discussion about the moral applications of critical thinking, but we can also pose fresh questions about the fiduciary and moral presuppositions inherent in all critical inquiry.

By moving in the directions I have outlined, we could make a major contribution not only to the coherence of theological curricula but also to theological education more generally. Theology, understood as critical reflection on religious practices, can serve an indispensable integrative function within our divinity school and seminary curricula. The relation between the study of ancient Near Eastern cultures and the practice of preaching, for example, needs to be given theological articulation. The significance of the study of Judaism, Buddhism or Islam for the practice of Christian ministry needs to be highlighted through theological reflection. The justification for public-policy studies within a religious curriculum must be given in theological categories. As we seek to offer those theological reflections, we will discover a new and more inclusive notion of theology emerging—a notion of theology that may once again engage the attention of the wider society as well as that of the church.

 

Pluralism and Consensus: Why Mainline Church Mission Budgets Are in Trouble

The good news was headlined in an October 1976 news release: “Increased Church Giving Reported by National Council of Churches.” The average member in 42 denominations gave a record $137.09 to the church in 1975. The bad news was tucked away three paragraphs down: when adjusted to 1976 dollars (to compensate for inflation) the average 1975 contribution was worth only $85.04 -- down almost 1 per cent from the 1974 similarly adjusted average contribution of $86.09.

It was not a one-shot decline. A 1975 study of philanthropic giving in the U.S. found that giving to churches has been declining steadily for years. An overall drop in philanthropic giving -- both in proportion to the gross national product and absolutely in constant, uninflated dollars -- is accounted for almost entirely by decreased giving to religious organizations. Between the years 1964 and 1974, religious contributions dropped from 49.4 per cent to 43.1 per cent of the total (Giving in America: Toward a Stronger Voluntary Sector [Commission on Private Philanthropy and Public Needs, 1975], pp. 70-71).

This trend, distressing enough in itself, is further complicated by a shift in the way churches have been allocating their declining revenues. More and more money is kept and spent by local congregations. More and more of what is left after the congregation meets its own needs is kept reasonably close to home, in the diocese, presbytery, state convention or conference. The once-powerful central denominational headquarters have fallen on hard times.

A 1975 study conducted by the Office of Review and Evaluation of the Presbyterian Church, U.S., showed that within that denomination, when three factors are combined -- the effect of inflation, the larger share kept by the local church, and the larger share sent to regional units (presbyteries) -- the real income of national church agencies is less than half of what it was ten years ago (Minutes of the 116th General Assembly [Presbyterian Church, U.S., 1976], p. 117).

Organizational restructurings have been endemic within the major denominations. The urge to restructure grows out of a number of factors -- not least the churches’ infatuation with “organizational development” and an optimistic hope that structural change can solve deep-rooted problems. But far more than the reorganizers have realized, they may have been responding to increasing financial pressures, which in turn are symptomatic of some deeper changes. There is increasing evidence that these changes may signal a major shift in the pattern of American church life.

The Corporatizing of America

American society is characterized by what sociologist Ted Mills has called “creeping corporatism” (“ ‘Creeping Corporatism’ vs. Rising Entitlements,” Harvard Business Review, November-December 1976). The individual American has less and less opportunity for personal initiative and for impact on his or her environment. Nearly all major social structures have in this century become huge, technologically sophisticated, bureaucratic entities. They appear to have taken on a life of their own, independent of the collective will of those who organized them, support them, or make up the membership.

The self-evident model is government. Whether anyone or anything -- a president, an administration. a political movement -- can assume real control of the federal government and significantly change its inexorable course became a hotly debated issue during the 1976 presidential campaign. Many citizens have given up; they are resigned to a government so massive, so powerful, so self-perpetuating, that it is impervious to the will of voters, or even presidents.

But government is not the only social structure that has become corporatized. Businesses, labor unions, military services, educational institutions, professional societies, charitable organizations -- even farms -- have followed the same course. And churches are no exception. In part, the process has been a function of sheer size. American social structures are characteristically big. They are made up of -- or deal with -- huge numbers of people, sums of money, quantities of goods.

Bureaucratic organization is not inherently evil. As Max Weber, the pioneer sociologist who first described the characteristics of bureaucracies, pointed out, they are designed to make organizations rational and just through written rules fairly applied to all and through standardized procedures. They are organized to achieve goals, to operate efficiently, and to base internal policies on merit and competence rather than capricious favoritism (The Theory of Social and Economic Organization [Oxford University Press, 1947], pp. 324-340). But perhaps for these very reasons, bureaucratic organizations are less responsive to individuals than to internal rules and “standard operating procedures.”

Advanced technology is another characteristic of corporatized social structures. Ever larger numbers of people are bureaucratically managed, controlled or serviced ever more efficiently by sophisticated electronic data processing. More important, the corporatized structures appear to be relatively impervious to attempts to influence or change them.

The Search for Self-Fulfillment

But as Mills points out, alongside the creeping corporatism -- and at least partially in response to it -- a countervailing trend has developed. Americans are looking ever more insistently for personal satisfaction. Sociologist Daniel Bell has referred to a “revolution of rising entitlements,” characterized by a search for personal control, a loss of respect for authority, and an insistent egalitarianism. The capturing of this mood may have been the most important clue to the winning of the U.S. presidency in 1976 by a relatively unknown governor of a southern state.

The focal point of the revolution of rising entitlements is the self. The movement has been called the ‘new narcissism.” Cults and therapies for the self-centered, devoted to self-development, self-fulfillment and self-actualization, have popped up like mushrooms, finding fertile ground even in churches. Varieties of formalized ‘‘assertiveness training’’ have surfaced. Numbers of community political groups have recaptured local schools from educational bureaucracies. Priests’ organizations have issued challenges to Roman Catholic bishops. “Rightsmanship” is practiced by minorities and other groups who have felt themselves to be oppressed: women, blacks, Chicanos, Indians, homosexuals, ethnics. Separatist movements grab headlines, win elections or launch revolutions. The traditional American order is reversed as “smallness” becomes more treasured than ‘bigness.” A century-old population trend is reversed, as people leave the cities and rural areas become the growth centers. Urbanologists call for planned shrinkage. A Ralph Nader becomes a folk hero, and E. F. Schumacher’s book Small Is Beautiful becomes a cult bible.

It is in the context of a society dominated by these two movements -- huge bureaucratic organizations in collision with a mood of personal assertiveness -- that what is happening to the churches must be seen. Mainline Protestant churches have become as corporatized as any other major social structure. National-level bureaucracies have suffered forced attrition in the past few years, but regional structures have been growing, and the bureaucratic spirit extends even to the staffs and the newly elaborate organizational set-ups of local congregations.

Classic Patterns of Mission and Giving

It is helpful to remember that the corporatization of denominations has not significantly affected what was historically the basis of their existence as churches. Forms of church government have remained relatively unchanged. Bishops, presbyteries and associations have carried on their traditional roles as guardians of faith and order. Conflicts have been adjudicated. The clergy have been called, ordained and disciplined. Theological standards have been debated.

Corporatized structures have been developed to produce and market the “product” of church life: “Christian mission.” Christian faith has always led to some kind of action: nourishing the Christian community, spreading the faith, teaching the young, feeding the hungry, healing the sick, challenging evil, changing society.

For most of Christian history, this kind of missional activity has been voluntary and has taken place outside the formal church governmental structures. Voluntary missional activity has always depended on activists who do the work, and money-givers who support it. The historic pattern has been one in which the activists, with the approval of church authorities, have gone directly to the members to arouse enthusiasm, enlist support and collect funds.

The Roman Catholic Church developed admirable structures for carrying out these missional activities in the various lay and priestly religious orders. These have been permitted to be self-governing internally. Teaching orders, missionary orders, charitable and serving orders could focus on their own particular missional interests, and they have had free access to church members to develop support and collect funds.

The Protestant equivalent of the Roman Catholic order, as a structure for voluntary mission activity, has been the voluntary association. Most early mission associations were not formally related to churches, and their support was interdenominational. William G. McLoughlin, in tracing the history of Protestant philanthropy, notes that in the early years the American population was so overwhelmingly Protestant and the climate of social thought so pervaded by a religious tone that it is impossible to separate public from Protestant philanthropic efforts. In the 18th century, the multitude of charitable societies had no nationwide pattern. “Virtually all were local in origin and function, and a large percentage of them were denominational in origin and backing,” says McLoughlin. In the 19th century the most significant change was the gradual development of statewide and national societies. They were interdenominational, and they came to be dominated by laity, rather than by the clergy who often founded them (“Changing Patterns of Protestant Philanthropy, 1607-1969,” in The Religious Situation 1969, edited by Donald R. Cutler [Beacon, 1969], pp. 538-614).

Even the most “churchly” forms of mission -- religious education and the spreading of the gospel at home and abroad -- developed under nonchurch auspices. The history of the nondenominational Sunday school societies and foreign mission societies is well known. As denominationally related committees and boards began to replace the independent societies in the latter half of the 19th century, to provide programs of publication and education, foreign and domestic mission, they remained separate from church governmental structures. They were largely autonomous groups within the denominations, cultivating their own constituencies, raising their own funds with denominational cooperation, and carrying out their various kinds of mission.

The Flaw in the Unified Budget

Over a period of years, denominational governing structures have gradually assumed more and more control over the formerly autonomous mission agencies. Various activities have been drawn together into “one mission.” Unified budgets have been stressed. Agencies have been discouraged from going directly to the people to raise money for particular causes. Denominational bureaucrats have been given control of the allocation and spending of funds.

The development of corporatized denominational structures is a 20th century phenomenon. It did not reach full flower until after World War II. It has promoted a generalized “mission of the church” and has brought holistic planning, trained specialists, and overall coordination by skilled managers. At its best, this approach to mission has been impressive indeed. It has achieved a breadth of planning, a level of efficiency, a utilization of specialized expertise, and a concentration of efforts unequaled in previous church history.

