Terrorism and Religions

No peace without justice: no justice without truth (Noam Chomsky)

Introduction:

Predominantly the ideologically driven world of the 20th century, as it made its way on to the 21st century, seems to have given way to a more ‘religion accommodating’ world. In fact, the last decades of the 20th century already experienced a phenomenal revival of historical religions in many parts of the world, including the former Soviet Union, Central/Eastern Europe. and China. It is not limited to just the re-emergence of historical religions, but also extended to the emergence of neo-religious movements like New Age spirituality and the surge of religiously based practices and experiences ranging from meditation to medicine. These have made their way into communities all over the world where certain level of freedom for religions and spiritual movements exist.

Religious values and views play a significant role in the lives of people as they deal with issues affecting their communities. Religions teach about ultimate claims on believers’ lives and provide a core vision for it, which invariably colors its followers’ socio-political aspirations, engagements and behaviors. Any macro level issue then cannot be addressed without being sensitive to such realities experienced by people. Whether the future of humanity will be shaped by the ‘clash of civilizations,’ the ‘clash of ignorance,’ the clash of religions and ethnicities, or confrontations between the ‘West and the rest’ is hard to predict. It may be a combination of several of the above as they are all intricately interlinked. It may also be caused by the emergence of hitherto unclear issues of polarization.

Reaction to September 11 attack:

The tragic events of September 11. 2001 were a painful experience for everyone. especially to those who lost dear ones. It was also a rude shock to people in USA and people all over the world who do not subscribe to violence to resolve issues. On the other hand for the perpetrators of this destruction and mass murder, it was an accomplishment. It was a culmination of long-term planning and sacrifice, including the martyrdom/suicide of several individuals. It was supposedly meant to be a retaliatory action for all the direct and indirect support the USA has been giving to the nation of Israel which is in continual conflict with Palestinians. It was for the USA’s infliction of death and suffering on innocent civilians in Iraq by refusing to lift the decade-long economic sanctions. It was for USA’s support of some of the ‘corrupt’ regimes in the Middle East like Saudi Arabia and Egypt. It was for the stationing of the USA army in Saudi Arabia the home of Muslim Holy Places of Mecca and Medina. It was for the systematic dissemination of Western values in the Muslim world. In other words, as far as the executors and schemers of the terrorist act, it was a repayment for all the insults against Islamic faith, and for the injury to Islamic communities brought about by the USA and its Western allies in collaboration with several Muslim regimes in the Middle East. [Bergen. 2001: 19-20]

Even though such feelings on the part of the Islamic extremists were well known to the leaders in the USA and the rest of the world from the earlier incidents, like, the bombing of the World Trade Center in1993, the bomb attacks on USA embassies in Nairobi, Kenya and Dar-es-Salaam in Tanzania in 1998, and the attack on the USS Cole in Yemen in 2000, the incident of September11 came as a total surprise. The magnitude of this destruction, both to property and to people, on the USA soil superseded the US intelligence network.

In spite of the attempt of national leaders and the mass media to interpret the incident as a malicious terrorist act of disgruntled and frustrated people full of evil intensions, for many North Americans it was difficult, if not impossible, to accept it as non-religious. The immediate public reaction in the USA was colored by ‘Islamophobia’ and ‘Arabophobia’, somewhat similar to Christianophobia and Judeophobia among a number of Muslim communities around the globe. The assumption on the part of many was that all the Arabs were Muslims, even though many publications made it known that 77% of Arabs in USA are Christians (the survey report conducted by the Arab American Institute in 2000). The majority of the world’s one billion Muslims are Asians and Africans living in Indonesia, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nigeria and Central Asian countries. The interpretation of dress attire also got mixed up resulting in attacks on Sikhs who wear turbans as part of their religious duty. Also, statistical disputes surfaced with survey reports from different agencies contradicting one another. ‘The Mosque in America’ a report commissioned by Muslim Communities, arrived at a figure of about 6 million Muslims in USA. This was contradicted with a figure of 2.8 million in a report commissioned by American Jewish Committee. A figure of 1.8 million was reported by the American Religious Identification Survey. [Rachel Zoll, 2001:8A] This example indicates the influence that the sheer number of adherents of a particular religion have on the socio-political affairs of modern states, and in a world where truth seems to get blurred amidst statistics.

It is commendable that the immediate USA government response had been very cautious and non-polarizing. While that was appreciated around the globe, the subsequent severe military attack on the territories of Afghanistan that began on October 7 has cast severe doubts on the USA government’s intensions. Was it a genuine patient search for a viable solutions to resolve the conflict or a time set aside to work out a coalition strategy and military build up? The USA-UK led military assault, which executed severe bombing and destruction, has made many wonder whether acts to curb terrorism have turned themselves into terrorizing acts. Arundhati Roy, an Indian novelist and a recipient of the Booker prize, states: "Nothing can excuse or justify an act of terrorism, whether it is committed by religious fundamentalists, private militia, people’s resistance movements -- or whether it’s dressed up as a war of retribution by a recognized government. The bombing of Afghanistan is not revenge for New York and Washington. It is yet another act of terror against the people of the world. Each innocent person that is killed must be added to, not set off against, the grisly toll of civilians who died in New York and Washington". [Roy, 2001] To wage war in order to establish peace is a paradox even though it is one of the often-repeated practices in history.

If a nation is committed to a democratic way of resolving issues that effects communities of people within its borders, the same standard has to be applied in the international level to give credibility to the system of democracy which the USA and the European Union are eager to promote in countries where democracy is not in place. Unfortunately, that has been flouted, generating reactions like that of Imran Khan, a former Pakistan cricket celebrity and current head of a new political [Justice] party in Pakistan: "No country has the right to be judge, jury and executioner. . . . International terrorism should be fought with international institutions: the United Nations and the World Court." [Khan, 2001] Arundhati Roy’s observation supplements this further: "The UN, reduced now to an ineffective acronym, wasn’t even asked to mandate the air strikes. (As Madeleine Albright once said, ‘The U.S. acts multilaterally when it can, and unilaterally when it must.’) The "evidence" against the terrorists was shared amongst friends in the coalition. After conferring, they announced that it didn’t matter whether or not the "evidence" would stand up in a court of law". [Roy, 2001] For a greater just and peaceful order in the world, the quest for democracy has to go further than the political management of nation stations. The democratic ethos should be equally applied to all segments of community, both local and global. The social, cultural, economic, religious, ethnic, racial, tribal, and gender aspects of humanity need to be democratically addressed in order for what creative and healthy plurality that does exist among humans to be honored and preserved.

What is unique in the present conflict is the psychological maneuvering on both sides to gain public sympathy, one making use of moral categories of ‘just retaliation’ and the other appealing for religious or moral duty of every Muslim to be engaged in jihad against the infidels and their ways. Al-Jazeera, a 24-hour Arabic satellite news station broadcasting from the Persian Gulf state of Qatar, (reaching more than 35 million, primarily Arabs viewers around the world including 150,000 in the United States) came under severe criticism by White House staff as an Arab propaganda media and the news media in the USA were asked to use discretion in using news items, especially those released by Osama bin Laden and the Taliban. In the United Kingdom, the broadcasters were summoned to Downing Street office and were cautioned about their screening of Al-Jazeera broadcasts. The Pakistani government was forced to stop the daily briefing from the Taliban embassy in Islamabad on the ground that the briefing violated the ‘diplomatic third country protocol’. The charge was that these briefings were propaganda, campaigns against the USA bombing. Meanwhile the USA countered the Taliban propaganda with its own campaign through the use of Middle Eastern media, besides dropping pamphlets from the air in Afghanistan and creating Radio Free Afghanistan, broadcasting American news and entertainment to Afghans in their local languages. This anomaly of deciding freedom of speech and press has been noted even by the US media.

Democracy, to be practiced and implemented with integrity, demands a free flow of information to citizens; it definitely cannot be overly censored, curbed, or edited to suit the agenda of the political party in power. Ultimately it is not just the vision of a political party that is important for the well-being of citizens, but the freedom that the people have to decide the course of their society knowing the various possibilities that are available to them.

However, such an attempt to mute Taliban voices did not prevent the news and rumors that were transmitted orally, as well as through other channels of information accessible to Arab and Muslim sympathizers. Included was Israel’s intelligence service, the Mossad being portrayed as the real culprit, and pointing to an interesting news item that 4000 Jews were forewarned to stay away from the World Trade Center on the day of the attack, thus being spared from the disaster. Opinions of people seem to matter in a war of terrorism and war on terrorism. Conflicting parties claim that their fight is based on principles of justice, with no aspiration of territorial expansion that was predominant in the 1990-1991 Gulf war, struggles in the former Yugoslav region, and other on-going conflicts around the world.

History revisited:

As we evaluate the September 11 event, certain realities have to be accepted in spite of its gruesome nature. Following the incident, one immediate question raised by many in the USA was why do people hate us? One can avoid dealing with such a question, as often done by political leaders, by simply responding that people out there do not like us because of our values of freedom, democracy, and entrepreneurial spirit. A sizeable section of people also stated that we are a peace-loving people and unilaterally a war was declared on us out of sheer malice. In some ways such comments express true sentiments of the people, but, on the whole, people mind their own business and try to be generous towards others, especially those who are in need. However, when such a reality moves from individual and community life to a nation as a whole, a number of engagements of the USA in the world arena are not perceived as benevolent and gracious.

The USA has significant material needs, like, for example, oil (the USA, which is 5% of world’s population, consumes more than 25% of world’s oil and other resources). Its business interests are aggressively pursued throughout the world, including arms industries and security plans to protect these interests. The USA often collaborates with local regimes, many times those who are not very popular with their own people, but who are willing to support the interest of the USA in order to benefit from it. The USA has the capital, military power, and the global network to accomplish these goals. Michael Lerner explains this as a new ‘militant religious’ phenomenon. "Global capital is not only an economic system, it is a crusading worldview, a militant religion of its own engaged in a worldwide jihad which seeks to remake every social institution in its image. It frequently employs local elites to use violence to impose this new religion on their own people". [Lerner, 2001] When such economic interests are protected with military support and involvement, the USA is perceived as an aggressor rather than a benevolent nation or people.

With the end of the cold war, the USA was the only remaining super power with enormous military and economic power such as the world has not seen before. The USA can impose its will and ways in whatever situation it wants with a great amount of success. But that is no guarantee that it can be free from any resistance, while such an imposition is perceived or understood as a threat by other nations or communities. Afghanistan, where all the planning for the attack on September 11 allegedly was undertaken, was a clear case of a victim in the geo-political and ideological struggles of the contemporary world. For two decades the people of Afghanistan were subject to severe atrocities carried out on them by outsiders, driven by their own ideological and religious agendas. The ten years (1979-1989) of war against Soviet Union occupation, fought with the military support of the USA, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, ruined the country enormously. The Afghanis, and those who fought in Afghanistan from other Arab countries, rightly claimed that it was their sacrifice that brought the collapse of the Soviet Union and paved the way for the end of the cold war.

Unfortunately, the withdrawal of USA interests in Afghanistan once the Soviet withdrew from the territory contributed to the escalation of chaos and the further break down of Afghanistan infrastructure. Afghanistan continued to be a battleground for factions of warlords in spite of some political stability that was brought to large areas with the establishment of the Taliban (students of Qur’an) rule in 1996 with the backing of Pakistan. But the continued war with the Northern Alliance, imposition of severe Islamic code of conduct by the Taliban, and three years of draught escalated the misery and suffering of the population out of proportion to the means they possessed and the materials provided by the rest of the world. The painful result of these 20 plus years of war and destruction was the demise of one million people, 500,000 wounded, and six million refugees within Afghanistan, Iran, and Pakistan. It is estimated that during this period, in the midst of the human catastrophes mentioned above, 40 billion dollars worth of arms and ammunition was poured into Afghanistan, primarily by the Soviet Union and the USA. The present conflict is adding to that military figure, escalating again resources that will be devoted to the arms industry.

The "betrayal and abandonment of USA" is a historical fact that is remembered by the Afghani people, who expected generous economic assistance from the USA for the price they paid for the demise of the mighty power of the Soviet Union. Antagonism against the USA is further perpetrated by the leadership of the USA in Gulf War, military involvement in Somalia [both Muslim nations], and, as mentioned above, the continued economic blockade against Iraq and support and supply of weapons to the Israeli army (which has been used predominantly against the ‘intifada’ [uprising] of the Palestinian youth beginning in 1987). It is an irony of history that the needs of the forgotten nation and people of Afghanistan were brought to the world’s attention with the tragic event of September 11. However, the question still remains, "Is terrorism an answer and a resolution to a problem?"

Terrorism and some religious responses:

Terrorism is not a pleasant enterprise either to the one who executes it or to the one it is targeted to. By design, terrorism is an unpredictable use of violence against an individual, group, community, or nation to attain the goal of the perpetrators. Its aim may include overthrowing, destabilizing, or replacing the existing systems and institutions or retaliating for the hurt and harm committed. Ideological, political, social, moral, personal, and religious motivations may play a role in such actions. Terrorism has been used throughout history and throughout the world by states, organizations, groups, and individuals. Religious communities have not shied away from terrorism; they often have used flimsy support from their respective traditions. Modern technological advancements and communication facilities have given a greater lethality and mobility to terrorists. The phenomenon of terrorism is not going to go away unless human communities deal with the issues perpetuating them locally and globally.

Through wars and conflicts, terrorist acts have taken a heavy toll on humanity especially on innocent civilians. According to UNICEF, 80% of victims of all such aggressions in recent years have been civilians, mainly women and children. Looking back to the last century, despite all its valuable accomplishments, the 20th Century has turned out be the bloodiest century in human history. It is estimated that more than 60 million people were killed by fellow humans, more than in all the previous centuries of human history. The century ended with about 21 million refugees around the globe, including about 6 million internally displaced people and more than 300,000 child soldiers (under the age of 18), girls as well as boys, engaged in armed conflicts.

Even though human conflicts and the September 11 tragedy can be explained in political and social terms, explicitly or implicitly religious components shape and motivate them depending on the persons who give leadership to them. There are no easy answers for the wide range of religious and ethical questions that have been raised subsequent to September 11 tragedy. A lot of reflection is needed to ponder an adequate response. Conflict in human communities cannot be totally avoided: it is bound to happen regularly. But the issue is how we can best utilize the resources that are available to us to avoid, defuse, and prevent conflicts. Can religious resources be utilized to achieve these goals?

Preventing religious teachings and visions from becoming a tool to perpetuate terrorism, as in the case of September 11, is crucial for the well being of humanity and the rest of the creation. Since religious communities are shaped by the plurality of circumstances and environments in which they are located, close cooperation and better understanding among religions is the only way to achieve this goal. In times of desperation and calamities, it is normal for people to turn to their ultimate visions for life. For most, these visions are provided by their religious heritage. Accordingly, following the terrorists attack, people in the USA and in many part of the world responded religiously. Prayer services, memorials, joint faith worships, vigils, and religious discourses were in place immediately after the incident. A German theologian, visiting soon after the incident, noted with surprise the slogan, "God bless America," echoed in almost every public and private building. His remark was that such a pious and religious benediction is hard to find in Germany and in Europe in the present context. However, in Europe some other-closely religio-cultural actions would certainly take place. The lighting of candles, and their placement in windows or public places as a message of peace and solidarity, and the organizing of a concert for a peace rally both would be important actions.

While the majority of the world was going through shock, a small group of sympathizers of such terrorist action were jubilant, not because they delighted in death and the suffering of others, but rather they felt that their religious perspectives provided them with a means of response to what they perceived as evil. For them it was a successful accomplishment of a planned action to uphold Islamic truth. It was a moral revenge and a spiritual act. Religiously it was jihad against evil society and the infidels in America, an interpretation that was not accepted by the majority of Islamic leaders, theologians, and communities the world over.

The three religions directly implicated in the September 11 event are Islam, Christianity, and Judaism. It is not so much that these religions directly contributed to it, or led the way to it, but rather that the people who are directly or indirectly associated with all the happening around the event come primarily from these three religious traditions. The USA and the rest of the Western nations are predominantly shaped by Christian values and worldviews, the Middle East and Central Asia by Islamic traditions and cultures, and Israel and Jews living in USA by Jewish values and traditions. Even Hinduism is indirectly implicated, as there is an ongoing conflict in Kashmir between the so termed ‘Muslim terrorist’ and the government of India, a nation with a majority of Hindus. In the past twelve years of intense struggle, more than 36,000 have been killed, including ‘terrorist’ freedom fighters, as well as soldiers, police, and civilians. This has caused enormous damage to the social fabric of the society, not to mention the material damage.

One of the affirmative disclosures of this tragic event was the value of intense interfaith work that has been going on with some vigor since the 1960s. The interfaith unit of the World Council of Churches, the Pontifical Council for Inter-faith Relations, the many national and regional councils of church and denominational programs among Christians. and similar attempts among the Jewish and Islamic communities and world bodies, have, through their interfaith work, created a new ethos for addressing issues when religious feelings are brought out in conflicting situations. The presence and participation of people of different faiths at the worship service in the National Cathedral in Washington D.C., and at many interfaith services, especially the one held in Yankee stadium in New York, were witnesses to such positive attitudes that have developed as a result of interfaith ministries. Who could have imagined that Dr. Billy Graham would be willing to participate and preach in a service at the National Cathedral alongside a Jewish Rabbi and Muslim Mullah, sharing the same chancel area as worship leaders, and reading and praying from their own sacred texts and traditions?

Even earlier, those who had given their time and talents for interfaith relations shared a celebrative moment when the United Nations recognized the importance of interfaith relations and summoned a conference of religious leaders in New York just prior to the Millennium summit meeting of world leaders in August 2000. One can draw on the result of the careful work that has been done by religious bodies, educational institutions, and local communities regarding better understanding between the Islamic faith and societies since the Gulf War in 1991. However, the task became complicated when reports from investigation of September 11 identified those involved in the terrorist acts as adherents of Islam, and alleged to be highly motivated by their religious teaching. It only further demands from all those who are aspiring for peace and justice a renewed commitment for interfaith work at all levels.

Islam, Christianity, and Judaism:

What does Islam, Christianity, and Judaism teach regarding the perceived and/or real adversaries to its faith and community? We have to recognize that none of these religions are monolithic. They are divided into numerous groups, denominations, and sects, some with distinct theological emphasis and ethical practices. In these religions there is a huge spectrum of opinions and expressions. In actuality, what is witnessed is Islams, Christianities, and Judaisms with all their internal pluralities. The range of attitudes stretching from liberal to conservative, just to use one denominator, is wide and complex. What one can summarize from these religious traditions has to be broad-based and limited to the generic characteristics that undergirds each of these religious families, even though such an exercise is extremely presumptuous.

Islam:

Islam believes in diversity of religions. Islam actually took birth in the context of Judaism and Christianity being the prevailing religions. Islam shows a special respect towards Judaism and Christianity because of the common faith heritage. Islam expects the followers of these religions to live an upright life as the wish of the creator. The Qur’an teaches: "And those who follow the Jewish (scriptures), and the Christians and the Sabians -- any who believe in Allah and the Last Day, and work righteousness, shall have their reward with their Lord" (2:62) [Ali, 1997:33-34]. (Ref. Surah 2:148; 22:67). As far as a Muslim is concerned, deviating from Islamic faith is regarded as an offense, which could be punishable even by death.

According to the Qur’an, the prophet Muhammad gave priority to seeking reconciliation and peace with Jews and Christians, as well as with other opponents and enemies. The Qur’an clearly prohibits offensive war, and believers initiating aggression. Surah 2:190 states, "Fight in the cause of Allah those who fight you. But do not transgress limits; for Allah loveth not transgressors." [Ali, 1997:76] Even though peace and reconciliation are given priority, there are the possibilities of individuals reading several texts of the Qur’an to find support in engaging in acts of aggression and war like that of September 11, aiming at those who are identified as enemies of Islam or to those who have wronged the Islamic community. "To those against whom war is made, permission is given (to fight), because they are wronged" (22:39). "O Prophet! Strive hard against the unbelievers and hypocrites and be firm against them" (66:9). Those who are killed in genuine war (jihad) as martyrs will live in the presence of the Lord. "Think not of those who are slain in Allah’s way as dead. Nay, they live finding their sustenance in the presence of their Lord" (3:169) [Ali, 1997: 832,1494,172] (Ref. Surah 22:58).

As soon as the perpetrators of the terrorist act had been identified as Muslims, the word ‘jihad’ was repeatedly referred to by the media, as was the case in the 1970s during the Islamic revolution in Iran and the establishment of the Islamic Republic under Ayatollah Khomeini. According to Marcel Boisard, Muslim jurists classify ‘jihad’ (which means ‘intense effort/total endeavor/striving’) into four different types: 1) the intense effort by the heart; 2) the tongue; 3) the hand; and 4) the sword. The effort of the heart represents the internal spiritual and moral struggle; it aims at victory over ego. The effort of the tongue represents the calm preaching and teaching of the morals of Islam. The effort of the hand represents the setting forth of good conduct as example for the Islamic community and others. The effort of the sword corresponds to armed conflict with enemies of the Islamic community in circumstances where believers are persecuted and their freedom curtailed. This last category, engaging in the efforts of the sword, is further divided by Boisard into six types: I) against the enemies of God; 2) for the defense of frontiers; 3) against apostates; 4) against secessionists; 5) against groups who disturb public security; and 6) against monotheists who refuse to pay the capitation tax [Boisard, 1988:24-25]. Even then, certain conditions are attached to minimize the violence and damage done to people and property.

On the basis of the majority of the identified perpetrators of September 11 being Saudi Arabians, including the alleged plotter and financier, Osama bin Laden, one could conclude that what has been behind the September 11 incident, and some of the earlier incidents of terror, is the religious worldview of the Wahhabiya (ahl-al-tawhid ‘People of Unity’) movement. This particular movement within Islam owes its inspiration and teachings to Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1787) of Arabia, who in the 18th century called on Muslims to return to the pristine teachings and practices of early Islam. True Muslim believers, Wahhab felt, should uphold the absolute Oneness of God (Unitarianism), abandoning all the kafir (unbeliever) elements like the veneration of saints, grave cults, decorations of mosques, and the Sufi innovations and luxurious living that subsequently crept in. If the original grandeur of Islam is to be regained, the Islamic community must reorient their total life by strict adherance to the Qur’anic teachings and enunciations by the prophet Muhammad. Islamic state law must govern the people’s life. All polytheist and infidels interfering in the way of this puritanical Islam are to be considered adversaries, including individuals, groups, religious bodies, or nation states.