Corporatization of mission has paralleled the flowering of the ecumenical movement. Unified budgets have included substantial support for “ecumenical agencies.” These agencies in turn have developed their own bureaucracies. Corporatized mission of mainline Protestant churches is probably best symbolized by its skyscraper monument in New York city, the Interchurch Center at 475 Riverside Drive. But corporatized mission began to collapse even before it was fully developed. Funds began to dry up before corporate headquarters buildings were paid for, and bureaucracies began to shrink even as “priority strategies” proliferated. The collapse was probably due chiefly to one basic flaw: the failure to take full account of the fact that churches are voluntary organizations.

The Power of the Purse String

To say that churches are voluntary organizations is not to deny their special character as the Body of Christ, established by God through the work of the Holy Spirit. It is not to claim that they are only voluntary organizations. Theologically and transcendently, they are far more. But humanly speaking (which is another way of saying “sociologically”), they are clearly voluntary organizations. Membership is entirely optional. Financial support comes from voluntary contributions. The level of participation is up to the individual member. Churches are groups of like-minded persons, banded together by common consent to achieve common goals.

Corporatized organizations are by nature unresponsive to the individual’s search for control over his or her environment. They often devote a great deal of bureaucratic attention to responsiveness, but their programmed attempts to be personal -- computer-printed solicitations addressed to Mr. Board O. Education and mechanically typed form letters automatically signed with “Warm personal regards” -- come across as phony, and are as likely to enrage as to placate the frustrated recipients. And voluntary organizations are highly vulnerable targets for rage and frustration.

Most corporate structures are implacable. Taxes are as inevitable as death. One can only sigh and submit when the last appeal procedure confirms the original ruling by an officious GS-6 that one is ineligible for a benefit, or when the insurance company insists that the fine print excludes one’s own kind of accident. It is easier to pay the bill, even if it is incorrect, after the 12th computer-printed threatening note. But there is one exception to the helplessness of persons facing corporate giants. In voluntary organizations individuals can make their impact felt, through the power of the purse string.

All major voluntary organizations have to some extent been corporatized, and some have done so without suffering loss of income or incurring constituency distrust. In general, those that have not suffered fall into one of two categories: (1) organizations that limit their efforts to one narrowly defined field, with a specialized appeal and a special interest constituency (for example, the American Cancer Society or the Boy Scouts), or (2) organizations that depend on small contributions from large numbers of people who contribute out of generalized goodwill or employer pressure, and who are not deeply concerned about what happens in the organizations. United Fund or Community Chest drives capitalize on this dynamic, and some of the agencies so supported go their own way, relatively independent of the desires of the “volunteers” who support them but know little about them. The fund-raising effort itself reaps the benefits of highly corporatized efficiency, and most of the gifts are given without much sense of personal involvement.

Pluralism and Consensus

The mainline churches, in contrast, are inclusive and pluralistic. They cannot focus their endeavors narrowly, since the missional interests of the members cover a wide range of activities, some of them mutually contradictory. Furthermore, their members care deeply. In this respect, they cannot be regarded only as human voluntary organizations, since the motivation behind their missional activities -- and the deep caring -- has transcendent sources.

The “mainline” denominations are sometimes described as liberal, but they are not so much liberal as pluralistic, since all of them include within their membership a wide range of social, ethical and theological perspectives. (The acceptance of pluralism may in itself, of course, be a “liberal” attitude.) More conservative denominations, in contrast, operate with a high level of internal consensus. Dean M. Kelley, in his perceptive analysis Why Conservative Churches Are Growing (Harper & Row, 1972), ascribes the relatively prosperous state of these denominations to their focus on a historically indispensable function of religion, that of giving meaning to life. He also credits the strength of their commitment and discipline, and their strictness.

Dean R. Hoge, in an extremely helpful book on the present status of mainline Protestantism, Division in the Protestant House (Westminster, 1976), does much to illuminate the absence of consensus and its effect on mission in these denominations. He points to the presence of two basic theological parties. Building on the work of Martin E. Marty (Righteous Empire: The Protestant Experience in America) and David O. Moberg (The Great Reversal: Evangelism vs. Social Concern), he calls these “Public Protestants” and “Private Protestants,” and then adds an additional insight: that the striking characteristic of the contemporary situation is the “collapse of the middle” -- the absence of a large group of moderates to bridge the two extremes.

Supporting theory with empirical analysis, Hoge shows that the two parties differ strikingly in their mission priorities. The Public Protestants -- theologically liberal, socially optimistic, and reflecting the scientific humanist world view of the contemporary university -- place the highest priority on issues of national social reform, injustice, and local social problems. They are least interested in personal evangelism -- locally, in the United States and overseas. The priorities of Private Protestants -- theologically conservative, pessimistic about the possibilities for social change, and reflecting the classic evangelical Christian world view -- are exactly opposite. They are most concerned about personal evangelism and least concerned for social action (Hoge, pp. 74-91). When consensus exists that a particular task should be undertaken, any religious group, large or small, will have little difficulty doing it, and that it is done through a corporatized structure will arouse little or no resentment.

The Southern Baptists, a large denomination, can for two reasons maintain massive denominational missional activities without the level of financial backlash experienced by mainline churches. First, a remarkably high level of consensus exists, for a denomination with few controls or sanctions. There is generally a high level of strictness and internal discipline in the local congregation, but very little at other church levels. Nevertheless, the rapid growth of the denomination in a period when mainline churches are declining has added members who share a similar theological and social perspective, and the system is held together by this consensus. Second, the missional activities are supported directly by congregations which back particular enterprises, with no attempt by a denominational structure to exercise central control over the congregation’s allocation of funds. The Foreign Mission Board is supported directly by those who believe in and contribute to foreign missions. It is the classic Protestant pattern of a voluntary association within the denomination to carry out a particular kind of mission activity.

Internal Groupings and Shared Commitments

Lon L. Fuller, in an insightful analysis of voluntary organizations, has shown that two basic principles hold such organizations together: shared commitment and a legal principle -- a constitution, bylaws, established existence. (Acknowledgment of the lordship of Christ and experience of the transcendent dimension of church life would be the basis of the shared commitment, but also one of the most important elements of the “legal principle” in church organizations.) Both principles, says Fuller, are present in almost all voluntary organizations. Such organizations tend to move from the first principle to the second (the “routinization of charisma,” in Weber’s analysis). Organizations dominated by the first principle -- shared commitment -- cannot tolerate internal groupings. But when dominated by the legal principle, voluntary organizations not only can tolerate but in fact need internal groupings based on deeply shared commitment (“Two Principles of Human Association,” in Voluntary Associations, edited by J. Roland Pennock and John W. Chapman [Atherton, 1969], pp. 3-23).

Internal groupings are often provided within pluralistic denominations by local congregations, which tend to be relatively homogeneous. The voluntary-association principle is strongly at work as persons choose a congregation with which to affiliate; they usually select a like-minded group. While some diversity is present in every congregation, knowledgeable church people in any city can identify particular local churches as “liberal” or “conservative,” “missionary-minded” or “social activist.” Individuals with strong convictions can make their presence felt in the congregation; as a last resort they can (and often do) move their membership to a more congenial congregation.

The difference between consensus denominations and pluralistic denominations is illustrated by the two most recent schisms in American Protestantism. In 1973 a group of congregations left the Presbyterian Church, U.S., to form the Presbyterian Church in America. The schism had been resisted for years by the pluralistic Southern Presbyterians, with a series of compromises, study groups and movements aimed at reconciliation. The 1976 schism in the Lutheran Church -- Missouri Synod grew out of the opposite dynamic. It was in effect initiated by the denomination’s hierarchy through disciplinary steps and the application of sanctions, in an effort to resist pluralism and to maintain the Missouri Synod’s historic high level of consensus.

In voluntary organizations, a highly corporatized central structure is not likely to work unless a clear consensus exists. Reasonably unanimous commitment to a single set of goals, clearly understood and generally supported, is the sine qua non. It is a curious anomaly in American church life that it is precisely those inclusive, pluralistic denominations without a clear consensus which have gone furthest in corporatizing their denominational structures!

Coming to Terms with Voluntarism

Churches enjoy an enormous advantage over other voluntary organizations in that they are not just voluntary organizations. They are the beneficiaries of a huge reservoir of commitment to the church -- not because of its agreed-upon goals, not because it is a well-run organization, not because it meets all its members’ needs, but because it is the church, divinely established, the Body of Christ on earth. Predictions in the volatile ‘60s that the institutional church would wither away proved to be extraordinarily wrong-headed. The churches are here to stay.

But that does not necessarily mean that corporatized denominational mission structures are here to stay. If the foregoing analysis is correct, they are in serious trouble. Many Christians will continue to give simply to “the church” -- whether or not they agree with denominational priorities -- out of a generalized sense of loyalty and commitment to the transcendent Lord of the church. The now well-established trend in funding, however, is sure to continue. Three things seem clear:

1. In the society at large, the collision between the corporatization of social structures and the revolution of rising entitlements will not soon be resolved. Voluntary organizations are caught in the middle. Frustrated people cannot affect significantly what is done with their taxes, but they can and will affect what is done with their gifts.

2. The classic Christian pattern of voluntary missional activity, through relatively independent agencies, is a long-standing one, and one that has never been repudiated by much of Christendom. It has remained the basic pattern in the Roman Catholic Church, and in much of Protestantism, to the present. Only the “mainline” Protestant denominations have fully corporatized their mission activities.

3. Corporatized missional structures present special problems for inclusive pluralistic churches. Such denominations tend to be held together by the legal principle rather than by shared commitment to particular activities. They may be forced toward a more thoroughgoing missional pluralism.