In the face of opposition among the Muslim community itself, Wahhab and his teachings were sympathetically received by the local Dir’iyah prince Muhammad ibn Sa’ud and his family in 1745. This religious and political solidarity was instrumental in Arab resistance to the Ottoman Empire, and to the expansion of the Sa’udi rule over the Arabian Peninsula. After decades long struggles, when Ibn Sa’ud was able to establish the Kingdom of Saudi in 1932, Wahhabiya assumed the prime religious position in the Kingdom. In order to make sure that the Wahhabiya vision of Islam was adhered to both in public and private spheres, a number of measures were introduced including the office of ‘religious police’ -- mutawwi’un (enforcers of obedience). However, in recent decades even the Sa’udi royal family has come under the criticism of staunch Wahhabis for their openness to non-Muslims and values in their territory, and increasing laxity towards citizens. Therefore, it is not so much democracy, but the modernization and westernization that are a threat to Muslims of Wahhabiyah orientation and calls for opposition including jihad to protect the integrity of their vision of Islam.

Besides the Wahhabiyah movement, there are also other groups within Islam who subscribe to the jihad of the sword as a religious belief for the protection of community and faith. It is clear from the above discussion that Islam is not a pacifist religion. Today, however, the majority of Muslims, and several International Islamic Organizations, will interpret even the fourth category of jihad as a concerted effort to overcome the evil found within human society so that peace with justice is accomplished for all humans throughout the world. Muslim leaders also try to promote peace with justice through their participation in inter-religious organizations like the World Congress of Religions for Peace. Also. Islamic nations, as active members of the United Nations, work closely with other nations of the world in shaping a common future for humanity, bringing in the Islamic ideals of peace and justice.

Christianity:

Christianity had its origin as a marginalized and persecuted community. However, after recognition by the emperor Constantine in 312 CE., it soon developed it own means of using force to achieve its objectives. This included punishment, persecution, imprisonment, banishment of those who strayed away from the true faith, torture, execution of those who refused to repent and recant their false beliefs, and crusades to retrieve lost territories and reclaim members. These methods of force developed steadily as Christianity’s power consolidated with the sponsorship of the state and its own organizing skills. Many of these acts throughout history were carried out with the help and blessings of Christian rulers and political powers.

During the Protestant Reformation, such forces were unleashed against various groups of Christians, resulting from complex combinations of faith, ethnicity, culture, class, geo-political loyalties and past histories. Such inter-Christian rivalries in the physical sense have vanished today. Physical conflicts of any substantial nature today are mostly perpetuated by socio-political and ideological disagreements, rather than by religious differences. Alongside such developments, where force was used for achieving the goals, there was always a counter voice focusing on non-violent methods of resolving issues, shaped by virtues of love and mercy.

Christianity has both pacifist and nonpacifist theological stances depending on denominations and historical traditions. For nonpacifists, the ‘just war’ theory, developed by theologian and church father, St. Augustine (354-430 CE.), has a variety of interpretations that can be applied again and again in situations of war. War and violence are considered as answers when they are used as instruments for justice, self-defense, or for defending innocent lives and preventing enormous damage to material means. This holds as long as they are undertaken by competent authorities, and when all means of reconciliation have been exhausted. The plea for negotiation has been spurned, and can be used only as a last resort when there is a reasonable hope for victory.

Those who are committed to pacifistic views can point to the fact that in the New Testament there is not only reaffirmation of the commands of loving ones neighbor as oneself (Matt.19: 19, 22:39; Mk 12:31. 33; Lk. 10:27) [based on the teachings in the Hebrew Bible (Deut. 6:5, Lev. 19:18)]. but also the stipulation to not resist the evil doers with actions of aggression (Matt. 4:39), and even to love ones enemies and pray for them (Matt. 4:44; Lk. 6:27, 35). Inspired by the teaching of Jesus on non-violence and his own Hindu faith tradition, Mahatma Gandhi demonstrated the power of pacifistic means of accomplishing the social and political changes. Martin Luther King Jr. was able to build on it in his own struggle towards racial justice. The teaching of Jesus, and examples of Gandhi and King, have been emulated by many individuals and groups around the world, demonstrating that pacifism is a viable option in the world of war and violence. Both pacifistic and non-pacifistic views continue within Christianity, leaving the choice to its members.

However, with the development of separation of church and state, Christians of many denominations leave the issue of war, violence and aggression to the best judgment of the state as long as they have the satisfaction and confidence that the state is duly elected and acts within broad stipulations for just war. The New Testament teachings to submit to ruling powers: "Let every person be subject to the governing authorities: for there is no authority except from God, and those authorities that exist have been instituted by God" (Rom. 13:1) and, "For the Lord’s sake accept the authority of every human institution" (1 Pet. 2:13), make it possible for many Christians to take such position. Where political principles of church and state separation are in operation, resistance to any state promoted war and violence, whether by Christians or people of other faiths, become both apolitical opposition and a faith action. A number of individual Christians, Christian organizations, and churches in the USA and around the globe have raised their voice against the way the USA, primarily in support of the UK, has proceeded to retaliate since October 7. Since any change to that status can only be brought by state legislation, the task of church becomes more of a conscience raiser and an advocate for change of state policy based on its own faith perspective. Nevertheless, one cannot underestimate the influence of Christian communities and churches on state policies where they are a sizeable majority.

Judaism:

In the Torah, the Jewish scriptures, we not only read about faith traditions, but also Jewish social history. Early Judaic tradition operated with an unique understanding of covenant relation between God and the Jewish community. As long as Israelites were faithful to the covenant they could count on the protection of God. When Israelites broke the covenant, they were reprimanded, including facing defeat by their enemies and captivity by foreigners. In the midst of all this, God’s faithfulness always endured, giving them hope against their adversaries. In some Jewish traditions, God is understood as permitting occasional war and providing victory to Israel, God’s chosen people. This includes the songs of Moses and Miriam, which speaks of a warrior-Lord who triumphed gloriously over Pharaoh’s mighty army (Ex. 15:1-21). Another, the laws of war, is encoded in Deuteronomy 20:1-20. Even the central symbol of God’s presence among people, ‘the ark of covenant,’ was carried into the battlefield to assure victory against the adversaries (Num. 10:35-36; 1 Sam. 14:1-8). At the same time, prophetic voices repeatedly spoke about God’s expectation of Israelites to be a light and blessing to nations (Isa. 42:6. 49:6. 19:24). It also expressed God’s special care and concern towards the poor and the marginalized, both of Israel and the neighboring communities, through acts of justice, tempered by a merciful and forgiving attitude (Duet. 10:18, 24:17; Ps. 82:2-4; Isa. 1:17; Amos 5:23-24; Mic.6:8). The prophets, on occasion, envisioned that all nations would be drawn into Lord’s house and live in ‘shalom’ (peace and well being). "Nations shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more. (Isa. 2:4b; cf. Isa. 56:1-8; Mic.4: 1-4)

In modern times, major voices of Judaism are manifested in the movement of Zionism, with the founding of the Zionist organization in Basel in 1897. It was a sociopolitical movement with secular leadership meant to overcome all the adversities that were faced by the Jewish community. Nevertheless. Zionism has drawn on the religious and ethnic sentiments of its community. As a model for mission, it has focused on the wish of their ancestors exiled in Babylonia (597-538 BCE) to return to Jerusalem and to rebuild the temple. However, there has been no consensus among the Jewish faithful regarding the physical return to Zion, the retaking the land, and the founding of the State of Israel that happened in May 1948. Those who have not subscribed to political Zionism understand the return to Zion as a spiritual yearning for the messianic rule of justice and peace, not to be substituted with human accomplishment of resettlement in the former territory, or of establishing a nation-state. While supporters of political Zionism see it as an act of ‘self-emancipation,’ especially in the context of the horrors of the holocaust, the affected Palestinians and Arabs see the Zionist claim for a separate state as a ethnocentric and ‘ethno-territorial’ agenda. Therefore, the Palestinians and their sympathizers see Zionism as a scheme of violence and terror. According to them, "The methods of Zionism were designed first to ignore, then to isolate, then finally to dispossess, evict, and if possible exterminate the native non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine" [Zionism & Racism, 1977: 243].

The number of wars and armed confrontations since 1948 with Arab neighbors, the continued occupation of neighboring territories, and the prevention of the formation of the independent State of Palestine, has made Palestinians, Arab neighbors, and a large section of the Muslim world perceive the State of Israel as the aggressors and perpetuators of terror against the Palestinian people. However, the State of Israel sees all its aggression on the Palestinians and neighbors as self-defense and self-preservation. Even though acts of war and aggression were not necessarily done as religious acts, for outsiders, these acts of terror, and religion, exist in a symbiotic relation as the Sate of Israel is primarily anchored on a faith community. Rabbi Lerner explains the complexity further:

"the critique of Israel and its policies toward the Palestinian people, cynically manipulated by Bin Laden and his cronies, is nevertheless basically legitimate. What is amazing is that even at this moment when the Middle East is exploding, there is no serious analysis of Israel’s role. A unique combination of Jewish establishment power and Christian guilt (deserved) for the Holocaust has led to an amazing reality in America: there is no public discussion of the role Israel has played in generating the wild level of anger at the West from which the terrorists are able to recruit" [Lemer, 2001]. The issue here is how to relate particular religious vision about social reality and communal identity in a complimentary and a relational way in the midst of plurality of communities and religions. Marc Ellis articulates this as a probing question: "Did the Jewish experience of atrocity demand a focus on Jewish survival and empowerment, or did this experience speak to Jews of the need to build a world where atrocity would never happen again to any people?" [Ellis, 1997:xiv]

A Way forward:

Amidst records of the glorious achievements of world religions, there are also examples of the misuse of religion to accomplish selfish goals or distorted objectives. However, the historical religions have shown resilience to such misuses by reemerging from these stark periods through the efforts of the faithful. When the noble ideals of any of the religions are distorted, it is in fact a breach and betrayal of the tradition that is sacred to its followers. Therefore, such movements, despite their claims, should not be confused with any enduring historical religions. However, the challenge does not lie in just ignoring them but in preventing such occurrences in the future so that the wealth of the human spiritual traditions is not squandered. One way forward is to promote greater understanding and relations between people of different faiths, and to uphold that endeavor as a binding spiritual and moral commitment, regardless of one’s religious affiliation. The ‘golden rule’ of love and care towards neighbors, which is found in all historical religions, can be interpreted to support this vision.

Humans do not read and relate to history in the same way. This is true especially when past relationship is in conflict. The conquerors and the conquered, the colonizers and colonized, the winners and losers in military confrontations, trade and commerce dealings, or religious relations, will certainly read history and events differently, if not in opposing terms. Such a past cannot be wiped out easily. Provisions can be worked out to reconcile the past memories and amend past mistakes through religious values (repentance, forgiveness, and reconciliation), socio-economic means (such as providing assistance to development, promoting fair aid and trade, restitution, and reparation), and by political goals (of consensus building and solidarity).

There are a number of individuals and organizations (religious and secular) that firmly believe in non-violent strategies as the only, if not the best, way to deal with the past and to build a just future society. According to Glen Stassen and Steven Brion-Meisels, the following principles can accomplish that goal of non-violent eradication of the roots of terrorism: "address the roots not just symptoms; recognize the role of all parties; take independent initiatives that reduce violence and promote justice; re-engage with international forces; use force only to apprehend and protect; increase the capacity of multicultural, civilian-based organizations; and foster inter-cultural understanding and reconciliation" [Stassen & Brion-Meisels, 2001]. Not all people, however, may be as optimistic as Stassen and Brion-Meisels.

Even if we cannot completely eliminate war and terrorism, we can considerably reduce their use, and definitely reduce the number of supporters and sympathizers for such means, in settling a community’s frustration, anger, disappointment and desperation. Open forums can be created to express various views and to resolve disputes; including genuine programs and policies of justice to be promoted to deal with all prevailing injustices. The United Nations Organization is already playing that crucial role, but it has not been very effective when major national powers or consortium of powers take the issues in their own hands over the wish and aspiration of others, especially those who disagree with them and their methods of settling disputes. Osama bin Laden made good use of this when he called for Islamic nations to withdraw from the UNO, accusing those Arab nations who work closely with the UNO as infidels.

However, this important organization, the UNO, is an institution, which mainly caters to the welfare and the interest of nation states. Ordinary people do not feel strongly connected to it. In many cases they may turn to religion for solace. For the majority of people, the state is there to provide material and physical security. For issues relating to the meaning of life, people turn to their religious and/or ethical traditions. Today, almost all the historical religions have become transnational, and are sometimes as productive as any international non-governmental organization (NGO) in responding to human crisis. Therefore, it is important that religions, in all their potential, be used for the betterment of humanity. This will reduce the misuse of religion as the wrong tool in the hands of disgruntled people, preventing those who will use its teaching and vision for totally opposite causes than what they were meant to be. Religion is for ushering the abundant life of wholeness to everyone.

It has been observed that through the ages, human worldviews has been steadily expanding from tribal to national to global dimensions of awareness and operation. For centuries, major religions of the of the world have served humanity with a global vision and outreach, and are not strangers, but rather pioneers, to this emerging secular consciousness of global dimension of humanity. However, in recent decades, religions are increasingly committed to respecting, and even promoting, local and regional identities by moving away from an expansionist spirit, and to facilitating self-determination and self-expression so that global thrust doesn’t usurp local gifts and resources. Such spirit needs to pervade the secular promotion of globalization for the sake of ensuring justice. The search for security is a common quest of every human and every community. The reality is that "The greatest security will not come through armies or counterviolence, not through revenge or hatred, but through building a world of love and open-heartedness, a world in which the recognition of the sanctity of everyone on the planet shapes every economic, political, and social institution" [Lerner, 2001].

Islam, Christianity, and Judaism all share Abrahamic heritage and roots. They -have many faith aspects that are common, which are widely recognized or affirmed. One common heritage they all share is the prophetic tradition. Prophetic voices have been raised, and evil has ‘been exposed and challenged, whenever a community has faced forces detrimental to the well being of the community and its neighbors. People have been called to turn away from idols to following God, seeking forgiveness and amending their ways for a renewed way of life. The equally important heritages include care and concern towards neighbors, especially those who are poor, marginalized, neglected and oppressed. These values are shared with all the historical religions of the world. As human interaction increasingly takes place between communities, it is bound to increase certain amount of friction, suspicion, and tension between different communities. Those are not insurmountable problems, provided there is greater understanding of the other community’s core values and the commitment to uphold them in all circumstances. Such an attitude should be considered a religious or spiritual act, to be held by all people who want to take their religious identity seriously within the contemporary context of religious plurality. Religious leaders and institutions have a crucial role in promoting these core values and commitments. This will involve downplaying the exaggerated differences between religions (which unfortunately get most of the attention).

The proposal outlined in this paper, asking for religiously affiliated people to work together to face the issues of terrorism, violence and injustice, in not meant to diminish the important role that all other human agencies, state sponsored or voluntary organizations, groups and movements, have to play. Rather, this is to uphold the importance of religion in people’s worldview, especially in our historical times when many of the age-old values are crumbling. This makes people insecure, who then turn to familiar heritages that are still preserved in historical and enduring world religious traditions. Islam, Christianity, and Judaism have a major share in this, being the faith of half of world’s humanity today.

 

References:

• Ali, Abdullah Yusuf. The meaning of the Holy Qur’an. Beltsville, Maryland: Amana Publications. 1997.

• Bergen, Peter L. Holy War Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden. New York: Free Press, 2001.

• Boisard, Marcel A. Jihad: A Commitment to Universal Peace. Indianapolis: American Trust Publication. 1988. Ref. Amir Ali’s classification of eleven different uses of jihad in Qur’an. in "Jihad Explained" http.//www.irshad.org/Islam/ iiie/ [Online 2001]

• Chomsky, Noam. "Prospects for Peace in the Middle East." (Lecture at the University of Toledo, March 4, 2001) http;/ www.zmag.org/meastwatch/prospects,.for peace. htm; 2001 [Online]

• Ellis, Marc H. Unholy Alliance: Religion and Atrocity in our Time. Minneapolis: Fortress. 1997.

• Khan, Imran. "US bombing terrible mistake." Khaleej Times. Dubai. November 3, 2001. [Online]

• Lerner, Michael. "Healing after terror" (Editorial). Tikkun Magazine. Nov/Dec. 2001. [Online]

• Partner. Peter. God of Battles: Holy Wars of Christianity and Islam. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997

• Roy, Arundhati. "War is peace. Now we know," in In These Times. Chicago, IL., October 26, 2001. [Online]

• Said, Edward W. "The Clash of Ignorance" http://www.thenation.com/, 2001, The Nation Company, L.P. [Online]

• Stassen, Glen and Steven Brion-Meisels. "Ending Terrorism means Promoting Justice." http:// www.wcc.coe.org/wcc/behindthenews/analysis/, 2001. [Online]

• Zionism and Racism: Proceedings of an International Symposium. Libya, Tripoli: International Organization for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. 1977.

• Zoll, Rachel. "Numbers don’t tell entire story about Muslims," in Telegraph Herald. Iowa: Dubuque. 2001.

Cross Talk: A Feminist Appreciation of Luther’s Theology

Reflections on another view of Luther

Tracing one’s intellectual or theological ancestry is a worthwhile and honorable pastime. But there are hazards. Chief among them is that, as much as we may come to understand the world within which our historical forbears functioned, we must make all our judgments about them and about the past in the present.

All that we are able to learn about the objects of our study, those now defunct great men (or less commonly, great women) of theology, we learn in terms provided by contemporary reality, a reality that would be utterly foreign to the one from whom we want to claim our inheritance. The foundations for our judgments and explanations may be in centuries past, but however timelessly truthful we are convinced they are, we are irremediably inhabitants of a postmodern, 21st-century world.

Now all of this would be too obvious to mention -- even though its particular consequences hardly ever are -- if we bothered to think about it. Even when we are intellectually honest enough to concede that our "situation" might shape our perception, we seldom have the nerve to find out how. We decline to engage in critical dialogue with others who know both theology and life from another angle. We talk instead with others whose differences from us are not the kind that could ever or would ever correct our errors of vision, theological or other.

There are good theological reasons to make an issue of all this. For people whose faith claims rest as resolutely on incarnation as Christian claims do, the impact our own peculiarly incarnated lives have on the way we do theology -- and therefore on the sort of theology we do -- ought to fascinate us. Convicted of the power of the Holy Spirit to work miracles, even through the most mundane things, and of the creating, recreating power of the Word of God in its multiform instances, we ought to be a good deal less worried that we generally are about preserving and protecting the tradition. It is not a penalty, but a gift, that the Spirit speaks both newly and truly.

Luther’s descendants are people of the Book, and of books -- of tradition, doctrine, language, dispute. We Lutherans take the way we do theology seriously, sometimes more seriously than we take the way we live. We are usually terribly serious about getting our theology right, and very hard on those we believe are wrong. Adamant about the centrality of justification by faith through grace, we sometimes verge on a perverse kind of theological works-righteousness. Outside the theological arena, we suddenly become reticent, shy about noticing the practical, political consequences of our theology on the world we live in.

Across the range of Lutheran activities and attitudes, Martin Luther has generally counted as a principal authority. In serious theological disputes among Luther -- is there any other kind? -- Luther is often quoted or cited more frequently and with greater emphasis than St. Paul or even Jesus.

Almost all Lutheran theological writing has been generated in European or North American academies -- in part, the legacy of Luther’s own concern for learning and education -- and it has been done almost exclusively by European or (more recently) North American men among whom differences of race, economic and social class, and level of education are even less remarkable than their theological differences. It is still very unlikely to occur to most Euro-American Lutheran theologians to consult anyone outside this relatively comfortable, homogeneous coterie on matters of theological moment. The Spirit may blow when and where it will, but on the whole -- it seems to them -- it is more likely to blow (probably in German or English) through the studies and seminars of learned men of the North, than to blow elsewhere or otherwise.

Simmering under all of this is, of course, the volatile question of what purpose our theologizing, Lutheran or otherwise serves, anyway. In The Liberation of Theology, Juan Luis Segundo writes, ‘"A human being who is content with the world will not have the least interest in unmasking the mechanisms that conceal the authentic reality.’" A theologian who is content with the world is unlikely to use the tools of the theological trade to analyze, much less try to fix, what is not perceived to be broken. A theologian who perceives the world to be broken may draw no connection -- ideological, political, or spiritual -- between the theological trade and the state of the world; between who the church thinks it is and how it acts, on the one hand, and the lay of the land where the church resides, on the other. A theologian who laments the brokenness of the world may be persuaded that, in the face of human bondage to sin, there is little point in engaging theology in the struggle toward the reign of God. And, if the truth be told, there are some theologians who, in the face of the reality of suffering, would just rather do theology for its own sake.

Martin Luther is not, and ought not to be, very pleasant company for any of these theologians. To the degree that he has become easy academic company, one could concur with Brazilian Lutheran theologian Walter Altmann that "much of Luther’s liberating and revolutionary impact has been lost."2 In Luther and Liberation. A Latin American Perspective, the first book about Martin Luther by a Latin American, Altmann writes that

Luther himself was quite . . . unconcerned with the preservation of traditions, concerned rather to proclaim the gospel without fear, always challenging new situations. For this reason, the study of Luther is especially -- and perhaps only -- relevant to the extent that it asks what help (or impediment) Luther offers for evangelical witness and life in the face of the challenges that Christians must confront in the present.3

Luther lived and worked during a time of historical upheaval; he both fomented and responded to the dramatic events unfolding in Europe in the 16th century. As theologian and as historical figure, this passionate, difficult, brilliant German monk and his highly unsystematic theology had an incalculable impact on his own time. In order to appropriate what Luther said and wrote for our time, it seems to me, we must keep his 16th-century context in mind. We must also be reading the political, economic, and social signs of our own times. Critical, historical self-awareness is not simply a matter of being "politically correct" in a postmodern world. It is an essential part of intellectual honesty, ethical integrity, and theological rigorousness.

In his time, Luther’s articulation of justification by faith took account of widespread longing for authentic personal faith well as for the reform of the church, sometimes coupled with nationalist protests against Rome. In our contemporary context, I would suggest, church reform is less urgent than the reform of political, social, and economic systems of domination, today exacerbated greatly by the phenomenon of economic globalization.

I am convinced that today, as in the 16th century, Luther’s theology can be a resource for genuine liberation. It is because of this conviction that I undertook the project I would like to share with you today, a project that draws together two quite unlikely conversation partners for the sake of a world that needs to be known and responded to.

The question that moves the project

The question that moves the project is this. What sorts and sources of knowing should we consider compelling as we seek to live faithful lives; in other words, Where do we need to look to learn what we need to know so that we may do what we ought to do? The reflections that follow do not answer these questions, but I hope they may provide some guidance.

Traditional theories of knowledge, called "epistemologies," have focused chiefly on whether we can know anything and, if so, on what grounds we can say we do. Little significance has been attached to questions like, "Who qualifies as a ‘knower,’ and who doesn’t, and why?" Or, "What is ‘real’ knowledge, and who decides what belongs in that category and what doesn’t?" Or, "What is knowledge for?" These are questions that point to the ethical dimensions of knowing.

Feminist philosophers who have written about knowing argue that theories about whether, how, and what we can know function in unavoidably ethical ways. These theories act as lenses, drawing us to notice some things and excluding others from view. Knowing and not-knowing have profound consequences for what we do and don’t do, and for how we justify what we do or don’t do.

Now, of the people with whom one might expect feminist thinkers of this sort to be in conversation, Martin Luther might be one of the last. Remarkably, however, Luther’s theology of the cross offers a solid basis for just such a conversation. Luther’s theology of the cross, sketched out in his Heidelberg Disputation of 1518 -- and it was never really more than sketched anywhere in his work4 -- sets the stage for its contribution to the dialogue in three important ways:

(1) First, it critiques "official" theology -- what Luther calls the "theology of glory" -- and human pretensions to know;

(2) second, it announces God’s solidarity with humankind and the value of embodied experience, especially through the incarnation and suffering and death of Jesus the Christ; and

(3) third, it aims to equip humans to live in the real world not least of all by "calling the thing what it actually is" to use Luther’s words in the Heidelberg Disputation.

The framework for knowing that I will propose -- what I call an "epistemology of the cross" -- emerges from a conversation between secular feminist philosophers of knowing and Luther’s theology of the cross. This framework raises and responds to essential questions of power, experience, objectivity, and accountability; in doing so, it aims to help focus our attention on what should govern our knowing, and where we must look to learn it, as we seek to live faithful, responsive lives.

Beginning with Luther

At the heart of Luther’s theology of the cross is a profoundly epistemological question: the question about knowledge of God. For Luther, knowledge of God comes into being at what is by all human standards the least likely place, namely, the cross of Christ. Equally central to Luther’s approach is his conviction that theological reflection occurs only in the light of what transpires between God and humans, humans and God.

On the other hand, salvation is not a question of knowing; justification, or coming to trust God utterly, does not depend on what a person knows theologically or any other way. Moreover, Luther’s own lived experience made it clear to him over and over again that even good theology is imperfect, a human attempt to describe and interpret what God reveals to and through faith in the daily living of it. What "makes" a theologian is his or her daily, creaturely living, not intense study of the "things of God."5 It may be of interest to note, incidentally, that Luther is far more concerned to describe a theologian, than a theology, of the cross.

Faith, too, is existential; it pervades the dailiness of life, makes the living of life possible. In this sense, the knowledge of God born of and borne by faith is for Luther intimately related to knowledge of the world -- call it "ordinary knowledge." Theology that tries to describe faith’s knowledge of God is also intimately related to all other kinds of knowing -- of things, persons, or what we might call "truths." For Luther these realms of knowing are related in several ways and for several reasons.

(1) In one sense, "knowledge of God" and "ordinary knowledge" (including theological knowledge -- I use these clumsy concepts here mainly to distinguish them and so to argue their relatedness) are related because they set each other off; they help define one another by spelling out what each is not.

(2) They also make each other possible, in the sense that each has its proper bailiwick. In other words, faith’s knowledge of God both "frames" other knowing and "frees" the justified knower to know all kinds of "ordinary" things.

(3) Finally, because faith’s knowing functions in these two ways, it also requires and enables accountability. Human knowers must and can act responsibly in the world, in relation to others.

Once we know, with Luther, what we cannot and do not know -- for example: God directly; or anything that contributes to our own justification or salvation -- then what must we know to live our lives as faithful people? The answer to this question is not defined by its content. Rather, the answer is a series of other questions -- I would call them "epistemological" questions, or questions about knowing -- that have to do with the sources and purposes of our knowing. Here, I believe, what I will call an "epistemology of the cross" can help us.

My motives clarified

Before I spell out the elements of this framework, however, let me clarify my motives.

I believe my task as a theologian is to theologize responsibly, not for the marginalized or the "convertible," but rather for those who, like me, want to know "what time it is" and, in the face of that reality, how we can live most faithfully. I am white, North American, and in socio-economic terms, compared to most of the world’s people, extraordinarily privileged. I take seriously my co-responsibility -- moral, political, and intellectual -- for causing and tolerating the oppressive consequences of systems and ideologies from which I benefit much more, and much more often, than I suffer. Such systems and ideologies thrive on ubiquitous discrimination against persons based on their color, their sex, their sexual orientation -- might I be permitted here to add their caste to the list -- and on the gross maldistribution of economic resources and political power within nations and across international boundaries in all directions. I also take quite to heart the ways in which the religious tradition lam part of has fomented, exacerbated, and then walked past much of the suffering caused by people and institutions that have claimed to be the very messengers of God.

I do not plead innocence.

And yet the cause of human liberation deserves and needs more than a guilty plea by those conscious of their relative privilege. It is better served, it seems to me, by the sort of metanoia, or turning-around, that involves rigorous self-examination leading to course corrections. In turn, this requires me to solicit the collaboration of others like me -- Christians or no -- who are in any case committed to being and bearing "good news" to those who most need it.

Elements of an epistemology of the cross

Just a word about the relation between Luther’s theology of the cross and the contemporary proposal that lam calling an "epistemology of the cross." My chief concern here is not to repristinate Luther’s 16th-century work for the 21st century, but rather to appropriate it -- fairly and responsibly -- in order to respond more faithfully to some of the urgent problems facing our societies and our world. I believe that -- in principle at any rate -- Luther would approve. He certainly did not shrink from responding theologically to the world around him.

I will proceed now to describe what I think are key elements of the proposed framework (Recall that it is designed to help us respond to the question, "What sorts and sources of knowing should we consider compelling as we seek to live faithful lives?") Considerations of power, experience, objectivity, and accountability are central. A description of how an epistemology of the cross responds to each of these considerations suggests the sort of "disposition" one would expect this framework to foster.

Power

To examine what an epistemology of the cross has to say about power is principally to underscore the critical element at its center.

Power in epistemological garb affords itself many of the same luxuries it indulges in elsewhere. Insulated by the wealth of possibilities the privileges of power confer, powerful knowers can ignore limits and resolve ambiguities. When they experience limits and ambiguities -- and which of us as human persons does not, from time to time? -- power-knowers read these as humiliations rather than as features of the daily human landscape that should require only sobriety, not courage, to acknowledge.

An epistemology of power -- Luther might call it an "epistemology of glory" -- has all the answers, or thinks it can get them -- if not now, then eventually. If necessary, it takes the liberty of refraining the most difficult questions themselves into more manageable terms. There is a neat partnership between epistemological hubris and the quasi-religious belief in progress. Both want to banish even the thought of human limits. There is a kind of never-look-back, don’t-look-down single-mindedness at work here: reality is what power-knowers say it is.

An epistemology of the cross, by contrast, refuses to ignore or underestimate the infrastructure of knowers, knowledge-generating projects, and "items" of knowledge required to sustain power-knowers’ conviction that there is really only one true story, whether in science, philosophy, or religion. Rather, an epistemology of the cross engages power-epistemology critically. It harbors an intrinsic suspicion of power imaged and experienced in its most common format: domination, or power-over. Fueled by this suspicion, it questions the legitimacy of the powerful as knowers and their right to decide who is and is not "one of them." It scrutinizes whose interests and what causes are served when knowledge is generated in real life. It suspects that there might be a direct relationship between "accepted definitions of ‘reality’ and socially legitimated power."6

The critique emerges not from a neutral space, but from a perspective learned with and from those relegated to the margins of what might be called the "dominant meaning system."7 It challenges the definition of power as domination and insists on the partialness of what can be known by any of its knowers and/or by all of us together. It refuses to recognize or share the global claims power-knowers make; instead it lives -- often uncomfortably -- with ambiguity and doubt.

Power as it is being discussed here is played out in "politics" -- in personal relationships, in institutions like government, family, schools, and religious communities, in international arenas that are as often economic as political. Politics has a great deal to do with decisions about what constitutes legitimate knowledge, who may claim it, and what it is for. Much is at stake. If an epistemology of the cross were about no other task, its contribution to the critique of power-as-domination would justify its existence.

Experience

For an epistemology of the cross, lived experience is the locale and the medium of all knowing. Among the implications this has are the following:

(1) Knowing about people, propositions, even God, occurs in, with, and under the material realities of knowers’ everyday lives. There are certainly other ways of speaking about the daily realities within which knowers come to know; but their concreteness, their "embodied-ness," must never be lost sight of -- something that happens when "experience" sounds more like a concept than an unavoidable part of the human condition.

Korean feminist theologian Chung Hyun Kyung writes eloquently of a framework for knowing inscribed by Asian women’s experience of suffering:

The power of [the women’s] story telling lies in its embodied truth. [They] talk about their concrete, historical life experience and not about abstract, metaphysical concepts. Women’s truth [is] generated by their epistemology of the broken body. . . Their bodies record what has happened to their lives. Their bodies remember what it is like to be no-body and what it is like to be a some-body.

(2) Such a framework of knowing emphasizes the "given-ness" of the creaturely life that lived experience articulates. To recognize this "given-ness" does not mean to accept the political or economic status quo, as if it reflected presumed orders of nature; it is rather to acknowledge that limits in knowing, as elsewhere, accompany our (common) existence as human beings.

(3) Partly in view of its critique of power-or privilege-based knowing, and partly because of its acknowledgment of creaturely limits, this cross-based framework recognizes that experience is always interpreted and that any interpretation is likely to be both partial and contested. For example, knowing based simply on "having had X experience" can be problematic.8 There are no guarantees that unreflected experiences, whether from the center or from the margins, will yield up liberatory insights. The experience of marginalization does not guarantee by itself the overcoming of prejudices that some may associate more commonly with the privileged. The authority of lived experience must be subscribed to carefully as well as constantly.

(4) Finally, experiences are lived by particular knowers and, in that sense, have a "tailor-made" quality that invites attentiveness and resists generalization. It is difficult to "collect" experiences into any sort of category that can be said to be true of everyone’s living -- except in a way that loses both its explanatory power, as it departs from each one’s actual living, and its moral value, in accounting for that valuable person, and that one, and that one.

At the same time, a framework of knowing oriented by the cross grants prima facie value to the sort of knowing that comes from the lived experience of struggle at the margins. These are "limit-experiences," places that usually test the integrity and purpose of knowers and the durability and responsiveness of their knowing. Luther interpreted his many personal experiences of suffering in terms as existential as they were theological. He called them evidence of God’s "alien work," which brought Luther the human being to his limits; he believed that only there, in experiencing those limits, could he be convinced to throw himself into the arms of the One he otherwise refused to trust. Only then, he believed, could and did he experience God’s "proper work" -- the grace that was life and made his experience of every day possible. This could happen, Luther said, because of the realized mystery of sinners’ participation in the cross of Jesus Christ, which was itself the participation of the self-revealing God in the cross of human brokenness, the "state of the art" of human living.

What is the epistemological point? Just this: knowing that ignores or papers over our individual and corporate human experiences of the cross is of little value and even less use in a world that testifies daily to the reality of such experiences. An epistemology of the cross takes these "experiences of the cross" as its "permanent standing ground. . . [and the cross as] a symbol of the reality in which [we] participate . . . and into which [we] must again and again be initiated."9

To know truly on the basis of lived experience is to know from the margins -- of life, of sanity, of dignity, of power. Coming to know in this way is possible because and by means of the incarnated mystery of solidarity.

This dimension of an epistemology of the cross shares with feminists a conviction that special value attaches to knowing that emerges from those personal and collective quarters where resistance to injustice and suffering begins with the "knowing" of them.

Objectivity

Traditional science prizes what it calls "objectivity," that perspective from which (it seems to those who prize it) what one sees -- one’s "perception" -- and what is there -- "reality" -- coincide. To be "objective" is, in a real sense, to exercise control, at least the kind measurement and prediction promise. Feminist theories of knowing claim, in contrast, that prevailing cultural and political forces have much to do with what is defined as "objective" and that objectivity is a problematic context-dependent notion in any case.

An epistemology oriented by the cross shares feminists’ skepticism about traditional science ‘s claims about objectivity. But it also has a distinctive epistemological starting point: the foot of the cross. To stand there is not to claim or even to seek the objectivity positive science treasures, nor is it to content itself with the necessary relativization of objectivity as science has defined it. Instead, an epistemology of the cross seeks "to be with the victims.4where it becomes possible to come to know, as theologian William Rankin wryly observes] that it is not the poor who are a problem to the rich but the rich who are a problem to the poor."10

"To come to know" in this way in this sense is to experience what liberation theologians call an "epistemological break."11 By means of a process or an event (it is difficult to define it precisely), one who by all odds could otherwise claim epistemological privilege becomes aware of a complete reversal of the notion of "privilege" finds that an extraordinary kind of truthfulness (which is not "objectivity") attaches to the "partial" perspective glimpsed from the vantage of the struggle of the poor, the discriminated-against, the forgotten-about. the thrown-away. It is "partial" both in its frank partisanship and in its equally frank lack of concern about the "larger picture" whose purported completeness requires including the perspective of the rich, the discriminator, the forgetter, the one who throws away.12

Salvadoran theologian Jon Sobrino describes this "phenomenon" -- which he has both experienced himself and witnessed, as countless European and North American visitors have passed through his San Salvador parish

From the poor [we] receive in a way hardly expected new eyes for seeing the ultimate truth of things and new energies for exploring unknown and dangerous paths. At the very moment of giving [we] find ourselves expressing gratitude for something new and better that [we] have been given. . . Whether this gratuitousness is explicitly referred back to God or remains unidentified, it is clear that in aiding the poor one receives back from them meaning for one’s life.13

As a result of such an "epistemological break," the power of objectivity and the "objectivity" of the powerful must be judged according to new and somehow more stringent standards.

Whether the subjugated have an epistemological prior claim on "truth" is no more at issue than whether they are closer to God or spiritually more developed than those who are not subjugated. But an epistemology of the cross shares with feminist epistemologies the conviction that the place of the least favored -- at the foot of the cross, in all its contemporary forms -- is a better place to start knowing than any place of domination could be. There is much that simply cannot be seen or known -- about how things really are -- without being there.

And yet there are significant difficulties in our getting to that epistemological "there." Feminist philosopher Sandra Harding believes that relatively privileged people can "choose to become ‘marginalized,’ and in so doing can gain a more critical clearer view of themselves as knowers and doers deeply implicated in the fact of others’ marginalization and responsible to collaborate in the transformation that calls for." Those of us who are privileged, she writes, "can learn to think and act not out of the ‘spontaneous consciousness’ of the social locations that history has bestowed on us but out of the traitorous ones we choose. . . ." 14 This initiative -- Harding calls it "reinventing ourselves as ‘other"’15 -- depends on the possibility that we may be capable of embracing, within our individual selves and among us as groups of selves, the "other/s," or marginalized ones. These knowers occupy epistemological standpoints that are salutary precisely because of, and almost in direct relation to. their capacity to subvert dominant knowledge projects.

An epistemology of the cross can offer theologically informed support for this project. To begin with, an epistemology of the cross cannot be used by knowers whose claims to objectivity are predicated on domination, for it harbors a deep suspicion of power-based knowledge claims and those who make them. This cross-based framework for knowing draws our attention and concern toward unexpected places and moments of coming to know. Generally, they are those in which what Douglas John Hall calls "the experience of negation" occurs, ". . . in human suffering and degradation, in poverty and hunger, among the two thirds who starve. . ." 16

We may even discover such places as we look in the mirror and see selves stitched together of some identities that are privileged and of some that are stigmatized. We may discover such places, too, in our ambivalences about the "categories" of persons with whom we share, happily or unhappily, race, nation, religion, gender, caste, sexual orientation, class, and so forth. We may also discover them in the interstices among these individual and corporate identities, where we must often come to terms with dilemmas that seem to pit us against ourselves and one another.

There is no innocent place.

Philosopher Donna Haraway suggests that our strategy must be to "negotiate the very fine line between appropriation of another’s (never innocent) experience and the delicate construction of the just-barely-possible . . . connections that might actually make a difference. . . ."17 Power-brokered objectivity has no role here; humility and a capacity to take risks do. And none of it can be done without hope; one might even call it hope against hope.

In the end, is there any point to discussing objectivity in the context of an epistemology of the cross? If objectivity is defined as what underpins the "one true story position often taken by science or theology, then the answer is No. It is a truism not often honored in science or theology that there is always more than one version of any story. While the speaker with the most expensive sound truck may have something worthwhile to say, one must always consider the source.

An epistemology of the cross would be more comfortable with the kind of "objectivity" described by philosopher Sandra Harding. She calls it "strong objectivity," and its particular strength rests of the participation of many knowers, beginning with the least favored, and requires a commitment to critical examination of the causes of beliefs, especially those that pass for "objective truths."18 Or with Donna Haraway’s understanding of objectivity, which (she argues) is not about transcendent knowing, but about answerability, "not about dis-engagement, but about mutual and usually unequal structuring, about taking risks in a world where ‘we’ are permanently mortal, that is, not in ‘final’ control. . . ."19

Accountability

The theology of the cross on which this epistemological proposal relies in part was and is profoundly relational. For Luther, the relationship of God and humans was the basic framework for meaning, for theology, for humans’ ultimate destiny -- and for every dimension of daily living as individuals and in company with one another. We are, Luther believed, always living "before" or "in the presence of" God (coram Deo). At the same time, we also live "before" or "in the presence of" the world of nature and other humans (coram mundo), a state of things made possible and encompassed by our relationship with God. Our living is never just a private matter.

Accountability within a framework for knowing oriented by the cross emerges from this background. I will describe briefly the several roles it plays.

(1) Earlier I quoted theologian Juan Luis Segundo: "A human being who is content with the world will not have the least interest in unmasking the mechanisms that conceal authentic reality." As a lens on the world around us, an epistemology may be one way to maintain, if not create, contentment with the world -- insofar as it functions to conceal the realities of exclusion and injustice. In its critique of ways of knowing based on power and privilege, an epistemology oriented to the cross expresses the insistence that accountability entails taking steps to become aware of such realities. In this sense it is itself a demand for accountability.

Among the most important dimensions of this critique is its insistence that knower and "knowee" are, in relation to one another and before God, both subjects and objects. To envision the knowing relationship as a non-reciprocal, "subject over against object" one, is not only scientifically faulty but morally irresponsible. An epistemology of the cross exercises a critique that is, in the first instance, a call for this sort of accountability.

(2) By the same token, this critique announces that an epistemology of the cross also requires accountability of itself. This is understood as acknowledgment of implication in and co-responsibility for the reality that privilege-based epistemologies conspire to conceal, intentionally or not. Repeatedly, feminist epistemologies remind us that accountability is the epistemological value we must most passionately uphold -- and (nearly in the same breath) that neither we as knowers, nor descriptions (as knowledge), nor the practices of knowledge-producing (like research) or knowledge-acquiring (like formal education), are "innocent."

To acknowledge our individual and collective, and collaborative, lack of "innocence" means to confess, at the very least, that we have seen/that we do know, and, at the very most, that we have done something. Of course the object -- what we have seen/what we know/what we have done -- makes an enormous difference. Ethically, among other things, it may matter in terms of what we or others judge we must then do. But at the core of the matter is the plain fact that to name and recognize our lack of innocence is to describe ourselves as accountable for who we are and for what we know. An epistemology of the cross shares with feminist epistemologies a deep conviction that we are accountable "non-innocents."

(3) ". . . [T]he liberating function of theological understanding," Jon Sobrino observes, "does not consist in explaining or giving meaning to an existing reality or to the faith as threatened by a particular situation, but in transforming a reality so that it may take on meaning, and the lost or threatened meaning of the faith may thereby also be recovered."20 Theology, in other words, cannot be separated from the ethical and the practical -- not only in its implications but also in its sources and resources. If Sobrino is right as he alludes to Marx’s criticism of Feuerbach, then those who do theology are accountable, not to judge or bless what Sobrino calls "the wretched state of the real world," but to change it.

An epistemology of the cross plays a key role in facilitating this transformational accountability -- not only theologians’ accountability, but that of others committed to the struggle for human dignity. Feminists began their critical work in response to insults and injustices generated -- to paraphrase Sobrino -- by scientific and philosophical understandings that "explained" and "gave meaning to existing realities" of exclusion, especially of women. The tasks of "contestation" to and "deconstruction" of these understandings continue, but they have been augmented by what might be called "passionate construction, webbed connections, and hope for transformation of systems of knowledge and ways of seeing."21 Accountability involves both critical and creative, transformational work. If critical accountability’s project is the unmasking, then creative accountability’s project is proposing visions and gathering the handiworkers to discuss, revise, and attempt to realize them.

An epistemology of the cross owes its view of the created world to faith’s conviction of the transformative solidarity of God with the world. In enabling a clearer view of reality, in helping us to recognize our implication in that reality, and in equipping us to act on behalf of human dignity within that reality, this framework expresses and sustains its essential accountability.

Concluding words

I am deeply in your debt for the opportunity share with you some of my work on Luther.

I believe most passionately that we are part of "living traditions," whatever our faith community -- traditions that are like the great life-giving rivers that have sustained human communities for thousands of years. I hope that my contribution has generated some light . . . and perhaps even some heat, and that it may fuel further thought and conversation of matters much too important to leave to others.

 

End Notes

1 Juan Luis Segundo, The Liberation of Theology, trans, John Drury (Marykooll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1976), p. 10.

2 Walter Altmann, Luther and Liberation: A Latin American Perspective, trans. Mary M, Solberg (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1992), p. ix.

3 op. cit. pp. 134-35.

4 According to Joseph E. Vercruysse, Luther himself used the expressions theologia_crucis and theologus crucis (theologian of the cross) in only five texts: "Four of them were written in the spring of 1518, namely the Asterisci Lutheri adversus Obeliscos Eckii, the Lectures on Hebrews, the Resolutiones disputationum deindulgentiarun virtute and finally the famous Heidelberg Disputation. The fifth one is in the Operationes in Psalmos. Luther’s second course on the Psalms. held from 1519 to 1521." The first four were probably written between February and April. 1518, just before the meeting in Heidelberg. See Vercruysse’s article, "Luther’s Theology of the Cross at the Time of the Heidelberg Disputation." Gregoriarnum 57 (1976):532-548.

5. According to Luther. "Experience alone makes a theologian. . . . It is by living -- no, rather it is by dying and being damned that a theologian is made, not by understanding, reading, or speculating." The first part of the quotation -- "Experience . . . theologian" -- is from LW 54,7 (part of the famous Table Talk compendium): the second part -- "It is by living or speculating" -- is found in D. Martin Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger. 1883-) 5,163,28. Cited hereafter as WA. The combination of the two quotes seems both fair and mutually illuminating.

6. Sandra Harding, ‘The Instability of Analytical Categories of Feminist Theory." Signs II, no.4 (l986): 647.

7. Elizabeth Kammarck Minnich. Transforming Knowledge (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990). p. 5.

8. Sandra Harding, Whose Science? Whose Knowledge? Thinking from Women’s Lives (Ithaca. N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 199l), p. 311.

9. Douglas John Hall, Lighten Our Darkness: Toward an Indigenous Theology of the Cross (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1976), P. 116.

10. "The Moral Use of Knowledge: Part 2," Plumbline II, no. I (April 1983): 10-11.