In light of these factors, it is probably not possible for church bureaucracies to continue to view their deteriorating financial situation as a temporary one, sure to be reversed as soon as the recession is over, when “trust is restored,” when the efficiency of their frequently restructured organizations has time to take effect, or when they can “get their message to the people.” Nor, in pluralistic denominations, are consultations on the mission of the church, study groups, or more effective goal-setting processes likely to bring about the kind of shared commitment on which a single approach can be based.

What, then, is the answer? The radical solution would be to dismantle the superstructures and return to a simpler pattern, in which like-minded persons group themselves together outside church structures to do whatever they feel called to do in response to the demands of the gospel. Denominational structures would be devoted to issues of faith and order alone. Missionally, to choose this solution would be to opt for pure voluntarism.

This may be the direction in which the forces of history move us, if present trends continue. There is a good bit of evidence that it is happening in the area of overseas missions. Nearly every mainline denomination has significantly reduced its number of overseas missionaries. The total in six major denominations dropped from 4,548 to 3,160 between 1958 and 1971 (Kelley, p. 10). In that same period, however, the number of missionaries sent out by independent, generally evangelical groups has increased substantially. In a number of instances, missionaries dropped from the rolls of mainline denominations have simply shifted to independent sponsorship and continued to work in the same country. While hard figures are lacking, it is quite probable that the overall number of American missionaries in overseas areas has not dropped at all. But the pattern has been shifting to one of nondenominational voluntarism.

Toward a Genuine Pluralism

For today’s corporatized denominations, a return to pure voluntarism in missional activity is not likely. Less radical solutions are probably desirable. They are dependent on a recognition that in voluntary organizations, missional activity must reflect the missional will of the members. In the absence of the shared commitment which might result from denomination-wide consensus, a voluntary organization needs smaller consensus groups -- internal groupings of people with shared commitment. In church organizations, such groupings must form the base for voluntary mission activity.

One possibility is a return to the earlier pattern of a variety of mission agencies within the denomination, each cultivating and appealing to its own constituency with denominational approval and cooperation, and carrying out its own mission. This pattern, which as we have noted is still normative for some religious bodies, would be decentralized and highly voluntaristic, although denominational identification and relationship would be retained.

However, such a full surrender of the advantages of a unified approach to mission is probably not necessary. A coordinated denominational mission, carried out by integrated mission agencies, may still be possible in a pluralistic denomination, if its basis is affirmation of rather than resistance to the pluralism of the constituency.

A centrally planned and administered missional structure often turns into a denial of pluralism. It assumes that “everyone will agree with me if I can just get the message across to them.” It tends to seek its solutions in the direction of better goal-setting and prioritizing processes. It tends to assume that the “priorities of the church” can be set by mustering a 51 per cent majority in the governing body or, even worse, by manipulating the formal passage of a missional objective that has the real support of a minority of the constituency.

A genuine pluralism, with a variety of activities freely supported by a variety of constituencies, held together not by political victories but by mutual acceptance, must be the direction of the future. There are plenty of data to demonstrate that voluntary funding is effective (1) where there is a freely gathered consensus on doing a particular task, and (2) where what is done reflects the intentions of the donors. A denominational program which sets out to affirm rather than resist the pluralism of the constituents would probably include most of the following elements:

1. Acceptance of the existence, within the denomination, of a variety of consensus groups, each with its own missional priorities and goals.

2. Integrated planning of a full range of mission activities, substantively as well as nominally responsive to the intentions of various groups of donors.

3. Integrated promotion by the denomination of a full range of mission activities, together with acceptance of promotion by consensus groups of their own mission goals.

4. Full utilization of the widespread Christian commitment to the church itself, which leads to generalized giving to the whole mission of the church by many, but with full acceptance also of designated giving to particular causes.

5. A guarantee that all designated contributions go to the cause designated.

6. A willingness for the constituency to affect the missional priorities through its designated giving, without the kind of ecclesiastical shell game which compensates for increased giving in one area by shifting an equivalent amount of nondesignated money away from that area.

7. An intention to serve the needs and reflect the concerns of all groups within the constituency.

Such an approach involves some loss in the area of a unified approach to mission, and some surrender to the constituency-at-large of decision-making functions now exercised, perhaps with greater efficiency and better planning, by church bureaucrats. It does however, take seriously the nature of the church as a voluntary organization, and it offers some hope of defining a useful missional role for central denominational headquarters.

The imperative to respond to the Word of grace with concrete actions is perceived by different Christians in different ways. The guidance of the Holy Spirit is never easy for the church to discern, and it may be that the voice of the Spirit speaks in a variety of ways in these times.

Crisis in Overseas Mission: Shall We Leave It to the Independents?

In no area of church life is the contemporary confrontation between mainline liberals and the increasingly powerful evangelicals more troublesome than in overseas mission. Missiologist David I. Bosch suggests that the international mission movement today is in "a crisis more radical and extensive than anything the church has ever faced in [its] history." He analyzes that crisis in terms of fundamental differences between the "ecumenical" and "evangelical" understandings of mission. In one sense the confrontation is a tragedy of miscommunication. The whole situation is seen so differently from the liberal and the evangelical perspectives that in their disputes liberals and evangelicals are seldom talking about the same thing.

The basic facts are incontrovertible. From 1969 to 1975, the period summarized in the most recent issue (11th edition, 1976) of the authoritative Mission Handbook, the number of missionaries serving overseas under the auspices of denominations constituting the Department of Overseas Mission (DOM) of the National Council of Churches -- generally the mainline -- decreased from about 8,000 to 5,010. This was a decline of almost one-third (31 per cent) in a six-year period -- a trend that had begun earlier, has continued since the 1975 terminal date for the Mission Handbook statistics, and is still continuing.

Differing Perceptions

To mainline evangelicals, the missionary decline is a dismal picture, and one for which they place the blame squarely on denominational power structures. They see establishment bureaucrats as deemphasizing overseas mission generally, and seeking to shift funds to activities in the United States. Further, they suspect the establishment of trying to change the character of those overseas involvements that remain. Denominational leaders, they charge, are interested only in bringing about social, political and economic change. And they often perceive the changes toward which liberal social activists are working as influenced by, or allied with, Marxist movements. They feel that mainline bureaucrats are not interested in evangelism. The decline in the number of missionaries sent abroad has become for them a symbolic focal point for their concern about the entire denominational involvement overseas.

The liberal/ecumenical perception of the situation is quite different. Mainline leaders see the overseas-mission-oriented evangelicals as unwilling or unable to accept a radically changed situation, as clinging to an "old style" of mission activity, closely associated with a now discredited imperialism. Liberals believe that this "old style" is paternalistic in mode, and that it has been rejected by the churches of the Third World. They believe that evangelicals attach an exaggerated importance to missionaries in whatever role remains for Western churches overseas. Those evangelical "old style" missionaries still serving overseas are perceived by liberal/ecumenicals as supporting repressive economic and political systems in developing countries in order to achieve the "stability" that will enable them to gain admittance to those countries and be left free to evangelize. They believe evangelicals at home are using overseas generosity as an "easy out," a way of salving their consciences to avoid facing the need for change at home.

In such a situation, it is no wonder that the two sides shout past each other. They start from such radically different assumptions, and they perceive the problems so differently, that within the mainline churches there has been little or no progress toward resolving the issue. The resolution has been coming outside the mainline, in the form of a massive shift of evangelical money, personnel and emphasis from denominational overseas programs to independent parachurch agencies.

Dropping the ‘s’ from Missions

One root of the problem is a change in the definition of the word "mission." In 1969 the International Review of Missions, long the pre-eminent interdenominational journal in the field of overseas mission, dropped the "s" from the last word of its title. An editorial explained the change as making the term more palatable to non-Western church leaders. Behind the dropping of the "s," however, lay far more than a transition from plural to singular.

Throughout most of church history, the term "mission" meant what believers were "sent out" to do -- to propagate Christianity by making converts and establishing churches. The mission text was the "great commission" -- "Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit" (Matt. 28:29). The plural form of the word, "missions," referred to the specific undertakings by which this task was carried out. There were "home missions" in this country and "foreign missions" overseas. In the so-called "great century" of the expansion of Christianity, the 19th century, and continuing through the first half of the 20th, foreign missions became so central in the outreach of evangelical Christianity that the term "missions" was generally understood to mean foreign missions.

Somewhere around the middle of the present century, however, a change began to take place. Mission, or "the mission of the church," began to be used in a much broader sense, to refer to the whole range of what the church seeks to do. A theological reformulation was clearly involved; mission came to be understood in terms of the church’s total involvement with the world. Another factor may have been the military usage of the term "mission," widely popularized during World War II and picked up by business and government agencies in the postwar managerial revolution. Undoubtedly the change also reflected the search for integration and "holism," a prominent theme in the period.

Distinctions Wiped Out

The mission of the church is now understood by most mainliners to include not only everything the church is "sent out" to do -- its outreach -- but everything it does, including all its own internal maintenance and nurture activities. Distinctions between "expenses" and "benevolences" have been wiped out in budgets. Paying the pastor, repainting the church kitchen, utilizing a management consultant to improve internal communication processes for the church staff, as well as providing a church school, a local ministry to the poor or aged, and contributions to regional and national denominational programs -- all these are included in the concept of "mission of the church."

In examining the significance of this changed understanding of the term mission, it is important to remember that evangelicals define themselves in terms of evangelism. Whatever else may be held in common throughout this increasingly diverse movement, the unity of evangelicals is their common goal of evangelizing the world for Christ. Most mainline evangelicals accept the fact that "mission of the church" is now used in a much broader sense than this. But for them -- and the distinction is crucial -- "mission of the church" has not replaced "missions." Missions remain central and are perceived as the most important aspect of the mission of the church.