11. See, for example, Jon Sobrino, The True Church and the Poor trans. Matthew J. O’Connell (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books. 1984), pp. 24ff.

12. During my time in El Salvador, Central America (1983-86), I was always thunderstruck when, after a group of U.S. visitors had spent a couple of hours listening to the stories of the Mothers of the Disappeared or to officials of the non-governmental Human Rights Commission, at least one earnest soul would take me aside to ask whether "we’re going to get a chance to hear the other side of the story."

13. Jon Sobrino and Juan Hernandez Pico, Theology of Christian Solidarity, trans. Phillip Berryman (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1985), p. II

14. Harding, Whose Science?, p. 295.

15. Ibid., pp. 268ff.

16. Hall. p. 151.

17. Simians,. Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature (New York: Routledge, 1991), p. II 3.

18. Whose Science?, pp. 147, 149.

19. op cit., p. 201.

20. op. cit., p. 15.

21. Haraway, op. cit., 191.

Ecumenical Hermeneutics for a Plural Christianity: Reflections on Contextuality and Catholicity

Dedicated to my friends and teachers of UTC, the living and those who have, sadly, passed away since my stay in 1997, with deep gratitude for their hospitality and help in cultural and intellectual bridge-building. Without them, this study would not have been possible.

The plurality of Christianity in general, of theological positions in particular, has become most obvious. Thus, differing ways of Christian life and faith as well as diverging theological reflections based on them can be noted, and their compatibility cannot simply be taken for granted. It has become notorious, especially in the Ecumenical Movement, that an understanding between such divergent manifestations of Christianity is difficult and, indeed, often bound to fail.1 Ecumenical hermeneutics is an attempt to unveil the reasons for the apparent lack of agreement through the analysis of the divergent ways of understanding Scripture and its tradition, as well as for the difficulty of mutual understanding between Christians. It also seeks to explore the significance of the Ecumenical Movement as an expression of the "hermeneutical community" of the Church and to formulate criteria for discernment. The Commission of Faith and Order (FO) of the World Council of Churches (WCC) dedicated, from 1993 to 1998, a specific study to the subject and published its results.

In the following, I shall present the FO-paper within its history, highlighting what I find most important for the purpose of this study (I). This perspective is then being brought into dialogue with the trinitarian theology of two eminent theologians from two very different contexts. Leonardo Boff (II) and Raimon Panikkar (III). Finally, I shall try to describe the relevance of an ecumenical hermeneutics to this dialogue (IV).2

I. The Study on Ecumenical Hermeneutics

Hermeneutics is not a new topic for the Ecumenical Movement. However, the focus has been mainly on biblical hermeneutics and on a hermeneutics of tradition.3 It is only in more recent times that the term "ecumenical hermeneutics" has come into use, implying understanding and agreement between the churches within the oikoumene. Conflicts that have arisen from ecumenical dialogues lead to a debate on the legitimate degree of unity and diversity, as well as the status of consensus or convergence texts and an ecumenical methodology.

The study on ecumenical hermeneutics, undertaken by FO since 1993, seeks to consider these questions. Already in the 1970s, they were being pursued in long-term study processes. These were being formed by the opening up towards the world and the recognition of the saeculum, as promoted especially by the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) and the Fourth Assembly of the WCC in Uppsala (1968). Not only the themes, but also the methods of ecumenical theological reflection were influenced by this opening. Since the contextuality of church and theology was now being recognized and more and more accepted, there emerged a method of intercontextuality. This can be seen clearly in the FO Commission Meetings in Louvain 1971, Accra 1974 and Bangalore 1978.4 In Acera, not only was the actual existence and legitimacy of diverse contextual theologies being recognized, but also it was being implied that comparison and communication between them was possible. Consequently, the question about a common language and framework had to be asked. Through concrete local reports, the study process on the "account of the hope that is in us" (cf. 1 Peter 3:15), that had been encouraged in Louvain and was completed in Bangalore, aimed at showing the relationship between unity and diversity through an inductive methodology, refraining from developing, at this stage, a common language. The search for a common language, for a common framework, has been and remains highly ambivalent. Any project for a Western theology claiming universal validity would have to fail because of the resistance of many theologians from the "Third World" who would see in it a new form of Western imperialism. Furthermore, in the age of postmodernity and the end of the "great narratives" (Lyotard), such proposals have become suspect even within the West itself. Nevertheless, contextual theologies do claim to highlight aspects of the faith that are of relevance, far beyond the specific local context. Not least the theme of liberation is being understood by those who developed it as a universal and central dimension of faith altogether. What, then, is contextual? What is common to all? What is it that unites contextual theologies? How can there be a theological coherence under an ecumenical horizon without giving a reason for suspecting the promotion of particular interests?

The need for a study on ecumenical hermeneutics was stated very clearly at the Santiago World Conference on FO in l993.5 Following its recommendations, such a study was carried out through various consultations that have been held since 1994, to its completion in 1998. It produced a text that is meant as an "instrument for an ecumenical reflection on hermeneutics" by churches, theological faculties and individuals. The document, whose main title reads "A Treasure in Earthen Vessels", asks about the tradition of faith through the times and within the koinonia, the fellowship of the churches -- a question to be asked again and again facing ever-changing challenges.6 To speak about "earthen vessels" means, in a rather free but not unusual interpretation of II Cor 4:7. that the Divine Word of the Gospel is not available to us in a direct, pure way, but only through the human words of human proclaimers. It is, therefore, legitimate to extend this logically and include its mediation through human interpretation. The necessary consequence of this notion is a plurality of potential interpretations, which is, first and foremost, being welcomed by the document.

The study text asks for a twofold hermeneutics: On the one hand, it focuses on the understanding of the Gospel; on the other hand, on the understanding of the context, inasmuch as faith should come to its concrete expression within a particular context (see para. 4). Hermeneutics is being defined as "the art of interpretation and application of texts, symbols and practices in the present and from the past, and the theory about the methods of such interpretation and application" (para. 5). An ecumenical hermeneutics is meant to serve the "specific task of focusing on how texts, symbols and practices in the various churches may be interpreted, communicated and mutually received as the churches engage in dialogue. In this sense it is a hermeneutics for the unity of the Church." (ibid.)7 It is ecumenical because of the space in which it is being applied, that is, where churches are in dialogue about the interpretation, communication and reception of texts, symbols and practices. At the same time, it alms at the unity of the Church, a unity which, however, is not being defined more precisely.

On the basis of this definition, the study paper expounds in three points what such an ecumenical hermeneutics should be able to produce. (1) It should "aim at greater coherence in the interpretation of the faith and in the community of all believers as their voices unite in common praise of God". (2) It should "make possible a mutually recognizable (re)appropriation of the sources of the Christian faith". (3) Finally, it should "prepare ways of common confession and prayer in spirit and truth" (para. 6). Therefore, it aims at being a hermeneutics of coherence. As the (One) Church is, in itself, a hermeneutical community, in which the churches are in dialogue with one another, each church has, at least, to suppose that the Spirit can also speak in the other church and, through her, speak to oneself. Thus, the study also mentions a hermeneutics of confidence, a term new to the published study text compared to its earlier versions, which presumes in the other a "right intention of faith" (para. 30). It is made clear, at the same time, that the study paper does not refer to a romantic notion of understanding and agreement without any criticism. It also implies a hermeneutics of suspicion "which perceives how self-interest, power, national or ethnic or class or gender perspectives can affect the reading of texts and the understanding of symbols and practices" (para. 28). I shall return to this threefold hermeneutics -- of coherence, confidence, suspicion -- in the concluding chapter of this article.

Following the Santiago recommendations, the study deals with three aspects of an ecumenical hermeneutics: the quest for the One Tradition in the many traditions (part A, paras. 14-37) 8; the quest for the One Gospel in the many contexts (part B, paras. 38-48); and the Church as hermeneutical community in matters of discernment, the exercise of authority and reception (part C, paras. 49-66).

In this article, I am particularly interested in the intercultural aspect, more precisely in the dimension of the "South". The fact that little is being said in that hemisphere on "ecumenical hermeneutics" does not necessarily imply that the subject is altogether irrelevant. However, it might be necessary to find another terminology and elaborate it towards concrete problems. I believe the polarity of contextuality and catholicity to be a helpful tool for understanding. By contextuality I mean the qualitative dimension of the faith and of the theology that reflects on it. in which, consciously and explicitly, the reality of life on the one hand, Scripture and Tradition on the other are being recognized as equally important points of departure. This means that context -- in the broad sense of cultural, religious, social, political and economical circumstances -- and text -- as Scripture in its process of transmission and interpretation, that is, its Tradition -- do mutually interpret each other. By catholicity I mean the qualitative dimension of faith and theology pointing to identity and coherence in Christianity in view of the triune God who has joined Himself to the world in creation, in the assuming of humanity by Jesus Christ and in the ongoing work of the Holy Spirit. Searching for such coherence, the doctrine of the Trinity has, in the last decades, proven to be especially open for analogies that seek to join together unity and diversity in God.9

Thus, the perspective of an ecumenical hermeneutics is aiming at better understanding among Christians in view of life in the world (contextuality) and life as a Christian (catholicity). It could also empower them to learn more about faith and its consequences in life through the witness of Christians from other cultures and confessions. By "learning", I do not only refer to a increase of knowledge, but a deepening of one’s own faith and faith life as well as of one’s perception of the triune God through Jesus Christ in the Holy Spirit. From there, a real dialogue can be constructed that can contribute to the clarification, questioning and changing of both one’s own and the other’s position. It is in this sense that we shall look at two theologians for whom a trinitarian notion of God has become central. It should be made clear at this point that the ecumenical perspective I have just sketched out is not theirs; it is my attempt to understand them in an ecumenical horizon, that is, in the worldwide dimension of the trinitarian faith.

II. Leonardo Boff -- the Sociality of the Triune God

The Brazilian, Roman Catholic theologian Leonardo Boff (born 1938) may well be right in saying that the Theology of Liberation is "the first theology from the Third World with worldwide resonance" 10 Not least because of its very critical reception in the West, especially in Rome, it has not been possible to remain indifferent to it or simply ignore it. Positively speaking, in the Theology of Liberation becomes manifest "the very tense transition from a culturally more or less homogeneous, and in this sense monocentric, church of the West, towards a world church which has many cultural roots and is, thus, polycentric", as formulated by Johann Baptist Metz.11 It is fairly plain that Boff has become, internationally, the most published and read theologian from Latin America. Therefore, he is clearly to be seen in a worldwide horizon, and his conflict with the Roman Catholic Church has further contributed to this. However, apart from these external factors, his theology itself implies the world as its horizon, a theology which has been developed from the urgencies of a particular context, but always in view not only of Roman Catholics, or even of the Christian oikoumene, or only of humanity, but of the cosmos, the whole universe.

The advantages of the Boffian elaboration of the doctrine of the Trinity are to be found, I believe, in the strong link he demonstrates between God and the world, a world which he sees in a planetarian perspective, implying that human beings are only a part of it. Furthermore, it becomes clear that it does make a difference to our theological thinking and acting, who the God is in whom we believe, and with what concepts and imagery we try to describe Him. These are always constructions; however, it is essential that their origin be laid open in order to make possible a critical dialogue. From Boff’s presentation it becomes clear that the specific image of the Trinity is being moulded by the needs of society which, in turn, is being viewed from a socially understood Trinity.12 The former becomes clear from his starting point which lies with the needs in church, society and cosmos, and with the opposition to a hierarchical church, an undemocratic society and a disregarded natural environment.13 The latter results from his dogmatic and historical treatment of the doctrine of the Trinity, especially from his developing the notion of perichoresis. Only from the coming together of both aspects can result, in my terms, a doctrine of the Trinity oriented towards both contextuality and catholicity.

In the following, I shall try to explore the various aspects of Boff’s trinitarian theology that seem relevant from an ecumenical perspective. I shall start with the Boff’s main idea, his trinitarian, social image of God (1). There follows a description of his view of a planetarian community as against a purely economical globalization (2). A third section deals with the relationship between the Trinity and the Church (3). Finally, I shall outline the importance of a doxological way of speaking of God -- as it becomes obvious in Leonardo Boff’s trinitarian theology (4).

1. A Trinitarian, Social Image of God

There have been many uses and abuses of a non-trinitarian or trinitarian legitimation of political systems.14 However, a closer look reveals that such legitimation is very limited. We can say that it is not true, as suggested Erik Peterson, that the doctrine of the Trinity has made impossible any political theology.15 But it continues to resist direct deductions of political and economical systems from the Trinity even in its Boffian notion. Such deductions would always be prone to justifiable accusations of deducting from the Trinity, or rather from a specific notion of the Trinity, what has previously been inducted into it. Thus, on the one hand, the difference between God and the world would be blurred and God instrumentalized for human purposes. On the other hand, human beings would want to know too much about God, a God who, again and again, evades knowledge about Him, hides His face and name (cf. Ex 3:14) and forbids His human creatures to make an image (idol) of Him (cf. Ex 20:4). However, we are unable to live and believe without images -- not in the sense of idols made of wood, stone, gold or other material, but in the sense of imaginations we have about God, metaphors we use to speak of God, models with which we try to think about God’s being and acting.16 A middle level of speaking of God is necessary, a speaking that is neither identical with God nor with the world, but is formulated and being tested out of a creative interaction between the perception of God and the perception of the world, in reference to Scripture and Tradition. This granted, the burning question, asked again and again by Liberation Theology, concerns what image of God we have and what this implies for our life.

Boff is clearly opposed to an image of God that draws a celestial monarch who would reflect directly in a worldly monarch. This opposition stems from the negative experiences he had made with hierarchical structures in society and the church, structures that suppress, in their harsh authoritarianism, creativity, autonomy and criticism. This issue is, for Boff, not only a pragmatic one, for instance in the sense of seeking to gain more space for free theological thinking and publishing through the reduction of control by hierarchy. Rather, it is for him a profoundly spiritual question, because he finds behind authoritarianism an image of God which refers to a severe ruler who does not support humans in their own being but hinders them. Instead, Boff seeks to present God as loving, caring, liberating, life-giving and life-enhancing. In the doctrine of the Trinity, he finds an excellent imagery for this: The triune communion which is communion-in-diversity creates the human being as a communitarian being, and nature as communitarian, letting them go into freedom and receiving them back in the eschaton. This makes it possible that humans can (and, indeed, should) reflect the triune communion among themselves, a communion which respects differences and fosters communitarian relationships. Let me cite at least one central passage:

This understanding of the mystery of the Trinity is extremely rich in suggestion in the context of oppression and desire for liberation. The oppressed struggle for participation at all levels of life, for a just and egalitarian sharing while respecting the differences between persons and groups; they seek communion with other cultures and other values, and with God as the ultimate meaning of history and of their own hearts. As these realities are withheld from them in history, they feel obliged to undertake a process of liberation that seeks to enlarge the space for participation and communion available to them. For those who have faith, the trinitarian communion between the divine Three, the union between them in love and vital interpenetration, can serve as a source of inspiration, as a utopian goal that generates models of successively diminishing differences. This is one of the reasons why I am taking the concept of perichoresis as the structural axis of these thoughts. It speaks to the oppressed in their quest and struggle for integral liberation. The community of Father, Son and Holy Spirit becomes the prototype of the human community dreamed of by those who wish to improve society and build it in such a way as to make it into the image and likeness of the Trinity. 17

In Boff’s theoretical elaboration of this notion of the Trinity, there are some weaknesses, which, however, can only be pointed at here. They are especially connected to the issue of the theoretical status of trinitarian theology, which remains unclear. Experience and doxological response precede reflection, this is made clear by Boff. But what about the relationship between the triune God and his creation, and its implications? It is here that the metaphorical character of all theology, and maybe especially of trinitarian theology, becomes most obvious; but this is not made explicit by Boff.

However, Boff’s intention to communicate to a wide public important elements of the Christian faith in relation to context is by no means minimized by these questions, quite the contrary. In practical terms, Boff has been occupying, with his ecological-cosmological reflections, a pioneering role in. a time which is no longer characterized by military Governments, but more by economic globalization and its -- for many -- disastrous economic and ecological consequences.18 In connection with the 1992 UN Conference on the Environment in Rio de Janeiro, Boff recognized the urgency of ecological issues. Relating them to Teilhardian cosmology, the findings of a number of scientists, and the doctrine of the Trinity, he raised this issue in Brazil through his books. This in itself is very important, given that, despite environmental threats like deforestation in the Amazonas region being known for a long time, hardly any ecological awareness can be seen among the population.

The search for a concrete form of society and the church which would be better for humans and for nature, being inspired by the triune God, is a legitimate and, indeed, an important contribution by Boff to the ecumenical debate. But it is exactly this point which would need to be pursued further, and should be complemented through studies by Boff and other liberation theologians on the application of such a trinitarian "inspiration" to the law and to the formation of structures in society and the church. Such studies, however, have not yet been produced.19 There is also, within liberation theology, a lack of more profound theological analyses of the culture of Brazilian populations, both black and indigenous. I believe this to be an important new field of study which, of course, would imply a thorough interaction with cultural sciences.20 The recognition of difference often claimed by Boff. especially around the commemorations of 500 years of European presence in Latin America, should warn of against an instant inclusivism of other cultures and religions into a comprehensive macro-ecumenism.21

Boff has undertaken the task of formulating, based on the general ecumenical consensus -- that it is the triune God in whom Christians believe and that it is necessary to reflect theologically on this -- what are, in his perspective, the contextually relevant implications of this doctrine. His elaboration draws from its roots in Christian Tradition, as well as from the actual context. Using my terminology, Boff’s notion of the Trinity makes clear that Christian doctrine is only possible in the polarity of contextuality and catholicity, of local relevance and ecumenical coherence. At the same time, it stresses that a satisfying balance between the two is not being reached by deduction or by induction, but only through dialectical searching and testing.

2. Planetarian Community -- not the Globalization of the Economy

It is an important feature of Leonardo Boff’s work that he seeks, again and again, to view humanity within the whole of creation, the whole world, the wholeness of its past and future. His merit is to avoid narrow concepts and to refrain from making the antagonisms under which he himself had to suffer by the center of his theology.22 Looking at his dealing with ecological issues it becomes clear that Boff is not fixed on his context but willing to take up issues from outside and translate them into his context. He has included thoughts of natural sciences as well as of UN conferences and other international networks. Therefore he has not only contributed from his context to theology in its worldwide dimension but also taken impulses from there and introduced them to his context.

Boff confronts the challenges offered by today’s world in its wholeness, not denying the existing antagonisms on a micro as well as a macro level. Globalization, as he understands it, is not identical with the globalization of economy and the worldwide process of harmonizing its functioning, neither is it identical with the globalization of structures. What he presents is the view of a planetarian community of nature and humanity, of humans among themselves, of humanity and God; it is (national) citizenship, co-citizenship and citizenship of the Earth.23 Against the type of globalization radiating from the West he can say: "The West appears to us, today, more and more like a tragic accident in the global process of humanity."24 His own positive view of globalization reads thus: "The Trinity, as mystery of communion of the three Divine Persons, has always given herself to creation as well as to the life of every single human being, and has revealed herself -- under the forms of sociability, mutual openness, love and self-giving, but also accusation and protest against the lack of such values -- to the communities of humanity. Whole humanity is the temple of the Trinity, independent of time, space, and religion. All humans are sons and daughters in the Son, all humans are under the energy of the Spirit, and all humans are being drawn up by the Father."25

Differently from Samuel P. Huntington, Boff does not start with a "clash of civilizations",26 but with a positive being-in-relation which, however, is more a programme than reality: "‘the second paradigm [sc. of integral evangelization] is that of the Trinity: It is the fundamental being-in-relation of every culture. All cultures do form a complete system of meaning; however, this is open for other systems and other cultures, since no single culture can exhaust the hidden possibilities of a human being as individual and as a social being. Between the cultures, as in the mystery of the Trinity, the same principle has to be ruling: the radical being-in-relation between the three divine persons. Every person is one and unique, but always in relation to and in perichoresis with the other two. Communion and reciprocity of the persons make them to be one single God. Where this being-in-relation is respected, one can avoid one culture being oppressed by another. Thus, in analogy with the Trinity, the structure of being-in-relation has to be effective between the cultures."27

The great advantage of this view is that Boff confronts the challenge of the one world which he sees grounded in God and, at the same time, in today’s interrelatedness. In this way, he is practicing neither a provincial theology nor a theology alienated from the world. The disadvantage is that the specific differences are in danger of being drowned in this great synthesis, and that the necessary respect and, consequently, caution in the approximation between confessions, religions and cultures is being disregarded.

However, I believe that Boff’s emphasis on the relationships between human beings and communities is of great value, even in his programmatic-pleading form, as well as the idea of a worldwide responsibility for the planet, which every citizen of this world is to bear. In this way, Boff succeeds in bringing insights and experiences from Brazil into dialogue -- for instance, when insisting on the need for protection of the Amazon Rainforest -- while disseminating a vital topic in Brazil. He thus becomes, again, an important mediator between the local and global dimensions; theologically, his ecological concern proves both contextual and, at the same time, catholic.

3. The Trinity and the Church

As a member of the Roman Catholic Church, Leonardo Boff is situated form the start in the polarity of the local and the worldwide Church. Being the offspring of an Italian immigrant family and having done his doctoral studies in Munich, Germany (1965-70), to live in different worlds is not strange to him. Franciscan spirituality has rooted him in the monastic family on the one hand, in the "cosmic family" on the other. This home has a harmonious-motherly feature, which never allows him to forget the planetarian. universal dimension of existence and, consequently, of theology as a reflection on it. Nevertheless, he does not fail to see the contradictions which exist, for instance, in the Roman Church as a centralistic institution in which few decide over many and where the vast majority has no participation in decision-making. Since his childhood, he has nurtured a strong sense of justice, which makes him perceive the suffering of women and men around him and leads him to fight constantly against the injustice of exclusion.28

This home has remained, despite the open rupture of 1992, when Boff gave up his priesthood and left the Franciscan Order. He continues as a member of the Roman Catholic Church, although he expands the notion of "catholic" to the extent that he can avoid identifying it with Roman centralism. "Catholicity" does becomes a quality which transcends the boundaries of the Roman Catholic Church. To take the point a little further, one could say that Boff has become "more catholic" than before 1992. inasmuch as the closeness of God and the World which he described in his understanding of transparence and sacrament becomes even more marked, once the church as institution can be left aside.29 More precisely, the visible mediator between God and the world is no longer the Church (at least not in any concrete form), but her function is extended to all human beings and to their religion. Thus, the Church becomes invisible. As a critical moment for religion and religions, there remains a mere moral argument, that is, whether they serve justice and liberation or not.30 In this way, Boff is able to jump from an understanding of the Roman Catholic Church as the one which is in possession of the full means of salvation to a comprehensive inclusivism and the ecclesial-catholic quality of the whole cosmos. Other religions are being incorporated in this wide, "catholic" horizon. For example, according to Boff, a religion like the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé cannot be interpreted with "measurements internal to the system of Christianity": rather, "the horizon for a dialogue with it is the universal history of salvation."31 As Boff starts from an understanding of creation as God’s creation, in and with which the "universal history of salvation" is developing, the Roman Catholic Church is dispensable without losing the catholic. In this sense. Boff is promoting an inclusivistic standpoint.