For mainline liberal/ecumenicals, "mission of the church" has replaced "missions." When they speak of overseas, mission, they do not mean at all the same thing as evangelicals who use these terms. They mean that dimension of the "one mission of the church" -- the witness of the church in the world in all its inclusiveness -- which takes place overseas. They are likely to want to avoid even making a geographical distinction between home and overseas, seeking to conceptualize mission as the same inside or outside the United States. Thus the Board of Global Ministries of the United Methodist Church encompasses ministries in the North American as well as the overseas part of the globe. There are national and world divisions within that board. The Program Agency of the United Presbyterian Church does not even make this distinction, although it has area liaison desks for various regions.

Evangelicals who speak of "overseas mission" or "world mission" mean by these terms exactly the same thing they used to mean by "foreign missions" -- spreading the gospel to the unreached. They have always included social dimensions in this definition. Healing the sick, caring for the poor, teaching the children, alleviating suffering -- these have traditionally been part of the evangelical concern. Newer evangelicals are frequently willing, even insistent, that these efforts be widened to include social-change concerns -- attacking injustice, improving the social and economic order -- but always to the end "that Jesus Christ should be acknowledged as Lord by the whole earth." No wonder, then, that debates between liberals and evangelicals about overseas mission are so often circular, fruitless, and frustrating to all concerned. The two sides are not talking about the same thing.

Changed Situation in the Third World

This semantic problem has developed against a background of a radically changed situation in that area of the world which has historically been the site of "foreign missions." Until World War II, most of the Third World consisted of dependencies of the Western colonial powers. Independent nations in the region tended either to be "associated" with a colonialist power or to be unstable, undeveloped and economically dependent. The two decades following the war brought what was probably the most sweeping worldwide change in governmental systems since the fall of the Roman Empire. This vast region -- practically the entire southern hemisphere -- gained its political independence and set out in pursuit of "development": the industrialization, technology and affluence of the First and Second worlds.

A largely unrecognized and unappreciated dimension of this revolutionary change was the contribution to the process made by a century of "foreign missions." One of the legacies was educational. Nearly everywhere mission schools were an important element in providing at least a nucleus of educated indigenous leadership, ready to assume responsibility when independence came. Throughout Africa, today’s leadership is the product of yesterday’s mission school system. A second major legacy was a social-welfare infrastructure. Hospitals, in particular, were mission products, as were a wider range of health-care, and social-service institutions, In many -- perhaps most -- of the developing nations, the missions provided the base on which national programs aimed at social welfare have been built.

Autonomous National Churches

The most important legacy of the foreign mission movement, at least from the Christian perspective, was the network of churches. Even though in many instances denominational structures had not been formed when independence came, invariably there were networks of local congregations ready to become denominations.

The independence and autonomy of national churches are now the reality with which Western agencies deal throughout the Third World. In some instances this independence came as a result of government action, requiring mission property and church control to be turned over to the indigenous church. In others, it was simply a cultural necessity in the new situation of national independence and self-consciousness. In general, it may be said that the mainline mission agencies were quicker to relinquish control and to place their missionaries under the authority of the national churches than were the conservative and independent missions. But the new pattern is now recognized and accepted by liberal/ecumenicals and evangelicals alike.

The now autonomous churches in the developing nations have provided one of the most significant elements in the new Third World equation. They have become independent and self-reliant remarkably quickly. In the climate they have established, a number of indigenous denominations unrelated to Western mission agencies in origin (such as the Kimbanguists and other African independent churches, and a number of Pentecostal denominations in Latin America) have become a major force. The churches are often among the best-organized, best-led and most stable structures in the new nations.

The self-consciousness of the developing nations has meant affirmation of their own cultural traditions and identity. It has meant rejection of imperialism, of paternalism, of all vestiges of the old order. For obvious reasons, though, they have seldom really rejected, and have often eagerly sought, those aspects of westernization identified with material prosperity. It has therefore been a mixed affirmation/rejection. In some instances it has meant a closing of the door to missionaries, who have been identified with the old order. More often, however, mission agencies and missionaries have continued to be welcomed, as contributors to national development.

I remember vividly the customs official in Zaire, as I left Kinshasa for Kananga, who, on learning that my visit had to do with the missionaries in Kananga, placed the necessary stamp on my baggage with some reluctance and the accusatory question, "Why do you not send missionaries to my region? We need them just as much as Kananga!" So long as they have respected the authority and institutions of the new nation, most missions have continued to be welcome.

The national churches in the developing world have readily recognized their common identity with worldwide Christianity, and have made common cause with Western Christians. This does not mean that all have joined the World Council of Churches (though many have, including some of the independent indigenous churches without Western roots). They tend, by and large, to be more conservative than the mainline denominations of the United States. But they are well -- and ably -- represented in international consultations and conversations.

How Mainliners See the Change

The radically changed context in the Third World is obviously of major importance for the overseas mission enterprise. Mainliners tend to think evangelicals are not aware of, or are unwilling to accept the reality of, the changes. They accuse them of still operating as if the world were divided into colonial powers and colonies, of paternalism toward "natives," and of trying to foist their own Western values and goals on societies in which these are inappropriate.

Certainly remnants of the old attitudes remain. The old attitudes are undoubtedly more prominent in long-term evangelical missionaries who date back to pre-independence days than in the younger liberal/ecumenical community-development workers overseas. Yet it must be said in fairness that there is probably as much paternalism in the liberal’s all-wise insistence on "appropriate technology" in the face of a new nation’s determination to have its own steel plants as in the conservative’s all-wise insistence on monogamous marriage in the face of tribal insistence on polygamy. The liberal perception that evangelicals have not adapted to the changed situation is, by and large, inaccurate. Both groups are quite aware of the changes that have taken place in the Third World; both know and respect the young churches in the developing countries; both want to work in partnership with them. The difference lies in the ends of that partnership -- the commitment to "missions" and to "mission."

Mainline liberals tend to define overseas mission exclusively in terms of partnership with overseas churches (or ecumenical agencies). They seek to make it a two-way partnership, even to the extent of occasionally footing the bill for a "reverse missionary" from a Third World nation working in this country. But since the realities of need and resources are mainly in one direction, overseas mission tends to become interchurch aid to Third World churches. The mainliners try hard to let the receiving churches define the kind of aid they want, "responding" to "requests" from the churches (although they often plant and shape the requests to which they respond). To the Third World ambivalence about missionaries, they respond either by playing down the role of missionaries or by trying to move from "old style" (evangelistic) to "new style" (social change or institutional support) missionaries.

Evangelizing the World for Christ

Evangelicals, too, work in partnership with younger churches, in the context of a radically changed Third World. The voice of Third World Christians was probably fully as strong at the International Congress on Evangelization in Lausanne in 1974 as at the Fifth Assembly of the World Council of Churches in Nairobi in 1975. But the basic difference is in the goal of that partnership.

For evangelicals, "mission of the church" has not replaced "missions," but has only placed missions in a broader context. They do not regard missions -- understood as reaching the unreached -- as "old style" but as the unchanged central element in the mission of the church. They carry on this activity in partnership with like-minded Third World churches, and in areas where churches (or churches of a similar perspective) do not yet exist. They engage, as they always have, in works of mercy and compassion, and they are increasingly willing to engage, along with partner churches, in ministries of social change as well. Many of them understand and support the concern of young church leaders for liberation from oppressive social systems as well as from personal sin. They do not challenge the right of Third World churches to work for such liberation.

But the ultimate purpose of their partnership, as evangelicals, is always "evangelizing the world for Christ." They see the now established and autonomous denominations throughout the developing world as an unfinished task, They seek partnership with these churches in completing the task of reaching the unreached. They are willing to engage in joint evangelization efforts with the indigenous churches in reaching their own people, or to focus through cross-cultural evangelism on areas not yet reached by the national churches.

The mainline establishment sees a Third World with churches everywhere as no longer a "mission field" in the classic sense. The planting of churches throughout the world has now been achieved. The relativism and tolerance of a liberal world view now demand a kind of respect for non-Christian religions which precludes overt attempts to evangelize among them. Evangelism, as such, is low among liberal priorities anyway. Some "old-style" missionaries are allowed to continue to function under their sponsorship (often with a high level of frustration over the "lack of support" from home), since all mainline denominations are pluralistic, and much of the money comes from "old-style" sources. But preferred partnership arrangements are with those denominations, leaders and ecumenical organizations sharing their goals: social change, development projects and institutional support. Both mainliners and evangelicals, then, are fully aware of the radically changed context for overseas mission. But their responses are different.

From Mainline to Parachurch Dominance

The structures through which they respond are also increasingly different. Since the liberal establishment controls the mainline denominations -- particularly the bureaucracies of the mission agencies -- the liberal/ecumenical view prevails in the official denominational structures. What takes place overseas is not "missions" but "mission" -- the whole mission of the church. It takes place through a variety of channels, by no means limited to missionaries. Among the missionaries still being sent overseas, those engaged directly in evangelization are a small minority. Most are either in support roles for the national churches or in social ministries. When I visited Zaire for my denomination in 1979, I found that although many of the missionaries are themselves evangelicals and although they regard their work (largely medical) as evangelical in purpose, only three of the 34 missionaries present were assigned as evangelists. Yet overseas mission remains in a special way the "cause" of the evangelicals, and they provide the bulk of its financial support. Hence the conflict.

The evolution from "missions" to "mission" in mainline overseas involvements has not been simple or direct. It has taken place slowly, with mixed results, and certainly is not yet completely achieved. Until the restructuring of the mainline denominational bureaucracies in the 1960s and ‘70s, control of the foreign mission agencies (which to a considerable extent had operated as semiautonomous internal parachurch agencies) had remained largely in the hands of the evangelical constituencies. After the changes brought by restructuring, evangelicals in the pews continued to identify overseas mission with their own evangelical goals. Although puzzled and often angry with the trend they perceive, they continue to trust and support denominational overseas mission activities more strongly than other aspects of denominational programming.