I indeed share with Boff the hope for an ultimate unity of humanity in God. Nevertheless, I believe it to be theologically difficult to sweep away intra-Christian and interreligious differences with such a comprehensive worldview. It is true that the issue of popular religion in Brazil which is drawing on different wells and can, therefore, be lived out in a variety of churches -- a phenomenon called by experts "double" or "multiple" religious belonging. However, it is exactly this situation that needs, in my opinion, a cautious approximation and a sensitive search for the common, rather than a great inclusion that tends to lose the different.32

4. Speaking of God Doxologically

As a last point in these thoughts about Leonardo Boff’s notion of the Trinity, seen in the perspective of an ecumenical hermeneutics between contextuality and catholicity, I shall ask once more about the status and quality of a statement on the Trinity. Boff’s own reservations against too direct a speaking of God’s Trinity have been mentioned above. In this context, he returns again and again to the notion of doxology. He defines doxology as "experience of the Divine, as it expresses itself in praise, thanksgiving, reverence and joyful acceptance of the acts God has done on behalf of humankind".33 Each theology has as its base doxology, "the celebration of the self-revealing God". It is this celebration that Boff has in mind in his own elaboration of the doctrine of the Trinity, from chapter 8 of his book onwards, whose titles take the form of the liturgical doxology: "Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit, as it was in the beginning. is now and ever shall be, Amen." Thus, doxology is not only to be found at the beginning, but indeed also at the end of theological reflection; doxology forms its starting point and aim.

Referring to the Trinity. Boff also speaks about "mystery". The Trinity is a "saving mystery", not a "logical mystery" (182). "Mystery" does not denote the limit of reason, rather the "boundlessness of reason" (184), as the mystery of the Trinity is a "sacramental mystery" that has communicated and revealed itself. It is not a wall, but "a gate that opens up towards God’s infinite being" (185). What is at stake is not, principally, to recognize this mystery through reason, as this is indeed only partly possible. In faith, we are called to "give" ourselves to the mystery, to let ourselves be "seized" by it; in this, faith precedes reason. "Doxology is an attitude of adoration, thanksgiving and reverence in the sight of the triune mystery" (183). Unfortunately, the term "doxology" itself, in its significance for theological reflection, remains rather misty. The relationship between theology and doxology does not appear to be sufficiently clear. Rather, the references to "mystery" and doxology seem to be a precaution against sharp questionings about the meaning of trinitarian statements and their (onto-)logical status. Nevertheless, I am convinced that doxology is of utmost importance, because it introduces the aspect of adoration. Faith is a response to experience of God which is expressed in doxological sentences (formulas, prayers, hymns) before being reflected upon theologically. In this sense, doxology precedes theology. 34 At the same time, it is situated where theological speaking reaches its limits, where a "doxological edge" forces one to offer -- metaphorically speaking -- "open theological statements as a gift to God".35 Boff would probably agree with this. Stressing the significance or even the precedence of doxology, especially for the doctrine of the Trinity. is something that brings a new emphasis into Liberation Theology, inasmuch as it makes clear that there is, ultimately, an unbridgeable gap between God and statements about him. Thus, it is a warning against exaggerated and too direct deductions. Liberation Theology does have to ask itself, whether it can face well the ideological criticism it is applying to other theologies. Furthermore, emphasizing doxology opens a door towards other theologies, for instance of the Orthodox tradition, and thus allows for a new dialogue transcending boundaries of contexts and confessions.

These short reflections will have to suffice as a first glance into the ecumenical-hermeneutical approach to Leonardo Boff’s notion of the Trinity. Let us now turn to Raimon Panikkar.

III. Raimon Panikkar -- the Tri-Unity of Reality

In analogy to what has been said about Leonardo Boff. the focus here is on the trinitarian thinking of the Hispanic Indian Raimon Panikkar (born 1918) and his contribution for the Church and theology worldwide36 The emphasis will be on the aspects that enlighten the polarity of contextuality and catholicity. Initially, there can be no doubt that, for Panikkar, the "Church" is much more than the real, existing Roman Catholic Church -- of which he continues to be a priest -- or any other church. His ecumenism is, most consciously, an "ecumenical ecumenism"37 and aims at including not only other churches but also other religions in view of the deepness of the Cosmotheandric Reality.38 Even more than with Leonardo Boff, the theology of Raimon Panikkar is not limited to the specific context, in this case Indian. Rather, it is a theology moulded by the encounter between "India" and "the West" while aiming to be universal. Certainly, he would consider it insufficient to apply his insights exclusively to the intra-Christian ecumenism in the polarity of contextuality and catholicity, as I have proposed for the purpose of this article.39 On the other hand, the problems that are implied in his ecumenical ecumenism are, in a striking way, analogous to those that present themselves as challenges to the intra-Christian oikoumene. At a time when it has become impossible for Christian churches of different confessionality and contextuality to remain isolated from one another, and when practical collaboration has become indispensable in many places -- something that Panikkar has been claiming, for decades, for the different religions -- , it becomes clear how divergent manifestations of Christianity can be. Sometimes, at least, one can get the impression that there are, in fact, different "Christian religions" with little in common. Out of this analogy and because interreligious dialogue itself is a contextual necessity for Christianity in India and, in many other places, Panikkar’s contribution seems to me a particularly valuable one. His activity as a critical mediator between "India" and "the West", between Roman Catholicism, natural science, philosophy and Indian religions (Hinduism and Buddhism) makes him, in my opinion and using my terminology, a fruitful example of an ecumenical hermeneutics between contextuality and catholicity.

In what follows, I shall first present the dialogue of religions and Panikkar’s critical pluralism (1). Then, I shall turn to Panikkar’s understanding of catholicity, the Church and ecumenism (2). Further, the cosmotheandric intuition will be described as a "deep hermeneutics of reality" (3). Finally, I shall explore his fundamentally irenic attitude (4).

1. Dialogue of Religions and Critical Pluralism

Panikkar’s theology is highly marked by his biography which laid the encounter of different religions and contexts in his cradle, as it were.40 He has faced this challenge and engaged in an intense study of languages, philosophies, theologies and sacred scriptures as well as living everyday life in many contexts. In this way, he could perceive, reflect upon and write down differences and commonalities of various religions and contexts. From there, he has developed an attitude of total openness which implies, according to his own claim, a total immersion in each religion, while acknowledging its specificity and difference from the others. However, the success of this enterprise has been questioned by many. I too have remained skeptical about the possibility of recognizing the Christian faith in God the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit in Panikkar’s Cosmotheandric Intuition. However, one of the most challenging of Panikkar’s thoughts is that understanding and agreement is possible despite the fact that I cannot reduce and fix people of other faiths and cultures to my own categories of understanding. This understanding happens in the combination of intra-religious and inter-religious dialogue, that is, in the dialogue between different religions and among different religious traditions within one human person. It does not only imply discourse but rather is a sharing and communicating of mystical experience.41 Applying a metaphor of space, this sharing and communication happens in the deep. Hardly anybody else has such an intense internal and external experience of various religions as Panikkar. But not even he has a "360-degree-vision", to quote an expression he often uses. He draws his conclusions about reality mainly from existential and personalistic, Western European philosophy, Roman Catholic (neo-) thomist theology and certain branches of Indian philosophy. Bridges to Eastern Orthodox theology would be fairly easy to construct, but it remains marginal in Panikkar’s writings, as do, largely, religions other than the three which Panikkar claims to belong.42

His (very diverse) public has had a significant influence on the explication of his thinking, not least because most of his texts were, originally, composed as lectures and only later published in print. Most of these lectures aim at bringing the insights of Hinduism and Buddhism closer to Indian and Western Christians as well as philosophers, to deepen their understanding of faith and expand it to other forms of belief.43 His anthology "The Vedic Experience" which has been accepted and respected by many Hindus, tries to present texts from the Veda and the Upanishads in such a way that they become open towards other beliefs and transparent for the depth of faith.44 An important aspect of his literary production, already central at the beginning, but gaining prominence again lately, has been to address a Western public that faces the challenge of having to seek its religious identity and not being able to take it for granted. Panikkar’s oeuvre can be read as an encouragement to religion especially for Western, religiously insecure persons who are willing to draw from the Christian tradition, but decline to fit themselves into a particular form of Christianity and ecclesiality.

Furthermore, Panikkar wants to take seriously the claim to universality that is necessarily made by each religion.45 This does not have to be given up but to be seen in relation with other, equally legitimate claims. In order not to fall into an exclusivistic (only one religion can be the true one) or inclusivistic (all religions ultimately meet in a common claim) misunderstanding or into a wrong understanding of pluralism (all religions are equal, viewed from an outside standpoint), Panikkar brings forward a relationship in "radical relativity" (being-in-relation) between the religions. The different religions, incommensurable as they are on the level of lived belief and doctrine, do meet in the depth of the Cosmotheandric Intuition.46 Universal claims are, thus, redirected downwards, as it were. Panikkar’s lifelong effort is to call people, with human words that will always remain frail, to the encounter of religions in that depth, grounded in mystical experience; to invite them to a conversion towards the Cosmotheandric Reality.

In my opinion, Panikkar’s proposal is helpful in that it asks for and fosters a continuous, intense effort towards understanding. There can be no doubt that he has been a pioneer in this and has become a prominent bridge-builder between "India" and "the West". Since the time of the pioneers around the Second Vatican Council, dialogue between religions has become even more necessary today, given that there is an even stronger mixture of cultures and religions in most parts of the world. At the same time, the climate for dialogue has become rougher. Although migration has facilitated encounter with people of other religions in Europe, conflicts with ethnic and religious undertones are on the rise. The Roman Catholic Church, despite friendly gestures of Pope John Paul II, has become more restrictive in dialogue. In part reacting to people leaving the church or converting to other confessions and religions it is closing in on its own identity and centralism, as can be clearly seen from the latest magisterial documents. But the efforts towards contextualization taking place in many parts of the world cannot simply be stopped by centralistic policies.

It is here that Panikkar can contribute much and positively with his message of "cultural disarmament".47 His call for kenosis as self-restricting modesty and the abandonment of every kind of imperialism has been, however, directed much more fiercely towards "the West" than towards "India". Panikkar does not want to strengthen the rather distrustful attitude of many Hindus towards "the West" and Christianity but rather seeks to pursue dialogue through "unilateral disarmament", as it were, through unilateral kenosis. In some cases, he has succeeded and been able to establish dialogue with Indian intellectuals. In view of the great social disparities in India which affect the vast majority of Christians, and considering the imperialistic behavior of the (politically dominant) circles committed to the ideology of Hindutva, this does not appear to be sufficient.48 A more intense, more critical discussion of the conflictive aspects of lived religion is needed -- as much within each religion as between them. The issue of power and its correct use is becoming more and more urgent in India, including the need not only for an inculturation but also for a de-culturation of oppressive and religiously legitimized structures. Referring to Christ should make possible a more critical attitude to the context than comes from the emphasis on Christ’s mediatorship as elaborated by Panikkar.49

Panikkar’s middle way, the trinitarian-christological figure, remains, ultimately, in the mist of mystery, hardly applicable in practice. His view tends to be harmonizing and does not provide space for suffering and ruptures in human life -- at least not obviously. This seems to be the price to be paid for a missing teologia crucis and only a very loose link between Christ and the historical Jesus. By losing a clear, elaborated Christology, which would accommodate not only the cosmic but also and especially the God-Man -- the living, personal Christ in whom God incarnated Himself, shared human life until death and reached ressurrection -- Christianity is failing to bring into the dialogue one of its strongest features.50

According to Panikkar, religions are not self-sufficient: "In today’s situation, no religion, culture or tradition can claim to offer universally valid solutions for human problems -- neither theoretical nor practical. Alone and isolated, Hinduism is threatened, Christianity powerless, Islam in fermentation, Marxism a failure, Buddhism dissolving, the Primitive Religions becoming extinct, secularism destroying itself and so on."51 But how can there be a "mutual fecundation", repeatedly mentioned by Panikkar. between them? His speaking of "homoomorphisms", that is, functional analogies, reveals that beyond the very fact that there are functional analogies, there is little that can be said about them. Of course, the centre of Panikkar’s attention is the Cosmotheandric Reality, and therefore the deepest reality that could ever be found. But that does not dispense us from answering the question as to what can be said about this Reality through exchanges between religions that could not be said by one religion on its own. Is it enough to claim that it is present in formal terms in all religions and that those concerned only need to recognize this? Panikkar’s preference for mystical experience seems to be satisfied with just this. But do different religions not have more to offer each other than separate coexistence, united only at the deepest level? The image of "fecundation" needs the imagination of more than a functional commonality. Furthermore, it has to be asked whether the concept of different, ‘incommensurable’ religions is not too static and, in fact, resisting the dynamisation of dialogue desired by Panikkar.

2. Catholicity and Ecumenism

It has often and rightly been said that Panikkar moved from a fulfillment theology to a pluralistic theology in the real sense. This becomes most clear from a comparison between the first (1964) and the revised (1981) edition of his theological thesis "The Unknown Christ of Hinduism".53 Panikkar himself does not deny such changes, but stresses that they have to be seen not as a rupture, but as a continuous growth. On reading his early texts through the perspective of the later ones, this proves true. His works from the 60s, especially Religionen und die Religion, show that, already at that stage, Panikkar held that, at least potentially, any religion can show itself as the "Catholic Religion" he describes, although the vocabulary he uses is clearly Roman Catholic, implying that the Roman Catholic Church best matches this religion. Later, he can write that "the authentic and true religiosity of every person is catholic." 54 Thus, religion is, in itself, catholic. However, he leaves open the question as to which criteria prove a religion or spirituality to be "authentic" and "true", if religions are, qua religion, catholic, i.e. oriented towards (Cosmotheandric) Reality. Are there no wrong notes from the orchestra of the Cosmotheandric Symphony? But who would be the conductor who could reprimand or even exclude the failing players?

In a contribution on "Catholic Identity", Panikkar has addressed this problem. For him, asking about the "catholic" identity is the same as asking about the "Christian" identity. In this sense, it coincides with my notion of catholicity (see above, I). For Panikkar, there is no comprehensive criterion that could decide about the catholic identity of a person from outside. He defines this identity as follows: "A Christian is one who both confesses oneself to be such and as such is accepted by the other (usually Christian) people."55 Thus, he is granting, as does the FO-study, everybody his or her selfunderstanding and confession. The one who understands himself or herself as a Christian and makes this explicit, is a Christian. Therefore, speaking of ‘anonymous Christians", as did Karl Rahner -- something that can be detected in the early Panikkar, although he does not use the term -- does not make any sense. Panikkar then introduces another criterion: the Christian has to be recognized as such by the others, more specifically, by a particular community. There can be no "private interpretations" of being a Christian; from the outset, they are relational. Panikkar acknowledges the need for criteria in this way, but immediately points to the problem of contradicting criteria -- the problem par excellence of an ecumenical hermeneutics. Christ is the centre of Christian identity, but Christ understood as "symbol" of mediatorship between God and the world. If that is so, it must be concluded that any human being can, at least potentially, be the Christ, even without specific belonging, because Christ as symbol is universal. Christ is the prototype of the believing person that succeeds entering into relationship with Reality. In this, he is symbol: He turns Reality visible and through Him, by the power of the Holy Spirit, one can participate in it. I take from these rather paradoxical statements by Panikkar his appreciation of one’s own positioning in relation to Christ and the emphasis on the existential significance of faith. His focus is not dogma but the believing person and his relationship with the basis of faith. The confidence which Panikkar takes from this relationship and positioning is essential to understanding and agreement in the Christian oikoumene. Beyond this, there is a need for struggle about the content and the consequences of the Christian faith which can, in the end, lead to exclusive judgements. The problem I see with Panikkar is that he evades going through that struggle. It is here also that I see the problem of a transference of the notion of a Christian ecumenism to an "ecumenical ecumenism". Although it is true that they seem, at first, similar in structure or function: different confessions and, one could add, different contextualizations of Christianity are facing each other and can accept or reject or just leave one another in peace. Unity in the oikoumene is a continuous task, as Panikkar well stated in an early text: "Ecumenism has to start with suffering arising from diversity; in a further step, it should unveil the deeper, common striving; and it could well culminate in the religious effort to bring closer this unity of Reality. The unity of religions is more a mission than a fact, more a goal to be achieved than a goal already achieved."56

Like religions which, according to Panikkar, are by their nature oriented towards the Reality in its depth, so are the churches of the oikoumene as Christian Church referred to the basis of their faith, the Triune God. Through the biblical text an its tradition, through the manifestation of God as Father, Son and Holy Spirit as formulated by the economic doctrine of the Trinity, Christianity does have a constant, specific reference which, as such, not share with other religions. The fact that in this Tradition exclusive and inclusive statements about other religions are to be found is the constant difficulty with interreligious dialogue.

3. A Deep Hermeneutics of Reality

Cosmotheandric "trinity" offers, as a concept, both dynamics and coherence: the Cosmotheandric Reality is a differentiated reality which is in movement and holds together the three dimensions of God, Man and World.57 This "trinity" is perichoresis and relation, it is not monism or dualism but difference-in-relation: this aspect is shared by Panikkar and nearly all contemporary elaborations of the doctrine of the Trinity. More strongly than others, however, he holds a hermeneutical approach to reality in which God, Man and World are connected to each other in the deep. Therefore, one can speak of the deep hermeneutics of reality.

It has become clear that Panikkar does not seek mere exchange between the various religions. If one follows his concept of incommensurability, such an exchange would be quite impossible on the level of doctrine, confessions and the instituted social structure. Only in relation to (Cosmotheandric) Reality can we learn from other religions, in the sense that Reality is, ultimately, one, although a differentiated one. This, however, does not constitute an essential insight into reality but an existential one, that is the radical relativity of God, World and Man. The differences that lead to incommensurability are, therefore, to be addressed at another level as the Panikkarian Deep Hermeneutics; only in this way can we explain the contradiction between incommensurability and commonality in the deep.

It is in this Deep Hermeneutics that religions meet, and thus their effort is not nonsense or a reason for fighting each other. Rather, it is in this insight -- and only in this? -- that they can fecundate each other. In this way, the go against the fragmentation of the perception of reality that is typical of our times, according to Panikkar. From the constant conversion towards this Reality, as it occurs in specific ways in the different religions, follows a "cosmic confidence" that gives courage to live and to maintain a peaceful treatment of others despite basic differences. In this sense, eventually, there are practical consequences.

4. Cosmic Confidence and Fundamental Openness -- an Irenic Attitude

Panikkar’s main contribution, it seems to me, is his combination of two important factors. On the one hand, there is his irenic attitude of openness in a very thorough looking at and listening to the other, as well as in utmost care in judging people of other religions. On the other hand, there is Cosmic Confidence in the ultimate tri-unity of Reality. This confidence is based on an extrapolation which might be possible only for somebody who is, like Panikkar, equally at home in various religions and cultures. Even if one does not want to go so far, one can more modestly hold such an ultimate unity of all with all as possible but not as certain. There is good ground for trust in this from one’s specific religious standpoint. Dierrich Ritschl’s notion of a hermeneutics of confidence in the Christus praesens and the FO study pointing in the same direction are important landmarks for this attitude of confidence, within a Christian context.58

This confidence has its consequences for Panikkar’s style of life. In an interview, he said: "My style of life is neither that of a bourgeois nor of an ascetic in the traditional sense. It is the lifestyle of a philosopher as I understand him. Somebody who finds joy in this life, on the one hand. Somebody who experiences life as a grace. Somebody who cultivates the possibilities given to him by God, nature, humans or coincidence. (...) What is moving me is not to rush to South Africa or engage in the Red Cross, for which I have no ability, but to do my very best to remain faithful to this vocation. I do not pretend to be an example, but I try to do everything I do in this direction. It is priestly, intellectual, somehow holistic in the sense of a collaboration with the cosmotheandric perichôrêsis of which I am speaking."59

This is the practical dimension of Cosmic Confidence, of the fundamental openness towards the Other and towards Reality. It is here that we best discover the difference between orthopraxis in Panikkar and in the Theology of Liberation: In Panikkar, it is primarily directed towards the experience of the Cosmotheandric Reality and not towards action in the world. "Reality", for Panikkar, is the wholeness of Being that is constituted through God, Man and World, not the empirical reality which is of merely provisional character -- as is maya in advaita-vedanta.60 Probably under pressure from the impact of Liberation Theology in the USA where Panikkar was teaching at the time, he had to face the issue of the political dimension of his theology and has reacted to it repeatedly in prefaces to his publications. In recent years, he has dealt more extensively with this.61 He remains faithful to his basic caution, not taking any particular political line. In his view, there is indeed no contradiction between Cosmic Confidence and Option for the Poor.62 Both foster inclusion: in a spiritual-religious sense the former, in a political-economic-social sense the latter. Nevertheless, in my opinion, the problem remains that political and ethical consequences do not have a place in his theology: he holds to his original harmonizing, irenic attitude.

Finally, I can now draw some conclusions, while being aware that I am not in a position in to do full justice here to the depth and width of insights from the above-summarized case studies and their theological implications.

IV. Ecumenical Hermeneutics -- Conclusions

Ecumenical hermeneutics -- as formulated in part I in dialogue with the FO study paper -- seeks understanding and agreement with a view to creating and deepening Christian ecumenical community. Looking from this perspective at two theologians from very different contexts has revealed that Leonardo Boff and Raimon Panikkar have much in common. There is not an explicitly theological consensus between the two but rather a congenuality. Both have a strong mystical feature, asking about the uniting, comprehensive, common, about the intimate relationship between God and the world. Both are, in this broad sense, catholic. Their Roman Catholic socialization is of a South European kind (Veneto/Italy, Catalonia/Spain), but from the beginning mixed with other influences (Brazil, India) and lived and developed further in remarkable independence. From this background, they have taken a certain natural corporality, happiness and joy in human contacts and left aside the equally strong hegemonic position of their Church in Italy and Spain. Even though they continue to be bound to the Roman Catholic Church emotionally and structurally, they have been marked by the eruption of the Second Vatican Council and their loyalty towards today’s magisterium is minimal. Boff resisted its pressure through confrontation and, eventually, by resigning from his order and the priesthoood, while Panikkar resisted, more subtly, through a skilled undermining of terms.

Both are gifted with a radiating energy, an enormous working power and discipline, at the same time being friendly and hospitable. Living in Brazil has strengthened in Boff the element of celebration as well as of struggle and resistance, while Panikkar lived a certain asceticism in India and acquired an irenic attitude. Each is, within his context, at the same time indigenous and stranger; each is, in his own way, a pilgrim on the frontier: Boff walking at the margins of his Church and society, Panikkar between sciences and, especially, between religions.