But in a climate of growing suspicion, they have been increasingly aggressive in two ways. One is to seek to place restrictions on the way the money they give to the denomination can be used. Evangelicals regard overseas mission as "their" cause, and they have increasingly been designating their money to support it. In some denominations, donor-designated and specialized giving now exceeds contributions to regular mission budgets. And by far the largest share is designated for overseas use. More recently, as awareness has grown that not all overseas work is in accord with their intentions, the trend has been in the direction of designating the way the money can be used overseas.

More significant in the long run, however, may be the second way evangelicals have been reacting, through the support of nondenominational parachurch organizations engaged in overseas mission. We noted earlier the declining number, of missionaries serving overseas under the auspices of denominations affiliated with the Department of Overseas Mission (DOM) of the generally mainline National Council of Churches. There are, however, two other groupings of missionary-sending agencies: the Evangelical Foreign Mission Association (EFMA), representing 37 conservative denominational agencies and 35 independent agencies; and the Independent Foreign Mission Association (IFMA), with 44 independent groups. (There is some overlapping, since a few agencies belong to two associations.) During that same six-year period in which the number of DOM-sponsored missionaries decreased by 31 per cent, the number serving under EFMA agency sponsorship increased by 15 per cent, from 6,000 to 7,500, and the number serving under IFMA increased from 6,000 to 6,500 (8 per cent).

The financial comparisons are even more striking. While overseas mission funds contributed through NCC-DOM decreased in that period from $145 million to $125 million (down 13 per cent), funds contributed through the other two associations, EFMA and IFMA, increased by 136 per cent, from $95 million to $225 million. When the agencies not affiliated with either EFMA or IFMA are taken into consideration, overall overseas mission income, when adjusted for inflation, increased in this six-year period from $317 million to $404 million. The overall number of missionaries grew from 34,460 to 36,950. The "decline in overseas mission," then, is not a decline at all. It is a shift, from mainline dominance to evangelical and parachurch dominance.

Parachurch Overseas Mission Agencies

Many of the parachurch agencies are quite small. Fully half of those engaged in sending out missionaries have fewer than 17 people overseas. But the major ones are very large indeed. The largest is Wycliffe Bible Translators. In terms of the number of personnel overseas it was in 1975 (the last year for which comparative figures were available in Mission Handbook) the largest of all agencies, denominational or independent, having passed the previous leader, the Southern Baptist Foreign Mission Board, in the preceding three-year period. Equally as large as Wycliffe in terms of income (though not engaged primarily in sending missionaries) is World Vision International. Other parachurch groups now numbered among the top ten overseas mission agencies include the Evangelical Alliance Mission (TEAM) and the New Tribes Mission.

Many of the independent parachurch agencies, such as the Africa Inland Mission or the Brazil Gospel Fellowship Mission, focus on one region or country. Others, like the Mission Aviation Fellowship (which supplies aviation, radio, and purchasing services to mission agencies and churches in 15 countries), or the World Radio Mission Fellowship (with shortwave broadcasting in 15 languages from the famed "Voice of the Andes" radio station, HCJB, in Quito, Ecuador) provide highly specialized services. Some, like Youth with a Mission (with a thousand young people serving one-year terms overseas) and Teen Missions (sending teen-agers on summer work programs and evangelistic teams), offer mission opportunities to a specialized American constituency. The Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship, one of the major youth-oriented parachurch organizations, plays an important role in recruiting for overseas mission service. The triennial Urbana conventions, attended by tens of thousands of young people, are focused almost entirely on presenting the missionary challenge.

Despite the mainline perception of a decline, then, the overseas mission movement is stronger than ever. But a massive shift has taken place, from mainline to evangelical, from church-sponsored to parachurch. On the basis of the available data, we are indeed "leaving it to the independents."

Two Symbols: The WCC and Lausanne

The World Council of Churches has had a particularly significant role in defining overseas mission for the mainline liberal establishment. A longtime symbol of church unity -- one of the most enduring of the liberal Christian goals -- the World Council with its wide-ranging social concerns, is viewed by mainline liberal/ecumenicals as the centerpiece of overseas mission. Its church conciliar model is congruent with the church-partnership mode of mainline relationships. Because the assemblies and committees of the World Council are peopled by denominational power elites, there is a minimum of the kind of influence from grass-roots evangelicals which tends to moderate the positions and actions of the denominations themselves. The World Council, therefore, is probably the place where the liberal/ ecumenical vision of world Christianity is purest, where the devotion to social-change goals is most fully realized.

If there is a symbol on the evangelical side corresponding to the World Council and its network of ecumenical agencies, it is probably the 1974 International Congress on World Evangelization, held at Lausanne, Switzerland, with the Lausanne Covenant and Lausanne Committee that came out of it. Whether the Lausanne Committee will develop into a permanently staffed evangelical counterpart to the World Council remains to be seen. Such a development does not appear likely. The "spirit of Lausanne" remains active; follow-up national congresses have been held in a number of countries (a major one for the United States is planned for 1981 in Kansas City). But the committee lacks the conciliar base of the World Council, and ecumenism (as an end in itself rather than a means to other ends) does not have the priority for evangelicals that it does for liberal/ecumenicals.

Perhaps the greatest impact of the Lausanne Congress has been its symbolic importance to the evangelical community. The Lausanne Covenant provided what is probably the best and most widely accepted statement of the evangelical concept of the theological basis for mission. It affirmed the centrality of evangelism in this concept of mission, and provided an authoritative definition of evangelism: "the proclamation of the historical, biblical Christ as Saviour and Lord, with a view to persuading people to come to him personally and so be reconciled to God"

From the mainline perspective, probably the most significant thing about the Lausanne Covenant is the seriousness with which Christian social responsibility is taken. Not only is the fifth article of the covenant devoted to this theme, but the relationship of social concern to evangelism was one of the most intensely discussed issues at the congress. The Christian judgment on "every form of alienation, oppression and discrimination," the denunciation of injustice and the call for Christian sociopolitical involvement are clear and explicit.

Bringing the Two Themes Together

The Lausanne combination of evangelicalism and social responsibility is probably closer to the spirit of Third World Christianity generally than is mainline American Christianity. The relativistic scientific world view which underlies mainline liberalism finds it hard to be completely comfortable with the exclusiveness of the evangelical claim. Because of its respect for other religions, it is at best ambivalent about evangelization of non-Christians. Its witness is necessarily unaggressive witness, and it is far more comfortable with social witness. Third World Christianity does not share this reticence. My own contacts with overseas churches and visits with church leaders in Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia have left me with a clear impression that Third World churches, for the most part, combine an uncomplicated evangelicalism with an intense social concern, based on the experience of oppression. The balance has much to teach the churches of the First World.

Too much can be read into the symbolism of Lausanne and Geneva. Yet the differences are real. They were brought into sharp contrast by the two "world evangelism" conferences sponsored just a few weeks apart in 1980: the meeting of the WCC Commission on World Mission and Evangelism in Melbourne in May, with the theme, "Your Kingdom Come," and the Consultation on World Evangelization, sponsored by the Lausanne Committee, in Pattaya, Thailand, in June, with the theme "How Shall They Hear?" Melbourne focused on the identification of Christianity with the poor and marginalized of the world in their struggle for liberation and justice. Pattaya focused on the worldwide evangelization task, in terms of specific strategies for reaching tribes, cultures, communities and groups as yet unaware of the gospel.

How shall we bring the two themes together, in a balanced gospel which gives full rein to both emphases? Third World churches themselves offer a model, and perhaps their growing influence is the best hope for Western Christianity.

Are Church-Related Colleges Also Christian Colleges?

A minister of a mainline Protestant denomination, newly hired as a chaplain of a denominational college, met with a committee of the regional judicatory within whose bounds he would be working. "Tell me," a committee member asked him, "is this college 'churchrelated' or 'Christian'?"

Officials at the college found the question offensive, as would most people involved in denominational schools . It suggested, quite pointedly, that there is a difference between the two. But more and more people do perceive the two as distinct. Mainline-church colleges intentionally designate themselves "churchrelated," seldom using the term "Christian." And members of the flourishing Christian College Coalition have established a number of criteria for the "Christian" label, of which churchrelatedness is not one.

In recent years I have observed this bifurcation from three viewpoints. One was as a consumer, when my daughter graduated from high school and went through the process of choosing a college to attend. The second was as a member of a denominational college's board of trustees, while it was re-examining the Christian dimension of its campus life and the meaning of its church relationship. I served as chair of search committees that brought both a new president and a new chaplain to the campus. Finally, I was pastor of a congregation that was expected, in various ways, to support its denomination's colleges. In this capacity I served on a regional committee that conducted a fund-raising drive for four colleges. From these perspectives, I have reflected on what it means for a college to be Christian or church-related. Are they the same thing? Does the terminology matter?

For my daughter, it mattered very little. I should mention that she has probably been more involved in church activities and other evidence of Christian commitment than most church members her age. In high school she had not only attended church regularly and actively participated in youth fellowship (which probably went with her preacher's-kid status), but also worked for two surnmer mission projects in underprivileged communities. She had been a member of a youth covenant group, and had served as a senior high leader for a junior high covenant group.

She applied to seven colleges, four of which were church-related. The church relationship, however, was a negligible factor, if it was a factor at all, in her selections. She based her choices on academic standing, reputation, size, location, cost and certain campus intangibles that had little if anything to do with religion. She did not perceive the church-related colleges as significantly different from the others. They were on her list for other reasons. The school she chose, from among those that accepted her, is church-related (though not to our own denomination), but that was largely coincidental.

What was true in her case appears to be generally true for her peers at her high school and church. Our church has a large, vigorous and spiritually focused youth program. Most of these young people, I am convinced, expect to continue a close relationship with the church after they enter college. But for most of them, a college's relationship to a church is not an issue. There are some exceptions, and each year a few young people (or their parents) select a college that they expect will provide a distinctively Christian environment. Their choices are Wheaton, Messiah or a similar nondenominational Christian college. One family chose for their daughter a denominational college, expecting that it would provide a Christian atmosphere. The parents were deeply disappointed at what they perceived to be an absence of Christian influences on their daughter's life there.