In both can be found, despite all difficult experiences with society and the Church (Boff) or with life as a borderliner (Panikkar), an astonishing confidence in God, life, and humanity.

In Boff, this goes with the dimension that he calls "motherly-earthly", so intrinsic to him that it took some time to emerge: in the midst of poverty and repression his combativeness expressed itself more. Only more recently has the other dimension come to the fore, taking on gender, feminine characteristics and adding a concern about the ecological threat to his resistance to revered fathers of Mother Church in Rome who opposed him and Liberation Theology. In Panikkar’s case, confidence comes from having the Cosmotheandric Reality which he came to know through two, later three religions, carry him -- Cosmic Confidence. Thus, he was able, apparently, to resist the rejection suffered from his own Church as well as from persons of other religions.

It is at this point that I want to bring in conclusions for an ecumenical hermeneutics. Through my intensive interaction with faith and theology in the WCC as much as through my studies on Leonardo Boff in Brazil, Raimon Panikkar in India, I have come to the conclusion that it is, indeed, confidence that is the condition for ecumenical dialogue and agreement. Although I would not call it "cosmic confidence", nor trace it back to the motherly-earthly, I would speak of confidence in the Triune God, stressing that it is this God who marks the specificity of the Christian faith in his Trinity. The perichoreticcommunitarian God, Father, Son and Holy Spirit, who as an inference from the biblical testimony of God’s economy of salvation has first been praised in liturgy and doxology, then conceived in doctrinal concepts -- it is He who carries Christians in life and death. This does not exclude the possibility that faithful people of other religions could be touched by this God in their own way. However, Christians can only hope this to be the case, not know it.

If understanding and agreement is to happen between different forms of contextualizations of Christianity, it seems helpful to me in an ecumenical hermeneutics to distinguish different levels of their encounter. The various levels are to be imagined one under the other, that is, from the highest (1) through the underlying (2) to the fundamental level (3).

(1) This is the level of propositions, that is, of doctrines and concepts. On this level, there can be direct contradictions between the statements of different theologies.63 Thus, Boff’s social notion of the Trinity could offer a double criticism to Panikkar’s Cosmotheandrism: in regard to Scripture and Tradition, Panikkar has shifted away from the Trinitarian revelation. Although drawing on this Tradition, as well as on the Hindu advaita-vedanta and the Buddhist pratityasamutpada (the interrelatedness of all beings), he eventually comes up with an abstract form of "Trinity" as a figure -- a unity in triple diversity, but detached from the economic manifestation of God as Father, Son and Holy Spirit. As to the Indian context, Panikkar has developed his theology in dialogue with very specific parts of it -- rather elitist philosophical thinking -- which could be criticized by Boff for lacking an option for the poor and for having no space for social and political action in his theological thinking. In turn, Panikkar could criticize Boff for not taking seriously enough the religious diversity of the Brazilian context, and for promoting a rather superficial inclusion of other religions (like Candomblé) instead of a dialogue in the deep, thus remaining largely within Western moulds of thinking.64 From these contrasting positions could result, in the best case, a fruitful dialogue, in the worst case plain rejection.

(2) The second level contains a basic hermeneutical position which -- despite some terminological reservations65 -- could be called a hermeneutics of coherence and a hermeneutics of suspicion. On this level, I speak about hermeneutics trying to understand the specific perspective underlying the above-mentioned propositions. As shown earlier, Boff developed his trinitarian theology in opposition to a hierarchical and authoritarian society and church. Although it has to be remembered that, right at the beginning of his theological publishing, Boff followed a hermeneutics of coherence or interdependence of all beings through his understanding of the cosmic Christ, something he has been taking up more prominently again in recent writings, the beginning of his trinitarian thinking is marked by a hermeneutics of suspicion, that is, by a critique of power and ideology. The theology of Raimon Panikkar is marked by a hermeneutics of coherence, of the advaitic relation between everything that is, a notion he developed out of the intra-religious and inter-religious dialogue. He aims at coherence of the Cosmotheandric Reality in which a critique of power and ideology do not find any room. At the same time, this coherence presupposes confidence as a prerequisite for dialogue. Thus, Panikkar’s hermeneutical position leads us to the third level.

(3) The third, deepest level, sustaining the others, is that of a hermeneutics of confidence. It is not instantly operationable, and only with restrictions can it be formulated theologically. It stems from Faith in the triune God, a faith which is being granted to the other who equally claims to draw on it, as "right intention of faith" and reckons with the possibility that "the Spirit speaks within and through the others".66 Its first form of expression is the doxology and the direction towards the living, triune God, the basis of faith and theology. This level of hermeneutics is open to mystical experiences and intuitions, as Raimon Panikkar has brought to the fore again and again, while it can also be found in Boff. Whenever this level is missing, I believe that ecumenical dialogue is not possible. The boundness to the triune God is the only basis on which changes at the other two levels can take place; without being open towards changes, there can only be an uncommitted factual living next to each other, no real fellowship. Such a hermeneutics of confidence, however, by no means removes the need for dialogue and for debate and struggle at the other two levels; the quest for the truth of faith in its practice, responsible towards both Catholicity and Contextuality, is not resolved, but given as a task.

 

End Notes

1. This problem became most obvious following the presentation of Korean professor Chung, Hyun-Kyung at the Seventh Assembly of the World Council of Churches (WCC) in Canberra, as was well analyzed by Raiser, Konrad, "Das Problem des Synkretismus und die Suche nach einer ökumenischen Hermeneutik", in: id., Wir stehen noch am Anfang: Ökumene in einer veränderten Welt (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus 1994), pp. 153-167. See also my article: "Ecumenical Hermeneutics: Suspicion vs. Coherence?", in: Bangalore Theological Forum Vol. 29 (1997) Nr. 3/4, pp. 37-49.

2. In my doctoral thesis: Reden vom dreieinigen Gott in Brasilien und Indien. Grundzüge einer ökumenischen Hermeneutik im Dialog mit Leonardo Boff und Raimon Panikkar ("Speaking of the Triune God in Brazil and India. Outlines of an Ecumenical Hermeneutics in Dialogue with Leonardo Boff and Raimon Panikkar") which is to be published in early 2003 (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr/Paul Siebeck), I have treated these questions much more thoroughly. Based on my thesis, the present article is a translated and slightly revised version of my recent publication: "Ökumenische Hermeneutik für ein plurales Christentum. Überlegungen zu Kontextualität und Katholizität", in: Silja Oneleit-Oesch and Miriam Neubert (eds.): Interkulturelle Hermeneutik und lectura popular Neuere Konzepte in Theorie und Praxis (Beiheft zur Ökumenisehen Rundschau 72, Frankfurt: Lembeck 2002)pp. 228-259. 1 thank my friend and colleague in CESE, Alonso Roberts, for his kind help in correcting my English.

3. Cf. Anton Houtepen, "Hermeneutics and Ecumenism: The Art of Understanding a Communicative God", in: Peter Bouteneff and Dagmar Heller (eds.), Interpreting Together

Essays in Hermeneutics (Faith and Order Paper 189, Geneva: WCC 2001), pp 1-18: id., "Ökumenische Hermeneutik. Auf der Suche nach Kriterien der Kohärenz im Christentum, in: Ökumenische Rundschau Vol. XXXIX (1990), pp. 279-296.

4. See Tobias Brandner, Einheit gegeben -- verloren -- erstrebt. Denkbewegungen von Glauben und Kirchenverfassung (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1996), pp. 252-266; for the pre-Bangalore period also Kuncheria Pathil, Models in Ecumenical Dialogue. A Study of the Methodological Development in the Commission on ‘Faith and Order’ of the World Council of Churches (Bangalore 1981), pp.346-396.

5. On the Way to Fuller Koinonia: Official Report of the Fifth World Conference on Faith and Order, edited by Thomas F. Best and Günther Gassmann, (Faith and Order Paper No. 166, Geneva: WCC 1994), esp. section I, paras. 15-16; section II, para. 18; section III, para. 31; section IV, para. 3.

6. A Treasure in Earthen Vessels. An instrument for an ecumenical reflection on hermeneutics (Faith and Order Paper No. 182, Geneva: WCC 1998).

7. The triad "texts, symbols and practices" points to the fact that the life of a church does not only consist in the reading and interpretation of texts but also of symbols and customs, especially as they are used in worship. Furthermore, oral cultures should also be included -- the Word more than Scripture.

8. In this article. I follow the terminology of Tradition (capital ‘T’, the Gospel itself as transmitted through the ages), tradition (small "t", the process of transmission of the Gospel) and traditions (small "t", plural, the tradition adopted and preserved by the various denominations in their specific way), as developed in: "Scripture, Tradition and Traditions", in: P.C. Rodger and Lukas Vischer (eds.), The Fourth World Conference on Faith and Order, Montreal 1963 (Faith and Order Paper No. 42, London: SCM Press 1964).

9. See for a comprehensive overview: Gisbert Greshake, Der dreieine Gott (Freiburg/Basel/ Wien: Herder 1997).

10. Leonardo Boff, "Die Theologie der Befreiung post Ratzinger locutum", in: Edvard Schillebeeckx (ed.), Mystik und Politik. Theologie im Ringen um Geschichte und Gesellschaft (Mainz: Grünewald 1988), pp. 287-311, here 288. Translation of quotations into English is always mine.

11. Johann Baptist Metz, "Thesen zum theologischen Ort der Befreiungstheologie", in: idem (ed.), Die Theologie der Befreiung: Hoffnung oder Gefahr für die Kirche? (Düsseldorf: Patmos 1986), pp. 147-157, here 154.

12. Leonardo Boff, Trinity and Society, (Maryknoll: Orbis, London: Burns and Oates 1988).

13. Leonardo Boff, Ecology and Liberation, a New Paradigm (Maryknoll: Orbis 1995); Cry of the Earth, Cry of the Poor (Maryknoll: Orbis 1997).

14. See David Nicholls, Deity and Domination. Images of God and the State in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London/New York 1989/1994).

15. Erik Peterson, "Der Monotheismus als politisches Problem: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der politischen Theologie im Imperium Romanum [1935]", in: Theologische Traktate. Ausgewählte Schriften Vol. 1 (Würzburg 1994). pp. 23-81; see also Barbara Nichtweiss, Erik Peterson. Neue Sicht auf Leben und Werk, (Freiburg/Basel/Wien, Herder 1992/1994), esp. 763-830.

16. See Reinhold Bernhardt and Ulrike Link-Wieczorek (eds.), Metapher und Wirklichkeit. Die Logik der Bildhaftigkeit im Reden von Gott, Mensch und Natur (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1999); Sally McFague, Models of God. Theology for an Ecological, Nuclear Age (Philadelphia 1987).

17. Leonardo Boff, Trinity and Society (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1988), pp. 6-7.

18. Boff’s book on the Trinity was written in 1985, while he had to follow a year of silence as ordered by the Vatican. In the same year, Brazil returned to free elections and ended 20 years of military rule (1964-1985).

19. As a modest contribution, I intend, focussing on the notion of cidadania (citizenship), the central term for democracy since the end of military rule in 1985, to analyze the theoretical and practical contribution of churches towards it. This new research will be part of a major project involving similar studies on South Korea (Prof. Dr. Christine Lienemann-Perrin) and South Africa (Katrin Kusmierz, MTh).

20. First indications of Boff taking this cultural aspect more seriously are to be found in two recent books of his: Depois de 500 anos: Que Brasil queremos? ("After 500 years: What Brazil do we want?", Petrópolis: Vozes 2000), in which he outlines a just and participatory Brazil for the third millenium, considering the cultural contribution Brazil could make towards a globalized world; and 0 Casamento entre o Céu e a Terra. Contos dos povos indígenas do Brasil ("Marriage between Heaven and Earth. Stories from indigenous peoples of Brazil", Rio de Janeiro: Salarnandra 2001), a beautifully presented collection of traditional stories from indigenous peoples, compiled, edited and commented by Boff, again completed by an exploration of his on the contribution of Brazilian indigenous peoples towards a globalized world. As a contribution to the development of an Afro-Brazilian theology, see also Josué Salgado, Auf dem Weg zu einer afrobrasilianischen Theologie. Eine ökumene- und missionswissenschaftliche Untersuchung (Aachen 1999).

21. The term "macro-ecumenism" was coined in the 1990s in Latin America and denotes an ecumenism extended, beyond Christianity to other religions. It can be found especially among Roman Catholic dialogue activists and tends to leave out Christian, interconfessional dialogue. I fear that it is, in the end, little more than a simplistic way of inclusion.

22. I am thinking here of the severe censorship imposed on his books and the restrictions applied by the Vatican to his liberty of action and speaking, which resulted, eventually, in his leaving the Franciscan Order and the priesthood in 1992. In a letter to the "Friends on a common journey and in a common hope" of 28th June, 1992, he explicitly referred to the Trinity as a critical notion in relation to the Roman Hierarchy.

23. Leonardo Boff, Depois de 500 anos, op.cit., pp. 25-28.51-53. As has been stated earlier, he describes, in this small booklet, the various contributions Brazil and its culture could offer towards globalization as understood in a positive way. This includes a perception of reality based on relationship, the jeitinho (skilled way of resolving a problem going around it, given that the direct way does not work) and malandragem (operating with sly trickery) as means of social navigation, a multi-ethnic and multi-religious culture, the creativity of the Brazilian people, the mystic aura of Brazilian culture, and the ludic aspect as well as the hope of the Brazilian people, ibid., pp.! 12-122. In my view, however, he tends to look only at the positive sides of these aspects, leaving out the fundamental ambiguity of the jeitinho, for example, which I believe contributes to the malfunctioning of law in Brazil through the lack of a culture of trust and compliance towards the law system and insight into its benefits.

24. Leonardo Boff, Gott kommt früher als der Missionar. Neuevangelisierung für eine Kultur des Lebens und derpreiheit (Düsseldorf: Patmos 2nd edition 1992). p.62. The English translation of this book is entitled New Evangelization: Good News to the Poor (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1991).

25. Op. cit., 43 (German version).

26. Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations, 1996.

27. Leonardo Boff, Gott konnnt früher als der Missionar, op.cit., p. 59.

28. See his remarks in the biographical interview with his friend and translator Horst Goldstein, Leonardo Boff. Zwischen Poesie und Politik, (Mainz: Grünewald 1994).

29. For his understanding of sacrament and transparence, see his doctoral dissertation (unfortunately only in German) that has become a book of reference on the matter for the immediate post-Vatican II period: Kirche als Sakrament im Horizont der Welterfahrung. Versuch einer Legitimation und einer struktur-funktionalistischen Grundlegung der Kriche im Anschluss an das II. Vatikanische Konzil (Paderborn 1972). Still in his book on the Trinity (1986), Boff holds that the Church is, in reference to Lumen Gentium 1.48 where it is considered as "sign and instrument" of salvation, revealing (sign) and realizing (instrument) of the "mystery of the love of God towards Man", the "historical sacrament" of the Trinity, it later loses this prominent place in Boff’s writings.

30. Cf., for instance, Leonardo Boff, Theologie der Befreiung -- die hermeneutischen Voraussetzungen, in: Karl Rahner et alii (eds.), Befreiende Theologie (Stuttgart etc. 1977), pp.46-6l.

31. Leonardo Boff, "In Favour of Syncretism," in Church: Charism and Power -- Liberation Theology and the Institutional Church (New York: Crossroad, 1988), pp. 89- 107.

32. This criticism has indeed been applied by anthropologists as well as by black and indigenous people.

33. Leonardo Boff, Der dreieinige Gott. op. cit., 180. Further references to this book are given in brackets.

34. Cf. Geoffrey Wainwright, Doxology -- A Systematic Theology. The Praise of God in Worship, Doctrine and Life (London: Epworth 2nd edition 1982), pp. 218-283

35. Dietrich Ritschl, Zur Logik der Theologie (München Chr. Kaiser 1984), pp. 336ff., here 337.

36. Panikkar appears under different first names in his publications: Raymond, Raymondo, Raimundo. We stay with the Catalan form of "Raimon" which is common in his latest publications and corresponds to the first and latest context of his living: He was born in Barcelona, Catalonia (Spain), and is now, again, living in that region.

37. Raimon Panikkar, "Ecumenical Ecumenism", in: Journal of Ecumenical Studies, Vol. 19, 1982, pp. 781-786.

38. "The Cosmotheandric Reality" or "C. Experience", "C. Intuition" or "C. Revelation" has become the central trinitarian term for Panikkar. He expands the term "theandrism" coming from the Early Church’s christological debate, to include the cosmos and holds that the triad God-Man-World is the basic experience that lies at the heart of any religion. See Raimon Panikkar, The Cosmotheandric Experience (Maryknoll: Orbis 1993), a collection of important texts written in the 70s. His first book focusing on the Trinity was published in 1970 as The Trinity and World Religions. Icon -- Person -- Mystery (Bangalore). There, the notion of cosmotheandrism is only hinted at. The focus lies on the Trinity as a typology of religions, elaborated in dialogue with the three margas ("ways" to salvation) of the Bhagavadgita. For a fairly recent and useful collection of texts related to Panikkar’s central theme, see Invisible Harmony. Essays on Contemplation and Responsibility, ed. Harry James Cargas (Minneapolis 1995).

39. See for instance Raimon Panikkar, La plenitud del hombre (Madrid 1999), p. 26: "The existential situation at the end of this century is so serious that we must not let ourselves be consumed by internal political fights and rather private problems (the ordination of women, protestant sacraments, ecumenism, sexual morals, modern rites and the like)". According to Panikkar, Christian ecumenism is part of these "internal" issues, while what is really at stake is to be found in the ecumenical ecumenism among the religions. It seems to me, however, that Panikkar is underestimating the burning issues at stake even within Christianity, which do also have an influence on the outcome of interreligious dialogue.

40. Panikkar’s mother came from a strongly conservative Spanish catholicism, although being herself very moderate, while his father was a Hindu from Kerala. Academically, he completed three doctorates in philosophy, chemistry and theology in Madrid and Rome. During many decades, he traveled between Europe, later the United States of America. and India, serving as a Roman Catholic priest and as a professor of Religious Studies. He knows many languages from Catalan and English via German to Sanskrit. However, if I understand correctly, these do not include any Indian vernacular language.

41. Raimon Panikkar, The Intra -Religious Dialogue (New York: Paulist Press 1978).

42. His saying has become well-known: "I ‘left’ as a Christian, I ‘found’ myself as a Hindu and I ‘return’ a Buddhist, without having ceased to be a Christian", in: ibid., p. 40. In some places, Panikkar speaks of a fourth religion to which he would belong, calling it "secularism", a religion that originates in Christianity.

43. Like others, Panikkar distinguishes between faith and belief. While the former denotes the basic religious experience which is, ultimately, one, the latter is plural and describes a particular way of believing.

44. Raimon Panikkar, The Vedic Experience: Mantramanjari. An Anthology of the Vedas for Modern Man and Contemporary Celebration [1977] (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass 1994).

45. It is to be remembered that, when speaking of "religion", Panikkar refers to the so-called "great" religions, especially to Christianity, Hinduism and Buddhism, the main religions in dialogue within and for Panikkar. African and oceanic religions, bound as they are to specific peoples and local traditions, remain outside his focus.

46. The well-known river metaphor, according to which there are many rivers that, ultimately, flow into the same ocean, is turned critically against the other pluralists by Panikkar: Jordan, Tiber and Ganges, metaphors for three types of religion, only meet as steam in the clouds: "Religions do not coalesce, certainly not as organized religions", Raimon Panikkar, "The Jordan, the Tiber and the Ganges. Three Kairological Moments of Christic Self-Consciousness", in: John Hick and Paul F. Knitter (eds.), The Myth of Christian Uniqueness (London 1988), pp. 89-116, quotation from p. 92. Yet another, not less critical metaphor is the Tower of Babel: The quest for a common language, culture or religion -- or for a pluralist universal view of religions -- is bound to fail: "The Myth of Pluralism: The Tower of Babel -- A Meditation on Non-Violence", in: Cross Currents vol. 29, 1979, pp. 197-230.

47. Raimon Panikkar, Cultural Disarmament. The Way to Peace (Louisville/Kentucky 1995).

48. On the ideology and practice of Hindutva see, for instance, T. B. Hansen, The Saffron Wave. Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modem India, Princeton 1999.

49. Panikkar understands Christ as symbol of every mediation between God and the World, on which Christians do not have a "monopoly". All being is a Christophany, an appearance of Christ, the centre of the universe; see the revised version of The Unknown Christ of Hinduis: Towards an Ecumenical Christophany, Bangalore 1981; also "A Christophany for our times", in: Theological Digest vol. 39, 1992, no.1, pp. 3-21. This speaking of Christ does, like Panikkar’s notion of the Trinity, maintain only loose links to the Christian understanding of Jesus as the Christ and God as Father, Son and Holy Spirit, and is, thus, turned into what I call a figure, a concept abstracted from Christianity, thus available to other religions. It denotes a tendency that can also be perceived in Boff s recent writings, understanding the "trinity" as a model for unity-in-diversity or unity-in-relationship, largely detached from God the Father, Son and Holy Spirit as witnessed in the Scriptures and subsequently worked out in worship and doctrine.

50. Even with such an open Christology, Panikkar remains too Christian for many Hindus.

51. Raimon Panikkar, Der Mensch -- ein trinitarisches Mysterium, in: Raimon Panikkar and Walter Strolz, Die Verantwortung des Menschen für cine bewohnbare Welt im Christentum, Hinduismus und Buddhismus (Freiburg/Basel/Wien 1985), pp. 147-190, here 149.

52. See for instance Raimon Panikkar, On Catholic Identity (University of Tulsa 1991), p. 2, where this becomes clear from what he says on the identity of a Christian: "We may agree that a Christian is somebody who acknowledges a special relation to Jesus Christ, but the understanding of this relation cannot be expressed in any univocal way and the analogy cannot go beyond the formal or structural contents of the word ‘relation’

53. The revised edition has already been quoted above. The first was published as The Unknown Christ of Hinduism (London: Darton, Longman and Todd 1964).

54. Raimon Panikkar, The Unknown Christ of Hinduism, revised edition, op.cit., p. 16. Also cf. Religionen und die Religion (München 1965).

55. On Catholic Identity, 2, originally in italics.

56. Panikkar, Religionen und die Religion, op.cit., 126f.

57. I generally avoid "Man" for human being. But since Panikkar deliberately continues to use it, and it is an intrinsic part of the triad "God-Man-World", I am retaining it in this context.

58. Dietrich Ritschl, "Konsens ist nicht das höchste Ziel. Gründe für cine Hermeneutik des Vertrauens in den Christus praesens", in: Konrad Raiser and Dorothea Sattler (eds.), Ökumene vor neuen Zeiten, (Freiburg/Basel/Wien 2000), pp. 531-547.