This pattern reflects some societal trends. The skyrocketing costs of higher education coupled with declining sources of financial aid have made state colleges and universities the only option for many students, including some from families with relatively high incomes. The secularism of public education, which has come to be. widely accepted and even insisted upon at the high school level, carries over into attitudes toward higher education. Students and parents have come to think of education and faith as separate compartments of their lives.

But an equally important factor is the present stance of many mainline church-related colleges. Beyond having a historical tie to a particular denomination, offering some religion courses and some elective extracurricular activities, they would be hard-pressed to demonstrate how their church relationship affects their academic program or campus life.

At a recent symposium, two former presidents of church colleges listed factors that had characterized such colleges prior to the 1960s. First, such colleges had a formal relationship to the church, specified in a charter or by-laws. Its board of trustees consisted of significant numbers of ministers of the denomination (often appointed by a church judicatory). The schools expressed a commitment to Christian higher education. The school's president was a member, and in many cases a minister, of the denomination concerned. Most of the faculty were expected to be active members of some Protestant denomination. The schools had a strong department of religious studies, and required some religion courses for graduation. Campus life included fairly strict parietal rules, the provision of a chaplain, and required chapel attendance. These colleges received some measure of financing from church sources.

Little if any of this remains true today of many church-related colleges. In fact, several have deliberately adopted the academic stance of disinterested relativism that characterizes the contemporary secular campus, and are distancing themselves from the "piety" of Wheaton or Westmont colleges. Minister presidents, once ubiquitous, are the rare exception. Faculties feel constrained by the strictly nonreligious standards of secular "academic freedom." Required chapel attendance -- or even, in many cases, optional chapel services -- are long gone. Viewbooks, bulletins and promotional brochures express few religious claims. The schools sell themselves on the basis of academic excellence, programs offered, small classes, personalization of the educational process, teacher-student ratio, a "friendly atmosphere, " or location and environment. There is a studied ambiguity in such colleges' attempt to maintain some religious identification for the church constituency, and at the same time come across as open and nonthreatening to non-Christian constituencies.

Meanwhile, the vacuum left by the traditional church-related colleges' abdication of the "distinctively Christian" role has been filled by the increasingly popular "Christian" colleges, represented in part by the Christian College Coalition. A few are affiliated with mainline denominations, but most are not. Their standards include many of the qualities that the denominational colleges used to value-presidents and faculties consisting of evangelical Christians, strict rules of behavior, required Bible courses and chapel attendance. There is a strong market for what they are offering; these colleges are flourishing, and a number of relatively new ones -- LeToumeau.College, Oral Roberts University and Liberty University, among others -- have joined older institutions such as Wheaton, Gordon and Westmont in an effort to meet the need.

But many mainline Christians, including a number of those who, having been affected by the renewal movements that have swept through major denominations at the grass-roots level, seek a deeper spirituality are unhappy with the choice before them. The "Christian" colleges, in many cases nondenominational or affiliated with one of the smaller conservative or Pentecostal denominations, tend to be parachurch or sectarian in outlook and atmosphere. Sometimes they seem to portray mainline churches as "the enemy." While some are entirely respectable academically, few are in the first rank, and in some cases academic excellence takes a back seat to theological orthodoxy. But church-relatedness that is indistinguishable from the secularity of public state universities is an equally unpalatable alternative.

Why must "church-related" and "Christian" be different qualities? Some former church colleges that clearly have left behind their denominational origins now operate simply as private 'secular institutions, as is their right. But cannot some church-related colleges offer a distinctively Christian education and atmosphere?

It was with this question in mind that a few years ago I joined the board of trustees of Davis and Elkins College, a small coeducational Presbyterian institution in West Virginia. As in many such institutions, its Christian distinctiveness had been seriously eroding since the '60s. A lovely chapel in the middle of the campus had been almost totally unused in recent years. The position of college chaplain had been deleted as a costcutting measure some years earlier. The religion and philosophy departments had been combined, and no course in Bible or religion, much less chapel attendance, was required. Recent presidents and faculty had been chosen on the basis of academic criteria (plus fund-raising ability, in the case of presidents). Worst of all, perhaps, the institution had somehow acquired a reputation as having the most "partying" campus of any private college in the state.

But the board still contained a number of ministers and committed laypeople, who began trying to reverse these trends. In particular, they were completing a drive to raise funds to restore the college chaplaincy through an endowed chair. And many board members wanted to take further steps.

A new president -- an academic who had impeccable credentials and was also a committed Presbyterian laywoman who shared the board's goals for change-was installed. Under her leadership further steps have been taken. A full-time chaplain has been given a central place in campus life. Chapel services, though not attended by large numbers, are regularly conducted. Attendance is required at the newly instituted periodic convocations, which occasionally concern religious topics. Strenuous efforts, helped by the state's raising of the drinking age to 21, have been made to bring the "partying" under control. A course in Bible and religion has been restored to the graduation requirements. Specific goals regarding campus Christian life and strengthening the school's relationship to the church have been incorporated into the college's long-range plan. And perhaps most important of all, the board and administration's efforts to encourage a Christian atmosphere and educational philosophy are widely known.

Results are far from conclusive. College students often resist new requirements and perceived threats to established "privileges." But a serious effort to bring together "church-relatedand "Christian" is under way.

Many such colleges now receive or have in the past received denominational financial support. The nationwide network of denominational colleges was started, and in the early days supported, with church money. Indeed, through the colonial period and the first century of national life, American higher education was largely a product of the nation's churches: Harvard, Yale, Princeton and William and Mary were all founded primarily to educate the clergy. Christian higher education was long a cherished and generously supported cause for American denominations. For a number of reasons, this has changed radically in our times. Though church people (particularly alumni) support church colleges individually, very little church money as such goes to colleges. One reason is that denominational and judicatory officials have shifted their attention away from such "private" issues as education and toward public policy and social change.

But surely another reason is the widespread perception among church people that gifts to church colleges are gifts to a generalized kind of "higher education" rather than a specific kind of "Christian higher education," in which churches have some unique stake. As numerous church-related institutions have faced financial crises brought on by escalating costs, growing competition from state and community colleges, and a shrinking enrollment, many have eyed the churches to which they are still "related" as possible sources of funding.

However, these churches are not likely t o increase their gifts unless the school reclaims that distinctively Christian dimension. The opening for this exists, and seems to be crying out to be filled.. Churchgoers have grown increasingly concerned about the secularization of culture and the moral,vacuum in public life, and many seek solutions in the reChristianizing of education. Prayer in public schools has been a symbolic cause celebre, particularly for the religious right, and fundamentalists are actively promoting alternative Christian schools. But for mainline Protestants, long committed to public education, no such easy solutions are at hand.

However, the network of church-related colleges provides mainline churches a ready-made opportunity to add to American culture and higher education a distinctively Christian world view and value system. These schools can freely teach and defend the Christian view of reality. They can nourish a substantial segment of the nation's future leadership, coming out of the churches, in their particular traditions and perceptions of the challenges of the future.

The colleges themselves must initiate a commitment to this vision. Few are directly controlled by church structures; most are self-governing and self-directing. But colleges that make such commitments can be strongly supported by the churches, financially and in terms of student recruitment.

What would such an effort on the part of a church-related college, to renew and emphasize the Christian dimension of higher education and enlist the support of the church in such an undertaking, look like? Christian higher education has always been 'varied, but some general outlines could be posited. At its heart would be the Christian proclamation that there is a sovereign God, incarnate in Jesus Christ and attested by the biblical revelation, and that this reality shapes the meaning and purpose of human existence. Building on this understanding, an institution's academic offerings would reflect a Christian world view. In all academic endeavors it would promote an unfettered pursuit of truth (after all, truth is of God) while maintaining that truth is not limited to human rationality, mathematical computations or empirical findings. The Christian world view proclaims an ultimate truth that lies behind and gives meaning to all human truth. Requiring one or more basic Bible or religion courses would be one way to affirm this, and a strong religion department would offer opportunities for deeper reflection.

Such a college, while allowing teachers to express dissenting views and freely to exchange ideas, would insist that they be committed to the biblical faith and distinctively Christian values and lifestyle. Jewish or secularist professors, recognizing that they were in a Christian environment and accepting the responsibility for presenting alternative views within it, would not negate that environment. But a substantial majority of both the faculty and administration should be Christian.

This would encourage Christian faith and values in the student environment. The chaplain would be central to campus life, with full institutional support. Worship life, Christian activities and student counseling from a Christian perspective would all be part of the campus atmosphere. Student rules and standards that reflect some difference between Christian and non-Christian lifestyles would not be restrictively imposed, but strongly encouraged. An additional dimension of the Christian world view might well be reflected in the commitment of the community (faculty, administration and students) to some form of service, in the inner city, in areas of rural poverty or elsewhere. Nothing so clearly expresses the Christian spirit as a community joined together in service.

Such an institution would schedule periodic gatherings for public expression of the implications of Christian faith. Required chapel attendance is probably no longer feasible. But in addition to voluntary chapel services (which faculty and administration would regularly attend), the school could require attendance at certain official events.

Finally, such an institution would directly, forthrightly and publicly acknowledge its Christian dimension. It would renounce the kind of conscious or unconscious ambiguity that seeks to have it both ways: a touch of religion for the Christian constituency, but basic secularity for the non-Christian. But within the context of such a forthright commitment, the school would be open to students of all religions or none, to interfaith relationships and to freedom for academic exploration and inquiry. Such an institution would seek not a restrictive environment, but one with a sharply defined sense of its own identity.

Clearly there is a significant place in higher education for the state or private secular institution, in which faith commitments are limited to the private realm -- and the churches have a special ministry to the students of such universities. There is undoubtedly also a place for the kind of Christian college which seeks to provide a highly sheltered and perhaps sectarian environment-certainly the sectarian witness has a long and honorable history within Christianity. But surely there is also a large place-larger than is assumed today-for church-related colleges and universities in the nonsectarian mainstream tradition, institutions that are quite explicit about their

Christian stance and the uniqueness of the educational experience such a stance provides.