59. Raimon Panikkar, Das Abenteuer Wirklichkeit. Gespräche liber die geistige Transformation, a dialogue with Constantin von Barloewen and Axel Matthes, edited by Bettina Bäumer (München 2000), p. 71.

60. For the latter, see among others: M. Hiriyanna, Outlines of Indian Philosophy [1932] (Delhi 1993), 339-382; Michael von Brück, Die Einheit der Wirklichke it. Gott, Gotteserfahrung und Meditation im hinduistisch-christlichen Dialog (München 1986), 30-117 -- the latter goes a similar way to Panikkar and brings the Christian doctrine of the Trinity into dialogue with advaita-vedanta, giving ample space first to the description of each of them separate.

61. Raimon Panikkar, El Espíritu de la política. Homo politicus ("The Spirit of Politics. Homo Politicus" Barcelona 1999).

62. See the debate between Panikkar and Paul F. Knitter in: Joseph Prabhu (ed.): The Intercultural Challenge of Raimon Panikkar (Maryknoll 1996).

63. I emphasize that these and other comparisons are being constructed from my interpretation of the trinitarian theologies of Leonardo Boff and Raimon Panikkar and have not been named in this way by the authors themselves.

64. Indeed Panikkar has made such criticism of Liberation Theology explicit in La nueva inocencia (Estella 1993), pp. 301-304, quoting Leonardo Boff, Saint Francis. A Model for Human Liberation (New York: Crossroad 1982).

65. See on this my article: Ecumenical Hermeneutics: Suspicion vs. Coherence?, in: Bouteneff/ Heller, Interpreting Together, op.cit., pp. 111-121.

66. A Treasure in Earthen Vessels, paras 8 and 30.

The Concept of Trinity and Its Implication for Christian Communication in Indian Context

What is our God like? How shall we believe in the Three-in-One? Is such a doctrine intelligible? Who is the God in whom we trust? These are perhaps the most important questions that any one can ask. No human language or analogy can sufficiently explain what God is like. But still we must explore it. I will be trying to do that against the background of our present Indian context. It includes the Biblical basis, later developments and the implications for Christian communication. I shall then conclude this paper with some practical applications of the concept of the Trinity to the praxis of Christian life.

The Doctrine of Trinity

The Christian doctrine of the Trinity affirms that while God is one, He exists as three persons: The unknown God, creator and source of all life; Jesus Christ who has revealed the Father, and the Holy Spirit, the bond of love between Father and Son, who is always at work in transforming the world according to God’s purpose.

Belief in God as Three-in-One is as old as Christianity itself.1 The word Trinity doesn’t appear as a theological term till near the end of the second century. It was first used as ‘Trias’ by Theophilus, the Bishop of Antioch in AD. 180 and later by Tertullian as Trinitas2 to signify that God exists in three persons. Through the centuries the doctrine has been violently attacked and robustly defended.3 A doctrine then is nothing else than the facts almighty God made known to human beings by revelation, facts about God in Himself, or about God in his relations with His creatures.4 According to Marie Fargues a mystery is a truth which we must believe because God has made it known to us, but which we cannot perfectly understand".5 Trinity is a mystery as well as a doctrine, which is beyond our intuitive recognition and faculty. One God in Three persons, that is the mystery of the Holy Trinity.

The Biblical Basis of Trinity

The word Trinity is not found in the Bible. In the Old Testament, according to K. V. Mathew, we don’t have any definitive description about the nature of God. In the expression ‘Eheh’6 the ‘ousia’ of God is denoted not by a static being but a dynamic creative becoming. The Hebrew word Elohim is plural. So the single Godhead comprises the majesty of divine plurality. The nature of God as it is shown in the book of Genesis implies that God is a family (Genesis 5:2-3); God is one (Deut. 6:4, Ex. 20:3). What we see in the Old Testament is only a foretaste or glimpse of the Trinity, when viewed from the vantage point of New Testament.7 There are many who see the Trinity in the plural form of the divine name Elohim. But there is no doctrine of the Trinity in the Old Testament,

The early Christians had a Trinitarian experience. For them the Spirit of God was personal. In the fourth gospel, the divinity of Christ is explicitly stated (John 1:1, 1:18), and Jesus introduced to them paracletos as Comforter, Councilor and Advocate. The New Testament developed the monotheism of the Old Testament further. Arthur W. Wainwright says that in the New Testament Christ is called ‘Lord’, in the Septuagint it is a title often used as an equivalent of Yahweh.8 The epithets ‘Lord’ and ‘God’ are ascribed to Christ in the New Testament. The triadic passages, Matt. 28:19,2 Corinthians 13:14, Acts 2:33 testify to the Triune God.

Still there are arguments among scholars that the doctrine of Trinity has no real biblical basis. Cyril C. Richardson argues, "It is not a doctrine specifically to be found in the New Testament. It is a creation of the Fourth Century Church,"9 John Hick has the same view: "the doctrine of incarnation and Trinity may turn out to be an intellectual construction,"10 hence he denies its biblical foundation. But according to H. P. Owen, "The Doctrine of the Trinity is firmly grounded in the New Testament".11 He argues that 18 references to the Holy Spirit out of 62 in the book of Acts describe Christ as a person. Another argument is that all the baptisms in the Acts of Apostles were in the name of Christ and almost all the epistles of St. Paul start with binitarianism.12 It shows that Trinitarianism took time to develop. This shift from binity to trinity supports the understanding of Cyril C. Richardson.

Development of the Trinitarian Formula

The apologists were the first to make an attempt to explain Trinity intellectually. Later the antignostic fathers developed the Trinitarian formula further as One Substance and Three Persons. We cannot say that they are three substances, for that would be tritheism.13 By the end of the third century Anus propounded his theory stating that neither the Son nor the Holy Spirit were co-eternal and co-equal with the Father or with each other.14 Two attempts before Arianism were modalism and dynamism. The former denied continuity to the modes and the latter did not affirm personal status to them. The Athanesian contribution of one ousia (essence) and Three hypostases (persons) was later developed by the Cappadocian Fathers and the doctrine of Trinitarian monotheism was developed. The unity is reflected in their mutual co-inherence or co-indwelling. The co-eternity, co-equality and co-essentiality of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit were officially proclaimed at the first great council of the church at Nicea in 325. Later the synod of the Constantinople confirmed it.15

In the later theological development we can see two analogies; individual and social. Augustine followed the individual analogy and he formulated the psychological doctrine of the Trinity in the West. Similarly the social analogy formulated a social doctrine of the Trinity in the East. Through mind, knowledge and love the human being resembles the divine being. In this way according to Augustine, humans reflect the mystery of the Trinity.

"The social doctrine of the Trinity is in a position to overcome both monotheism in the concept of God and individualism in the doctrine of man, and to develop a social personalism and personalist socialism," says Moltmann and adds, "That is important for the divided world in which we live and think."16 When we say the Trinitarian formula, it means ‘Drei-einigkeit’17 three persons, one communion of fellowship in unique unity.

The Trinity gives us more space for pluralistic ways of understanding of God in the Indian context. The Indian context is polytheistic. The early church used epithets like ousia. hypostasis and Logos. And even by the apostles from the Greek philosophical thought highlights their venture in interpreting Trinity in that context. John Hick’s basic contention is that we are required to undergo a ‘Copernican revolution’ in our theology of religion: shift from the Ptolemic world view to a Copernican world view.18 This means a paradigm shift from a Christ-centered or Jesus-centered to a God-centered model. The God of the Bible is not only transcendent but also immanent. He is primarily and originally transcendent, and secondarily and derivatively immanent.

Keshab Chandra Sen expounded the meaning of the Trinity in the light of the Vedantic understanding of Brahman as Sachidananda. He suggests that the Father is sat (being), the still God; son is sit (knowledge), the journeying God and Holy Spirit is Ananda (joy) the returning God.19 But here we see a tendency towards modalism and some argue that Brahman does not exist as an empirical object and its existence has no being, consciousness and bliss according to Upanishads.20 R. Panikkar argues that the Trinity is the junction where the spiritual dimensions of all religions meet. All religions have mystery and the Christian language for that mystery of God is Trinity.21 Panikkar finds in this more room for interreligious dialogue.

Trinity and Christian Communication

All Christian communication starts with the fact that God is communication in Himself. In the Trinitarian communion the dialogue between the persons is ongoing.22 God sent Jesus Christ to the world, his disciples recognized him as a sign of God and He revealed the Father and the Holy Spirit. Martini says, "It is also the Holy Spirit who ‘opens’ the Trinity to the world and at the same time unites the world to the Son and the Father".23 The Trinity is not a monarchic, but a sharing God, interacting and participating. His communication is not like the old transmission model but a novel cultural model. For instance, the mystery of incarnation was first revealed to poor shepherds. The paschal mystery was revealed to women, who were marginalized at that time. The visible support of his Sonship by the Holy Spirit was communicated to John the Baptist, and the mystery of the Eucharist to the disciples, who were ordinary people. He communicates through all the human senses (1 John 1:1-3). "God’s revelation and communication is not passing on of ‘information’ but it is a dialogic process with concrete effects on life like the sacraments and on the relation of men with the ultimate being".24

Eating the forbidden fruit by Adam and Eve in Eden, the killing of Abel by Cain (Gen. 4:1-16), the sin of pride in Babel (Gen. 11) destroy communication. Sin breaks the relationship and communication dies.

According to Marshall McLuhan, the message is the ‘medium’. The Christian message is nothing but a person, Jesus Christ; He is the message and medium. Primarily he addressed the marginalized, poor, sinners, and all those who were despised by society. The Trinity speaks through creative words. The word becoming flesh is the divine plan. The relationship within the Trinity extends to human beings and enters into an ‘I-Thou’ relationship. "Where there is an ‘I’ nor a ‘Thou’, the word ‘love’ no longer has any meaning."25 says, Stephen Neill.

By means of the word we communicate, we enter into relationships, we receive other person’s expressions of thoughts, feelings and intentions, and we communicate our own to them. ‘Word’ and ‘Action’ are identical in God. The Word of the Trinity is powerful in itself. The Word of the Spirit destroys the confusion in the language in Acts 2. The words ‘dabar’ in Hebrew and ‘Logos’ in Greek include action.26 God expresses himself in word. John calls the Word the ‘Logos’ and proclaims that the Word was with God. Thus Trinitarian communication promotes unity in diversity, ecumenical dimension, sharing and relationship, equality, love, liberation, prophetic words, which all come together and which are all principles of Christian Communication.

The Implication of Trinity in the Present Context

India as a developing country has made rapid progress in agriculture, industrialization and urbanization. But India is still facing major problems like poverty, illiteracy, casteism, linguism, terrorism, religious fundamentalism, fanaticism, exploitation and provincialism.

All these factors hinder effective communication. The relationships among nations, neighboring countries, religions, churches, members of the churches and even the members of the same family are in decline. In such a condition the role of the Trinitarian communication is crucial. The Triune God who contains the qualities of mutual encouragement and mutual acceptance can be communicated effectively in a multi-cultural and multi-lingual country like India.

In the communication-salvation history-process, God reveals himself and communicated in the Old Testament and collected Israel as the people of God. Then this revelation-communication became personified in Jesus Christ, the Word became flesh. Out of revelation-incarnation the church was born on the day of Pentecost with the coming of the Holy Spirit.27 Thus the church is born through the Son in the Holy Spirit by the communication of the Father. Christian faith is double communication. God communicates with us: we communicate his love with others. That is why Bathasar calls this process God’s drama with humanity and humanity’s drama with God.28 In the pure monotheistic understanding, domination is inevitable since monotheism is a synonym of monarchianism. The Triune God represents fellowship, love, co-operation, mutual understanding, democratization, decentralization, participation, interaction and sharing whereas the monotheistic God supports domination and hierarchy and patriarchism. The Triune God with His inherent love and fellowship demands us to share His qualities and teaches us to share power properly.

The church is the living expression and continuation of God’s communication. The proclamation of the word of God is Kerygma and experiencing communion and community living is Koinonia. The proclamation of the church is based on incarnation and revelation. On the one hand, like Christ, the church lives to evangelize,29 and on the other hand, like Christ, the church carries out the work of redemption from poverty and oppression.30 Jesus came to preach the good news to the poor and not to make them poorer. "The exclusivistic and particularistic claims of the gospel are stumbling blocks to people today, especially in our democratic, egalitarian culture that is distrustful of making distinction between people."31 Trinitarian communion is total communion in love. Without sacrament no church can express her Kerygma. The Eucharist is the extreme manifestation of fellowship and the sharing of the heavenly joy.

Avery Dulles in reviewing the documents of Vatican II arrived at five different models of communication in the church. They are: the hierarchical model, the herald model, the sacramental model, the communion model and the secular dialogue model.32 In this approach, the world of other faiths are not considered as "mission fields" but as a realm in which the Triune God is always at work, including the communication and dialogue with non-Christian religions. Religions are integral part of culture. Any interreligious dialogue must therefore be seen as a form of intercultural communication.33 Genuine dialogue does not include personal interests and diplomacy but always seeks human dignity. Interreligious dialogue is always based on love, faith, hope, mutual concern, mutual acceptance and mutual encouragement. Nothing is imposed on others and such dialogue provides a ‘we’ feeling and an ‘I-Thou’ relationship. The Triune God gives us courage to participate in such kind of interreligious dialogue. Because of this R. Panikkar interprets the Trinity as the meeting point of all religions. Exclusive monotheism can only contribute to the development of feudalism or capitalism but the Triune God can provide social justice, since it is social in nature.

The Triune God is the basis of a classless society. In the Trinity we have the Father, the Mother and the Son. The Hebrew and Syriac languages themselves make It easy to call the spirit ‘The Heavenly Mother’ because ‘Ruach’ and ‘Ruho’ are feminine. This idea helps to overcome masculinism in the idea of God and in the church.34 It recognizes a liberated brotherly and sisterly community of men and women. The Trinity gives freedom, dignity and respect to women. Most of the churches do not give women opportunities to participate in the decision-making bodies. But in the fellowship of the Holy Spirit there arises a community of human beings without superiority or subordination.

If we worship many gods, we will never be one. If we worship an exclusively monotheistic God we will become more and more selfish. If we worship the Trinitarian God we should be able to grow into a sharing, classless, inspired and an empowered community.35

Our world is crying for justice and dignity, for harmony and sharing, and for equality and fellowship. Society is a reflection of the Triune God in which there is equality and justice. When human society becomes a reflection of the Trinity it is the Kingdom of God on earth. Casteism in the church, the tension between the haves and have-nots, the rich and the poor, the divided denominations etc., are challenges in the present context. The descent of the Holy Spirit at Pentecost created a sharing church to eradicate disparities from the church, which is a visible sign of the Kingdom of God on earth. The claim of the Triune God is not individualism but social relationship.36 The Kingdom of God is a social reality.

The Holy Bible traces the story of God’s communication with humans and human communication with God and with other fellow men and women. Jesus Christ revealed the mystery of the Holy Trinity through incarnation. All theists believe that there is only one God, the creator of humans and of the earth. Only Christians believe that the one God exists in three-fold form of Father, Son and Holy Spirit. The Trinity is the model for the ideal human society. The Father, Son and Holy Spirit are co-equal, co-eternal and co-essential. The Trinitarian paradigm is a self-emptying kenotic model of divine, love and fellowship. In a multi-religious, multi-lingual, multi-cultural society, the Trinity urges us to inter-religious dialogue, inter-denominational cooperation and for a participating outlook. The doctrine of Trinity is an inspiring reality to the church, to other religions and a challenge to the human society as a whole.

 

End Notes

1. Louis George Mylene, The Holy Trinity (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1916), 62.

2. Geevarghese Mar Osthathios, Sharing God and a Sharing World (New Delhi: ISPCK, 1995), 1.

3. John Thurmer, A Detection of the Trinity (Flemington Markets: The Paternosten Press, 1984), 9.

4. Louis George Mylene. op. cit., 25.

5. Marie Fargues, The God of Christians, translated by Jennifer Nicholson (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1968), 181.

6. K.V. Mathew, "Trinity-Semantic Considerations", Triune God: Love, Justice, Peace, edited by K.M. Tharakan (Mavelikkara: Youth Movement of Indian Orthodox Church, 1989), 72.

7. Geevarghese Mar Osthathios, op.cit., 3.

8. Arthur W. Wainwright, The Trinity in the New Testament (London: SPCK, 1962), 79.

9. Cyril C. Richardson, The Doctrine of the Trinity (New York: Abingdon Press, n.d.), 17.

10. Huw Parri Owen, Christian Theism (Edinburgh: T and T. Clark, 1984), 142.

11. Ibid., 53.

12. Geevarghese Mar Osthathios, op cit., 4.

13. E.L. Mascall, The Triune God: An Ecumenical Study (West Sussex: Churchman Publishing Ltd., 1986), 12.

14. V.C. Samuel. "The Triune God of Christian Orthodoxy", Triune God: Love. Justice, Peace, edited by K.M. Tharakan (Mavelikkara: Youth Movement of Indian Orthodox Church, 1989), 42.

15. K.E. Kirk, "The Evolution of the Doctrine of the Trinity", Essays on the Trinity and the Incarnation, edited by A.E.J. Rawlinson (Longmans, Green and Co. Ltd., 1928), 159.

16. Jurgen Moltmann, "The Reconciling Power of the Trinity in the Life of the Church and the World", Triune God: Love, Justice, Peace, edited by K.M. Tharakan (Mavelikkara: Youth Movement of Indian Orthodox Church, 1989), 32.

17. Ibid., 22.

18. Huw Parri Owen, op.cit., 141.

19. Robyn Boyd, An introduction of Indian Christian Theology (Madras: CLS, 1969), 34.

20. Ruth Reyna, introduction to Indian Philosophy (New Delhi: Tata McGraw-Hill Publishing Co.Ltd., 1971),53.

21. R. Panikkar, The Unknown Christ of Hinduism: Towards an Ecumenical Christophany (Bangalore: Asian Trading Corporation, 1982), 23.

22. Franz-Joseph Eilers, Communicating in Community: An Introduction to Social Communication (Indore: Satprakashen Sanchar Kendra, 1996), 36.

23. Ibid., 37.

24. Ibid., 39.

25. Stephen Neill, The Christian’s God (London: United Society For Christian Literature Lutterworth Press, 1958), 14.

26. Yves M.J. Congar. The Word at the Spirit, translated by David Smith (London: Cassell Ltd., 1986), 10.

27. Franz -- Josef Eilers. Communicating Between Cultures: An Introduction to Intercultural Communication (Indore: Satprakashan Sanchar Kendra, 1993), 145.

28. Ibid., 147.

29. Franz-Josef Eilers, Communicating in Community, op.cit., 45.

30. Franz-Josef Eilers, Communicating between Cultures, op.cit., 146-147.

31. Donald G. Bloesch. op.cit., 55.

32. Franz-Josef Eilers, Communicating between Cultures, op.cit., 158.

33. Ibid., 159.

34. Jurgen Moltmann. "The Reconciling Power of the Trinity in the life of the Church and the World" Triune God: Love, Justice, Peace, op.cit., 31.

35. Geevarghese Mar Osthathios, op cit., 16.

36. Jurgen Moltmann, The Trinity and the Kingdom of God (London: SCM Press Ltd., 1981), 19.

Kingdom of God and Ecology: A Parabolic Perspective

Introduction

The central theme of the ministry of Jesus presented in the Gospels concerns the Kingdom of God. Parables mediate to the audience of Jesus, this experience of the divine rule.1 The idea of the divine rule strongly emerges in the images and stories of the parables. According to the author of the Gospel of Mark the subject of the parables is "the mystery of the Kingdom of God" (4:11). Some of the parables are introduced with words such as, "The Kingdom of God is like . . ." as in the case of the Seed Growing on its Own, the Mustard Seed, and the Leaven,2 while others have used the idea without explicit use of the term. The in breaking of the Kingdom of God is articulated in the parables of Jesus by means of imageries that relate to kingship, family life, relationships in society, and analogies drawn from nature. While those images that relate to human experience in the domestic, economic and social spheres have been given prominence, Jesus’ use of agricultural imageries3 and analogies derived from nature or divine action in nature have not received adequate attention.4 This too, despite divine interaction with humanity taking place in the context of the creation. Wilder has observed, "[In the parables], it is not only human life that is observed but nature as well, or man in nature."5

The use of nature images in the parables of Jesus is a clear indication of the use of nature in the parabolic discourse. The alliance between nature images and the Kingdom of God underscore the need to look afresh at the parables of Jesus in the context of the ecological concerns. Our focus here shall be limited to the Parable of the Soil (Mk. 4:1-9), the Self-Producing Earth (Mk. 4: 26-29) and the Transforming Earth (Mk. 4:30-32). The relationship of these parables to the concerns of ecology can be noted at least in three areas. They are the portraits of the historical Jesus painted in the parables. the link between the medium and the message in the parabolic language and the connection between the Kingdom of God and nature images.

I. Historical Jesus of the Parables

Among the Kingdom parables of Jesus. a number of them have nature as their focus. Most of these agricultural parables that have to do with nature are concentrated in the Gospel of Mark.6 Biblical students generally acknowledge that Mark perhaps is the closest to a rural setting among the four Gospels. This position is further strengthened when we consider that it is in Markan parables that we find the maximum use of agriculture images. As Theissen has observed, ". . . all the parables in Mark come from the agrarian world and deal with sowing and reaping, harvests, and vineyards, we find ourselves in a deeply rural milieu."7 This is another pointer regarding the rural background of the Markan author and perhaps also that of his audience.

The focus on agricultural parables may also serve as an indication of Marks’s resolve to stay closer to the original intention of Jesus8 who has himself, hailed from a rural setting and ministered to a predominantly peasant audience.9 Dahl’s emphasis on the "simplicity and spontaneity" of Jesus’ parables when compared to the Jewish parables, together with their Palestinian origin, seem to reinforce the general agreement that the underlying basis of the parables belongs to those words of Jesus which have been "transmitted with great fidelity."10 Recent studies on the history and sociology of the Palestinian world and particularly that of Galilee11 have thrown interesting light on what could have been the social and mental horizon of Jesus of Nazareth. The Markan author and the parables of Mark therefore provide us with a definite window to glimpse at the life of Jesus and his attitude towards nature. We may consider it by taking a closer look at the social setting of Jesus and the ecological vision of his parables.