Revitalizing College Ministry: the ‘Church-on-Campus’ Model

Campus ministry is once again a respectable topic of discussion in the mainline churches. Perhaps this is because a wide spectrum of people especially those of typical college-age are turning increasingly to higher education both to meet their educational and developmental needs and to aid them in times of transition. Campus ministry's increasing respectability can be linked to a growing awareness of the graying of mainline denominations and the resultant search for some effective way of addressing the younger generation's spiritual needs.

The United Methodist Church held its first international college-student conference in 27 years this past Christmas break in St. Louis, Missouri, and the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) will hold a similar gathering this coming Christmas break in Louisville, Kentucky. No matter the root causes for this renewed attention, many of us regard it as welcome.

Traditionally, those leading college ministry have used one of the following models: the "presence model," the "networking/resourcing model" or the "church-on-campus model." Reflection on campus ministry during the past 25 years reveals that the presence model dominated from the mid-'60s to the mid-'70s and gave way to the networking/resourcing model in the late '70s.

However, today the changing population of students calls for a conscious shift to the church-on-campus model.

The presence model maintains that the church should be present on the campus to interpret and respond to developments within the academic community and the larger world. Following the dictum that "the world sets the church's agenda," the presence model is passive even though the campus ministers, ministry board members and other key individuals may be campus activists. It is passive not only because it responds largely to issues generated elsewhere, but because it depends on the university's students and staff to be already supplied with a fundamental understanding of the church's mission. For example, it is assumed that the participation of the ministry in a campuswide protest or in solidarity with an oppressed minority's members, by allowing them to use the ministry's facility for their meetings, will be tacitly understood as an appropriate response to Jesus' inaugural sermon (Luke 4:18 ff.). The campus minister's teaching of a course in the humanities represents an affirmation of Jesus' instruction to love God with our whole mind. In an era when many university students were reared in active youth groups and participated in the church's full life, one could validly assume that they could readily interpret and easily understand what the campus ministry was doing.

But times have changed. The number of students who arrive at today's university bringing a sense of the church's global social mission is small indeed. (See Wayne C. Olsen's "Campus Ministry as Remedial Religion," April 13 Century.) Because of his, the presence model has become largely geared toward a highly motivated but small group of people who are already committed to the church's mission of liberation and who use the campus ministry as a place to become involved in that mission. In one of those ironies resulting from the vicissitudes of time ' this model of campus ministry, once perceived as being both activist and populist. is actually passive and elitist in the '80s.

The networking/resourcing model grew in popularity as some of the problems with the presence model, particularly decreasing student participation, became obvious. Students were still concerned with issues of spirituality, morality and justice, but they sought a more programmatic approach than many campus ministries offered. Campus ministers began to broker services in order to match these students up with specific programs of local congregations or judicatories. In this model, the campus ministry would not so much do ministry as it would enable ministry to occur. The main function of the campus minister. now often referred to as the director of the campus ministry unit, was as counselor and referral agent to students. Soon networking and resourcing flowed in two directions. As communication links were established between campuses and local churches, the church and its members recognized that the college or university often possessed hitherto unrecognized resources for them. Resource directories were prepared for local churches, and continuing education events were inaugurated for clergy. The campus ministry was no longer waiting passively for the university to set its agenda but was now responsive and reactive to the strengths and needs of both campus and church, or so the rationale went.

These developments were not without problems. As judicatory funding came under close scrutiny in the late '70s and early '80s, campus ministry staff and programs were good targets for cuts: clearly, it takes less staff time to refer and network than it does to design and implement creative ministry. Thus, the need to network, refer and broker services was institutionalized. Ironically, just as networking became the ministry mode of choice, many regional campus ministry agencies were closing up shop or cutting their staffs, creating fewer services with which to connect. In the end students seeking a place for dialogue or service have often found themselves referred to a local congregation that really wanted someone to tend the nursery or sing in the choir. In many other cases resourcing has become little more than a placement service for students seeking employment as Christian education directors, youth workers or student pastors, and for local churches seeking to book a contemporary singing group for the annual youth Sunday.

Very often what the local church wants most of all is for the campus ministry to stay out of its way. Local churches encourage campus ministries to adopt policies of noncompetition -with local churches: no Sunday activities. no traditional Bible studies, no educational enterprises. Campus ministers are to point their students to the local church for those. The campus ministry ends up being noncompetitive by being totally other, so that a divorce occurs between the campus ministry and the local church. The stark differences in modality overshadow bridge-building and outreach .As in the presence model, the networking/resourcing model ends up serving a narrow population with rather distinct interests.

The fundamental problem with both the presence and the networking/resourcing models is quickly perceived by most incoming university freshmen. They discover that there is no general forum on campus in which a configuration of worship and study takes place, resembling the church as they have known it. If the campus is of any size. it will support a variety of parachurch groups. However, most students lump these special -interest groups together, calling them the "God squad." Everything but the church will be available on the campus to meet most of the student's needs. This is why most universities now have full-time directors of residence life, directors of student activities, directors of counseling, and an army of professional and peer counselors and advisers in residence. When the church opts for a ministry of referral in the midst of this "full-service" environment. it is out of step not only with incoming students' previous experience but with campus life. And students interpret the mainline church's absence as an example of its irrelevance for all but, depending on one's perspective, a select elite or a fringe element.

To reverse these trends in campus ministry, it is time deliberately to adopt the church-on-campus model of ministry, providing on campus the mainstays of our traditions, worship and study. Except on wholly commuter campuses, this means that campus ministries should offer Christian worship experiences. generally on Sunday morning. Campus ministries should offer regular opportunities to study the Scriptures and the work of great Christian thinkers through the ages. When the ministry I directed on a large state campus coordinated a series of colloquia on "Christian Themes in Literature" with the English department, I discovered that many of its faculty and graduate students had been exploring various facets of this area in isolation. If nothing else, the series showed them that they were not alone.

Every campus ministry -- through its services and programs-should show that the church has something important to say to today's students. Outreach, mission and service must evolve from and remain in some way connected with worship and study on campus, as they do in countless churches. Special interest subgroupings will inevitably form from the wider campus ministry. But we must show students that the mission trips and the service projects, the premarital preparation groups and the seminars on responsible sexuality all emanate and evolve from our commitment to God and our communal study of the Word.

The church-on-campus model is not a reactionary call for a return to pre-'60s "glory days" or to an outdated worship style or study method. On many newer or recently expanded state campuses there has never been a worshiping, studying mainline church presence. Any denominational-based gathering on these campuses would be innovation, not regression. Students have told me that prior to attending a campus service they had never been inside a church or chapel or that before being part of a Christian campus discussion group they had had no vocabulary with which to articulate their spiritual impulses. The church may be familiar to many students, but for others it is the cutting edge of newness, and it presents us with an effective means of evangelization. The church-on-campus model does not propose to return to some kind of required chapel attendance . Coercion to attend religious functions would be improper on public campuses and undesirable on most private ones.

The campus church does not threaten the community church, because it addresses a different constituency. For regardless of what is happening on campus, those highly motivated students who want to be in a local church with worshipers of all ages or to play. in a hand bell choir will seek out the local congregation. The campus ministry addresses the much larger group ' of students who do not venture off campus. Its hoped-for goal is that the student who assumes

leadership in it will remain committed to the church wherever he or she goes.

In order to reinvigorate the campus church, we first have to admit what we have not been doing. How many parents and church members simply assume that some kind of community gathers for worship in that ivory-covered Gothic structure in the middle of campus or in the plain but warm United Campus Ministry basement? "On our campus," one campus minister wrote, "we have evolved our sense of ministry from mere worship to an integration with all of life. " What he meant was that he had closed the chapel program and had begun teaching a full load. Many of us would call that regression rather than evolution. Many clergy entered campus ministry because they were wary or weary of the worshiping, studying community in the local church. The campus offered the freedom to do that which was impossible in the parish, and more than one of us has maintained the title "campus minister" while inching ever closer to full-time teaching.

In today's environment it is no longer sufficient for the churches merely to be present. We must now question whether our presence is understood. We need to take the general ministry of the church, the ministry of Word and sacrament, to campuses where it is absent and where a high percentage of the students will not seek it out but may be receptive to it in their midst. This way of doing college and university ministry will require rethinking not only by campus ministers and their boards,, but by local congregations and judicatories, all of which need to understand that the church on campus is an extension of --not an annoyance to or a competitor with -- the local church.

Seven Ways to Change Congregational Culture: Renewed Life

Though the past quarter century has been a challenging, sometimes discouraging time for mainline congregations and their leaders, many positive things, often hidden from public view or statistical analysis, have been going on. Many mainline congregations have learned to see scripture afresh, have profited from more biblical preaching and have rediscovered the power and beauty of worship. There has been an explosion of creative new hymnody, reflected and made available in a host of new hymnals. Mainline churches have rethought and refrained their social and political witness in a way that has deepened rather than diminished it. As interest in "spirituality" has grown in the larger culture, many mainline congregations have deepened their own forms of Christian piety through Bible study and prayer, spiritual direction and formation, and a renewed appreciation for the rites and rituals of the church.

From my own experience, I would suggest that mainline congregational culture is changing. Specifically, I see seven shifts in that culture: seven ways that mainline churches are changing -- or should be changing -- the way they operate.

From civic faith to the practice of transformation: With their churches no longer part of the religious establishment, and with the country increasingly diverse culturally and pluralistic religiously, mainline leaders have had to ask bottom-line questions -- questions about purpose, not profit. What is the deep purpose of the church? What is the purpose of our particular church? Descriptions that once defined the church’s mission -- being the conscience of the community, helping those in need or being a center for civic or social life -- are no longer fully adequate.

What is our purpose today? It is suggested by words and phrases like "Christian formation," "spiritual development," "healing," "making disciples." All are images of change, of human transformation.

At the church I serve, we find ourselves reclaiming such familiar yet strange words and phrases as "dying and rising," "new hearts and new minds," "being born anew," "repentance," "new creation" and "conversion." Our business is the transformation and formation of persons and communities in light of the vision and values of the gospel.

We are not abandoning the task of addressing issues of our common life as a society. If we are faithful to our scriptures and, in our case, to the Reformed tradition, we will continue to recognize, as Calvin said, that "all of life is lived before and unto God," and to speak of and to the common good. But we are no longer the sole religious voice, nor the exclusive voice of conscience in the community. Ours is one voice among many. Increasingly, we seek to be an alternative in a society that is often destructive of human relationships and humane values, a society afflicted by a chronic low-grade nihilism that is masked but not healed by material affluence. Those seeking a church today need more than a committee assignment. They need and seek a whole new way of life. The church offers the possibility of transformation in light of the story of God’s grace and the life and practices derived from that story.

From assuming the goods to delivering the goods: When the mainline was the religious establishment, it tended to assume that everyone was more or less Christian. We not only assumed the goods, we watered them down. Being a good Christian was not particularly different from being a good American. The perennial plight of established religious bodies is reaching for the lowest common denominator, muting faith’s distinctives, softening the edges of anything that might create tension between faith and culture.

Today the traditional and classical marks of the church -- kerygma (worship and proclamation), didache (teaching), koinonia (community and fellowship) and diakonia (service) -- must take precedence. Churches cannot serve a host of side dishes while neglecting the main course. Worship must be the central and formative experience in the life of the congregation. As a seminary intern at our church said to me recently, "What I see here is that if you get Sunday morning right, everything else follows."

Gathered in worship, a congregation will hear things its members will not hear elsewhere. Gathered in worship, they will hear strange and exotic accounts which call into question a culture that knows no power save its own. In worship people will experience shifts in perspective and alternative sources of power.

Not only is worship crucial to the tasks of human transformation, but the nature of the church’s teaching ministry also must change. Once the Sunday school was the primary teaching strategy of the church, and most of the church’s teaching was geared toward children. Increasingly now the church must be teaching in everything it does. The aphorism is true, "If we are not modeling what we teach, we are teaching something else." Moreover, the teaching ministry is directed as much to adults as to children. As Clarence Jordan reminded us, "You can’t raise live chicks under dead hens." In the congregation I serve, the teaching ministry once put all its eggs in a Sunday forum on community and civic issues. That forum remains strong, but alongside it is a solid menu of the main dishes of Christian faith and learning: scripture, theology, spiritual life and practices, and ethics.

From givers to receivers who are also givers: We have often in our churches assumed that we were the givers. While it may well be true that "it is more blessed to give than to receive," giving is often easier. Giving puts the giver in a position of control. Receiving, whether of roadside assistance or forgiveness, makes us vulnerable.

For Christians, giving to others is a response to our experience of receiving grace and new life in Christ. We are receivers who give. As Jesus reminds Peter in the Gospel of John’s account of the foot-washing at the Last Supper, in order to share the grace of God with others we must also be recipients of that grace ourselves. We can’t give to others what we have not received or experienced ourselves. Through the sacraments and rituals of the church people are reminded of our need for grace and permitted to become receivers. Similarly, in community life and civic affairs, we increasingly recognize ourselves as leaders who are themselves being led by God, by the Holy Spirit, by the living Christ.

From board culture to ministry culture: As established churches, congregations often developed elaborate structures of boards and committees similar to those of many other voluntary organizations. Board and committee service was one of the chief ways that people expressed their commitment, and it was one of the central ways in which churches incorporated members and ensured their participation. Since American culture was seen as Christian, ministry was not "out there" but "in here." Increasingly today people sense that mission begins much closer to home, at the church’s doorstep, and are receptive in fresh ways to the practice of ministry in daily life.

Today some congregations are experimenting with a model in which members of the congregation are asked to be engaged in ministry rather than to run the church itself. I know a 900-member congregation, for example, at which all but three committees have been abolished, replaced by a host of "ministry teams." Some ministry teams work in the community, doing such things as tutoring children, feeding the hungry and counseling the troubled. Others are serving within the church by planning liturgical drama, volunteering in the church office and teaching classes. All who join this congregation take part in a seminar called "Discovering Your Gifts for Ministry." Then they may either join an existing ministry team or start a new one. Instead of trying to find people to fill the slots on the institution’s list of offices and committees, the church tries to help people discern and discover their gifts for ministry and to support them in the exercise of those gifts.

It may not be necessary or even helpful to make such a radical shift. But it is important to help boards shift to a ministry ethos and to help people get in touch with the deep story that authorizes, grounds and drives a ministry. Too often boards operate only at the task or strategic level. Their agenda is the next five tasks, whether fund raising, planning a dinner, or assuring that there are enough Sunday school teachers for the year ahead. But why? What is the large story out of which we live and serve? To ask these questions leads back to worship, biblical study and the need for growth in faith to be part of every ministry team.

Church leaders can assist this shift toward ministry teams by giving the work hack to the people. Instead of expecting a ministry team to do what we have always done -- which tends to take us where we have always been leaders need to let ministry teams discover their own directions. Encourage them to take the initiative in defining and solving problems and developing strategies. It is not easy to get people to assume a greater level of responsibility. But the paradox of doing it is that it ends up increasing rather than diminishing people’s energies. Half-hearted commitment seems to use up a great deal more energy than whole-hearted engagement.

From community organization to faith-based ministry: After the dedication of a new community youth center, a leader in my denomination was invited by the mayor of the city to have coffee. The mayor, who happened to be African-American, told the minister, "You know, I appreciate all your efforts in getting this center opened, and I also appreciate your remarks today. But you are a Christian minister and I didn’t hear you say anything that couldn’t have been said by someone else. We need to hear something different from you. We need to hear something from the gospel."

During the period of establishment, we tended to function like any other civic or community organization. It was enough to support worthwhile agencies that were "doing the work of the church," and our emphasis tended to fall on material aid. Today a growing number of people are recognizing the value of a clearly articulated faith-based identity for a congregation’s witness and service. In part this flows from the recognition that many of the most intractable social problems are not simply economic or even political. They are spiritual, and involve all aspects of people and their relationship to their community. In addition, faith-based ministries provide a way for Christians to live out and grow in their faith as they practice discipleship.

The shift is evident in my congregation’s mission work. Once we primarily supported agencies and programs that were meeting the needs of the least fortunate in the city. Today we are developing "Houses of Healing," residential, spiritually based communities for persons recovering from mental illnesses. We are starting a new congregation in another part of the city. We are joining a congregation in Nicaragua to build a job skills training center for women in Managua that is operated as a faith-based ministry. All these recognize and include a non-coercive faith expression as part of the ministry. All offer members opportunities to exercise and grow in discipleship.

From seeing the budget as an end to seeing it as a means: Since the late ‘60s, many churches and denominations have limited themselves to trying to survive. "Meeting the budget" or "making the budget" has been an annual rallying cry. But it doesn’t require extended reflection to see that "making the budget" is not a cry that is likely to capture people’s imagination. Nevertheless, it gradually supplanted more ambitious and imaginative goals like "building a church" or "supporting a new ministry." The budget became an end instead of the means to an end.

When "making the budget" becomes our goal, chances are that we are not asking the essential prior question, ‘What are we trying to accomplish?" or "What is our business?" Congregations must see the budget as a means and as a tool for ministry and mission. We need to break with the pattern of letting the budget determine what is possible.

In our congregation, it has proven helpful to do five-year plans, recognizing that such a plan is a guideline and not a fixed or set-in-stone document. Such strategic planning starts by asking, "What do we understand God to be calling us to be and do in the next five years?" Then, and only then, are we ready to move to the second question: "What resources do we need to do this?" Budgets are built in response to mission and ministry goals, not the other way around.

In addition, we have come to think of our financial resources as flowing in three streams: support of the annual operating budget (usually from people’s annual incomes); our planned giving and endowment program (from people’s accumulated assets); and periodic capital drives (drawing on both annual income and accumulated assets). To encourage engagement in all three forms of giving, a clear and compelling vision of what the church is trying to accomplish is essential. In any long-established institution it is a challenge to take such an approach, but it is important to work at it. Otherwise, inertia sets in. No new goals or hopes fire our dreams and imaginations.

From passive to active membership growth: Mainline Protestants no longer have a "guaranteed market share" by virtue of their history, tradition, location and place in the social network. In many instances, locations have become problematic and established networks have vanished.

I noticed an interesting bit of information in my denomination’s most recent annual report. Churches "most likely" to experience decline shared three characteristics: they were founded before 1900, they were located in cities, and their membership was more than half female. The congregation I serve happens to meet all three of these criteria. And yet we are growing -- modestly, to be sure, but growing. Perhaps even more important than our modest growth in membership is our more rapid growth in worship attendance. What’s making the difference? No one factor, but rather the combination of shifts in congregational culture which I have described.

Moreover, we encourage people to shift from being passive to active by inviting others to church. The oft-repeated phrase for calling disciples in the Gospel of John is stunningly simple: "Come and see." Most of us can manage that. ("Something wonderful is happening, come and see!") It is not up to us to make people come. It is only our responsibility to extend an invitation, and to provide hospitality when the invitation is accepted. Hospitality means receiving the other graciously, and creating a safe space for newcomers to share their gifts, as well as offering them the gifts of the congregation. Perhaps a part of the challenge for mainline congregations is to recover their confidence that we do indeed have something to share.

I think the basis for a renewed confidence exists and is reappearing. Signs of renewed life are discernible in a host of vital and renewed congregations. Congregations that had been left for dead by the experts seem to be defying their critics and proving the words of the old hymn: "New occasions teach new duties."