A. Social Setting of Jesus

The Gospels portray that Jesus was born Into a poor artisan family in the village of Bethlehem and grew up at Nazareth in Galilee (Mt. 13:54t Lk. 2:4, 51). He is called a carpenter or son of a carpenter (Mt. 13:55-56). The account of the rejection of Jesus at Nazareth records that the people took offence at him with the question: "is not this the carpenter, the son of Mary and brother of James and Joses and Judas and Simon, and are not his sisters here with us?" (Mk. 6:3). Perhaps it is a hint at the lower social origin of Jesus.12 The two dominant perspectives regarding the social context of Jesus are the view that Jesus was an artisan-carpenter and that he was a small village carpenter. According to the former, Jesus was not confined to the little insignificant village of Nazareth but traveled around Sephoris practicing his trade, and in the process coming in contact with the Hellenistic culture towards which he himself was sympathetic unlike the village folks.13 In the later view Jesus was seen as a simple village carpenter-farmer who made a living by combining village carpentry with agricultural work either on his family’s little plot of land or on others’ land.14

The investigation of the socio-historical setting of Jesus by recent scholarship15 has increasingly recognized his rural peasant upbringing in Nazareth, practicing the trade of a carpenter.16 There have been attempts to study the history and use of the term tektwn for a better grasp of its association with Jesus. According to Freyne, tektwn "certainly is not an indication of a socially deprived condition, but suggests rather, in purely socioeconomic terms, a degree of mobility and status."17 Basing on the concept of craft specialization by villages during the time of Jesus. Nazareth was considered to be concentrating in carpentry.18 McCown’s study of tektwn in the Graeco-Roman world has further strengthened the view that they were mostly workers in wood than in metal or stone.19 Jesus, it has been suggested, may have worked in Sepphoris, a Hellenistic city close to Nazareth. and plied the trade in places like Tiberias.20

Employing a methodology that takes seriously social anthropology, Greco-Roman history and literature that concern the sayings and doings of Jesus, Crossan arrived at the conclusion that Jesus was a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant who worked "among the farms and villages of Lower Galilee".21 As a peasant Jewish Cynic. Jesus’ strategy," claims Crossan, "implicitly for himself and explicitly for his followers, was the combination of free healing and common eating, a religious and economic egalitarianism that negated alike and at once the hierarchical and patronal normalcies of Jewish religion and Roman power."22 The Greco-Roman Cynics, however "concentrated primarily on the marketplace rather than the farm, on the city dweller rather than the peasant." 23

Viewing Jesus as a country peasant who combined marginal farming with village carpentry, Legrand suggests that Jesus’ work must have been in building houses which involved very little wood work since house construction those days was little dependent on wood.24 Therefore, additional farm work was inevitable for the sake of subsistence. Oakman echoes similar view when he says,

It cannot be doubted, even if it is granted that Nazareth specialized in carpentry, that most of the residents of the village occupied themselves regularly with subsistence agriculture. Jesus came from peasant stock and without question was socialized early to the routines of farming.25

However, basing on Josephus (AJ 18.35f.), Oakman argues for a dual role for Jesus that included the role of a village farmer and of a travelling tradesman. The accounts in the Gospels which pictures Jesus on constant travel, according to him, arose from the practice of plying the trade of a carpenter and the work opportunity provided by the massive building projects undertaken by the Herods.26 The occasion also helped him establish contact with various groups of people, many of those, for whom, he had later acted as a broker.27

Citing evidence from Xenophon, Finley points out that the rural carpenter despite being involved in diversification of the carpentry could still not find adequate work to meet the sustenance needs of the family and many supplemented the income by working as a farm hand besides practicing a craft.28 The occupation of Jesus probably consisted of both carpentry and farming. He was then skilled in both, as were many of his contemporaries.29 This view is further strengthened by Jesus’ warning to his would-be followers, "No one who puts a hand to the plow and looks back is fit for the kingdom of God" (Lk. 9:62)30 Jesus’ competence on the dual job is evident in his invitation to the weary and the heavily burdened, "Take my yoke upon you, and learn from me. . . For my yoke is easy and burden is light" (Mt. 11:28-30). Plow and yoke were primary implements prepared by a carpenter for the use of the farming community and the peasants constantly required the use of these two for their agricultural activities.

The view that Jesus was a village farmer who also has practiced part-time carpentry in his native village and immediate surroundings as corroborated by the parabolic emphases has been confirmed by recent archaeological discoveries.31 Recent explorations have revealed that Nazareth was a small agricultural village that came into being in the 3rd century BCE.32 Settlements in Nazareth were mostly found right at the top, whereas in the nearby "three northern spurs" they were to be found largely "on the slopes, lower ridges, and just off the basins."33 The reason is attributed to the availability of adequate soil coverage and water systems in Nazareth that make agriculture possible even at the hilltop.34 Archaeological digs at Nazareth by Bagatti has shown that the artifacts recovered under the shrines of Nazareth, among others, include silos, olive-pressing and wine-pressing installations, cisterns, and holes for storage jars, some of which coming from a period as early as the Iron Age.35 This led Meyers and Strange to conclude that Nazareth was a peasant village since "the principal activity of these villagers was agriculture."36

Stressing the peasant background of Jesus and acknowledging the role of the social background and artistic skill in molding his thought, Legrand observes, "the type of imagination revealed by the parables is more that of a farmer than that of an artisan."37 He doesn’t subscribe to Crossan’s view of Jesus being a Cynic as cynics are the products of Hellenistic urban culture. Horsley differs with Crossan when he says, "What is distinctive about the Gospel tradition’s representation of Jesus’ teaching is not an itinerant radical individualism, but the renewal or revitalization of local community. . ." 38 The emphasis on Jesus as Cynic, according to him, stems from a lack of consideration of the extra biblical evidence regarding the reaction of the villages towards the Hellenistic culture of Sepphoris and Tiberias.39

Apart from Jesus’ own engagement in farming, his extensive travels in the countryside and involvement with the deprived people of society who earned a living from the bounties of nature, made it possible for him to observe from close quarters the role of nature in agricultural activities. They thus came naturally to him to be used as metaphors in his parables proclaiming the Kingdom of God, to an audience predominantly consisting of peasants and others who belonged to the deprived and alienated social groups.40 The images from nature, therefore, become meaningful to an audience who were in constant relationship with nature in their daily activities on the farm, with its experience of pathos and joy. It brings to their perception in down-to-earth fashion the close connection between the work of nature and divine activity. "A better perception of the rural background of the parables of Jesus" as Legrand concludes, "helps better to appreciate the roots of Jesus in Galilean village life and his originality as a symbol maker."41

B. Ecological Vision of the Parables of Jesus

Human life has been sustained through the past several centuries by land cultivation. Ever since humans discovered the use of tools, agriculture became part of their life. It is this activity that brings the human person in constant relationship with nature unlike any other human engagement. The effect of the human on landmass is felt as one engages in raising crops and grazing animals.42 It is in Jesus’ encounter with farm life in an oppressive social setting that the parables articulate the ecological vision of Jesus. These agricultural parables lay stress on two aspects of the ecological vision of Jesus. The understanding that the process of agriculture as an ecological activity of divine providence that calls for human co-operation with the role of nature, and agricultural process as a pointer towards the reversal of human experiences that adversely affect the orderly function of nature.

1. Process of Agriculture as an Ecological Activity

Looking at the process of agriculture as an ecological activity of divine providence stems from our understanding that farming was an integral part of the ancient life. It was through the practice of agricultural activities that humans learned to relate to fellow-beings and nature and to order the course of their life. It is both an essential activity and one that has great effect on everything else. This meant viewing nature as having life and humanity as being related to it. Despite agriculture’s harmful impact on environmental quality, "farming remains a prime source of metaphors for the correct relationship between humans and the wider natural world." 43 Therefore, agricultural activities are both important and serious and require careful human engagement. In Schumacher’s view, goals of agriculture should be directed "to keep man in touch with living nature, of which he is and remains a highly vulnerable part; to humanize and ennoble man’s wider habitat; and to bring forth the foodstuffs and other materials which are needed for a becoming life."44 Yet over against human activity, the role of nature stands out as the focus of the agricultural parables of Jesus.

The experience of the peasant cultivator was one of hard work (Mk. 4:1-9) on her/his marginal farmland. Besides having to overcome the vagaries of nature, the farmer had to wait patiently for the fruit of one’s labor. The urgency of the farmer or the hard work one put in did not determine even the timing of the harvest. After a natural process of germination and growth that appears to be cyclical, harvest comes in its due season. In the meantime the farmer waited patiently,45 all the while trusting in the divine providence for a fruitful harvest. Human patience is tested throughout the farming operation with unproductive land, problem of weed, failure of rains and attacks from pests, and enemies of crops (cf. GThom.9). Through the passing of the seasons and the process of development of the sown seed, the farmer earnestly hoped that one’s labor will not be wasted, and that one stage would lead to the next until the final day of harvest has arrived.

The parables of the Self-Producing Earth and the Transforming Earth (Mk. 4:26-29; 30-31) allude to the insight that humans do not have much to do with the growth process that is primarily the activity of God. Perhaps it is this thought that was in Mark’s mind for his combining it with the story of the seed that "grows on its own" while the farmer "knows not how."46 The farmers have a vital role to play in the sowing and harvesting, as well as in the intermediary stages of plant growth (tShab 10 (9). 17, 19; pShab 12.l.13c). Yet, there is also a time when the peasant sits back and let Mother Nature do its work. Both, "the earth produces of itself (automath)" (Mk. 4:28) and "when the grain is ripe (passive verb: paradoi)" (Mk. 4:29), according to Perrin, suggests the natural operation. Since the principle of growth comes from God, it can neither be rushed, nor could be improved upon. One has to simply wait for them to occur. Similar exhortations are found in all the parables of the soil.47

The natural process that is at work in the agricultural context calls for the need to withdraw from activities for a time, then to sit back and ponder over the working of creation and to enjoy it. As Borsch reminds us, "some people more than others need to be reminded that humans also have a more passive role to play in the creation -- one of listening, admiring, sitting on the porch, and looking out over the fields."48 It’s activity and passivity together that determine the completion of the natural process. The Kingdom of God, as Crossan tells us, is like an agricultural season. The peasant begins the season with sowing, then continue with the affairs of life as the seed sprouts and grows. In this mystery of growth, the earth produces of its own.49

The regular appearance of the seasons without failure was credited to the divine favor. It is the providential care of God that sends the rains both on the godly and the ungodly making the seeds to germinate and grow and dew for the growth of the fruit.50 Unfriendly climatic conditions so common in the context of Palestine where rains were scanty and seasonal, each time there was a delay of rain, there was crop failure. Looking at the long process that the seed has to endure and the helplessness of the farmer in expediting any of this process along with the long wait, Jeremiah describes it as "A hopeless prospect!"51 But divine grace and providential care see to it that the seed despite its enemies, grow, flower and bring forth a harvest. An yield of thirty, sixty, and a hundred fold is a symbolization of the "divine fullness" of the eschatological period experienced in the present that surprises all human expectations. The agricultural festivals celebrated by the people often-accompanied offerings and thanksgiving for God’s faithfulness in providing right seasons and climate to carry out the agricultural processes. The harvest thanksgiving celebrated God’s faithfulness in providing a bountiful harvest.

Agriculture efforts should therefore be directed towards co-operating with nature. It involves preventing soil erosion and integrating human community with the ecosystem, by preserving "the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. . . ." 52 The natural process manifests itself as ecological rather than mechanical in its outworking.53 It is to be characterized by "frugality, care, security in diversity, ecological sensitivity, [and] correctness of scale." 54 Human experience of frustration and pain as well as joy and happiness in the agricultural process served as a sign of the divine activity of the Kingdom of God. Patient waiting as against instant success, providential care despite human helplessness, and plenitude against poverty and starvation, testify to a reversal of normal experiences of the peasant community. The process of agricultural activity thus serves as a sign of the arrival d the divine rule to the marginalized Galilean peasants. The success at the end of a long-drawn process of the agricultural season comes from the divine care as evident in the exhortation against anxieties. God cares even for the birds of the air and the flowers of the field. As Crossan rightly observes:

Where God’s care for nature’s birds and flowers should obviate human worries about food and clothing. . . . The serenity and security passed by Jesus to his followers derives not from knowing hidden mysteries of past or present but from watching nature’s rhythms of here and now.55

The nature imageries of Jesus from agricultural life have also shattered the prevalent understanding of the divine rule as something that is to approach at the end time with a bang and with an apocalyptic fervor. The people have anticipated the arrival of this divine rule, which will free them of all oppressions and sufferings -- their lot in the present. Jesus has reversed such an understanding with his use of the nature images. To him the rule of God is to be a gradual process brought into culmination in people’s willingness to care for and share with others.

2. Process of Agriculture as a Reversal of Human Experience

The process of agriculture is a pointer towards the reversal of human experiences in nature. The peasant life witnesses to the constant efforts on the part of the farmer despite all odds for the sake of mere survival. Even a bountiful harvest does not appreciably change the situation of the farmer. The produce often goes to meet the peasant’s various life obligations. Commenting on the prayer for bread and forgiveness of debts in the Lord’s Prayer, J. Kloppenborg says, "Bread and debt were, quite simply the two most immediate problems facing the Galilean peasant, day laborer and non-elite urbanite. Alleviation of these two anxieties were the most obvious benefits of God’s Kingdom."56 The agricultural process served an example of the divine potential for a reversal of the peasant experience in such a context.

The Self-Producing Earth has a seed that grew on its own, bringing an essential change in its condition. When sown, it was a seed with potential to grow and multiply. But having been sown, it grows and brings forth a harvest. During the process of growth, there is a reversal in the life process of the peasant and the sown seed. The peasant immediately goes to rest and sleep. In another words, the farmer becomes "non-active. On the other hand, the seed, which was "non-active" so far, becomes active again until it is grown and a harvest is produced. There is a converse process that is taking place. The onset of the harvesting season causes also a change in the life schedule of the farmer. Now that person is made active once more with sickle in hands, as one approaches the field of harvest. The idea of harvest itself has undergone a complete change from one of judgement and condemnation (Joel 3:13) to one of fulfillment and completion. From a single seed to an abundant crop, there is a total change when the harvest has come. Life, thus, comes in its manifold fullness.

To a people who have been struck by "poverty and uncertainty regarding the morrow,"57 as Braudel remarks, the reversal of their present experience is what they have eagerly looked forward to. The nature imagery Jesus picked up from the common experience of his own life and that of his audience assures a change in their present experience. Fullness and joy will once again be their portion when injustice will be uprooted, and nature’s bounty shared. The arrival of the Kingdom of God will mark a total reversal of values and judgement. Advent, reminds Fullenbach, should lead us into a radical reversal and reappraisal of our past and on to a new form of action.58

The Transforming Earth emphasizes the change of a mustard seed from its smallness to its growth as one of large shrubs. In the seed stage, it is something that none would take notice of. But when grown up, it would never miss the attention of anyone who walks by. There is a change in the seed from stillness to a dynamic growth. Thus the process of growth itself is a reversal of the state in which the mustard seed once was, and leading into the fulfillment of a process.59 Such use of metaphor, as that of the mustard seed, "is truly revolutionary and unprecedented, for it seeks to reverse the hearer’s normal expectation."60 Despite these agricultural parables not figuring among the "parables of reversal" in Crossan’s classification, one can not deny that they witness to a process of reversal that was set in motion by the in breaking of the divine rule. Jesus uses them to stress the element of unexpectedness that suddenly upsets the normal experiences of life

Jesus’ ministry, though, began as a renewal movement within Judaism,61 went beyond theological issues, "addressing problems endemic to agrarian, indeed all class, societies."62 Dodd asks, "Was all this wealth of loving observation and imaginative rendering of nature and common life used merely to adorn moral generalities?" He proceeds to answer, "This is not the impression conveyed by the Gospels as a whole."63 Rather it is about the crisis brought about by his appearance. J. Muir, A. Leopold, H. Rolston and J. B. Calicott, among others, emphasized the value of nature in and of itself.64

To be inheritors of this divine blessing, one had to undergo an experience of reversal. The entrants of the Kingdom, according to Jesus, were to become like children, who, as Crossan observes, in the Galilean peasant context were understood to be the nobodies.65 The Kingdom belongs to the poor (ptwcoi, Lk. 6:20; Mt. 5:3; cf. Jas. 2:5). The etymological study of the words poverty (penian) and beggary (ptwcoi) suggest a fine nuance which is normally not noticed by the common translation "the poor." According to Hands, the "Greek and Latin terms commonly translated as ‘the poor’ seldom imply absolute poverty or destitution." They rather refer to the vast majority of people who possessed no estate and enjoyed no leisure or independence, though many of them may have possessed a piece of land. However, ptwcoV suggested absolute poverty, ‘one who crouches,’ and so a ‘beggar.’66

While this fine distinction is generally true, Markan Jesus doesn’t appear to make such a difference. This is perhaps owing to the fact that in the Markan setting, the condition of the peasants seems to be no better than that of the others who are absolutely marginalized.67 While Jesus identifies with the poorest of the poor, in the parables of Mark Jesus is addressing the peasants and their relationship to nature to teach them regarding the values of the Kingdom. It is here that one can not entirely agree with Crossan who said, "Jesus spoke of a Kingdom not of the Peasant or Artisan classes but of the Unclean, Degraded, and Expendable classes."68 Since peasants and artisans belonged to the same class as that of the expendable in the structure of the peasant society, as Lenski has displayed, the emphasis in the agricultural parables seem to be on the marginalized whether peasants or expendables. Oakman has noted the close connection between the Kingdom of God and the social vision of Jesus, demonstrated in his parables, as he correctly assessed,

The historical context of Jesus, therefore, reflects a social and economic situation in which exploitative urbanism, powerful redistributive central institutions like the Roman state and Jewish Temple, concentration of land holdings in the hands of the few, rising debt, and disrupted horizontal relations in society were becoming the norm.69

This has also aggravated the already disruptive relationship between the land and its owner as exploitation became the standard for increased production, badly affecting the productive capacity of the land. Human culture began to adversely affect nature’s function. Jesus was thus led to draw examples from the agricultural context to impress upon the need for the return to a harmonious relationship with nature. Amos viewed (9:13-15) the redemption of Israel from the perspective of the farmer, as his prophesies indicate visions of farmers reunited to their soil, struggling to keep pace with its fertility.70

A people who have been pushed to the periphery from their farmland, as a result of the Herodian policy of city building on agricultural lands, the peasants found themselves against the arduous task of making an inhospitable land fit for cultivation. Not withstanding their hard labor, their marginal land refused to yield a fruitful harvest. To such an audience, this appeal to the agricultural parables, have more to say than a mere exhortation for "trust in God’s future." Rather, they speak of the close connection between life and death. They provide relief and joy from a sense of belonging to "an ordered and bountiful creation." The parables of Jesus seek to "help others into their own experience of the Kingdom and to draw from that experience their own way of life."71 In a time when the delicate relationship between humanity and nature is fast eroding, parables of natural processes and bounty more than ever remind us of "our dependence upon the biological environment that we did not create but must respect."72

The Parables that bear witness to this rule, in the words of Fuellenbach, "constantly surprised and frequently shocked his audience."" The agricultural process is an example of a reversal of such experiences as indicated from the sowing to the harvest season. It is a turn around from no prospects to all prospects. In the words of Jeremiah, "In spite of every failure and opposition, from hopeless beginnings, God brings forth the triumphant end which he had promised."74 This, indeed, is an experience of total reversal. Wegner observes regarding the Parable of the Soil:

This readily imagined farming scene invites readers to enter the story and agree with its premise; the sequence in which one success follows three failures set readers up to anticipate disappointment and then be pleasantly surprised at the final outcome.75

Or again, commenting on the juxtaposition of sowing and harvesting, and small seed and great branches, Crossan remarks:

But the diptych of juxtaposition does not wish to emphasize growth but miracle, not organic and biological development but the gift-like nature, the graciousness and the surprise of the ordinary, the advent of bountiful harvest despite the losses of sowing, the large shade despite the small seed. It is like this that the Kingdom is in advent. It is surprise and it is a gift.76

God’s rule, like the activity of a peasant during an agricultural season, requires cooperation between human beings and the Creator, similar to that between the farmer and the soil. As Waetjen notes, "But the reconstitution of a society in which justice and love prevail requires the kind of human-divine co-operation that occurs during an agricultural season."77 Failure of a fruitful interaction between nature and culture may ultimately lead to the destruction of both as the story of the Flood amply testifies. There can not be a dichotomization of the social and ecological sphere. Acknowledging this Elnes writes, "Environmentalism and social justice may be more closely linked than often recognized. 78

In the agricultural parables, "we are asked to ponder the mystery of God through images drawn from the world of nature." 79 They derive from an attempt to provide "alternative symbolic universe" as a cultural reaction to the peasants’ situation. In the words of Allen Tate: "The abstraction of the modern mind has obscured their way into the natural order. Nature offers to the symbolic poet clearly denotable objects in depth and in the round, which yield the analogies to the higher synthesis."80 While Jesus’ use of the images from nature holds on to its naturalness as nature raw and real, his creative adaptation of the function of nature to emphasize the values of the divine rule stands apart. The teachings of the Rabbis have used stories from nature to impart lessons in human relationships and behavior. Vermes has observed that even when there is a similarity in the material used by Jesus and the Jewish Rabbis, "the careful reader will often notice an individual twist in the New Testament formulation. . . ."81 Except for the parables of the Soil, Weed and Net, Jesus’ parables do not contain any expository details. The aim of the parables is to persuade the listener to "the obligation to adopt an attitude, or perform an act, of fundamental importance."82

The agricultural parables are an indictment of the rich and the powerful who held the poor under their control along with their possession. The land that produced plenty was turned into a source of perennial problem for the peasants under the new dispensation. This was going to be overturned sooner than expected. God is going to make every land fertile. The longing for a regular harvest on the part of the peasants is to be fulfilled. It is in the sharing of the resources that the powerful and mighty can align themselves on the side of the divine rule. In its emphasis on the aspect of reversal with the arrival of the rule of God, the "nature parables" stand in the same relationship with that of the parable of the Wicked Tenants.83 The images also testify to Jesus’ identification with the peasant culture, with its values of sharing, caring and hard work. He has even shared with the rural peasant class in his denouncement against the Herodian urban culture 84 that deprived the poor of their means of livelihood and marginalized them even as the urban centers enjoyed the fruit of their labor. Making use of images derived from familiar experience, Jesus subverts and explodes "myths that build or maintains structures, values, and expectations that thwart the actualization of God’s rule . . ."85

Jesus calls for a two-fold reversal: one that affects the poor and the marginalized in which they will become the inheritors of the divine blessings with a transformation in their entitlement. The other affects the rich and the powerful ruling class whose lives have to be transformed from a desire for acquisitiveness to a willingness to share. The call is for a reversal and return of every human being irrespective of their class belonging to overcome their own values and to attain the divine values. Jesus thus stressed the need for a total reversal of human values to be his genuine disciples.86 The nature imageries of Jesus have also shattered the prevalent understanding of the divine rule as something that is to approach at the end time with a bang and with an apocalyptic fervor. In reversing such an understanding Jesus emphasized the rule of God as a gradual process brought into culmination in people’s willingness to care for and share with others.

II. Medium and Message in the Parabolic Language

A message is always communicated through a carefully chosen medium. It is more so if the message is likely to be misunderstood or difficult to understand. A familiar medium is chosen as the channel to convey an unfamiliar or even abstract message, since the abstract could be known only through the concrete, as noted by Lonergan.87 The imageries used in the parables of Jesus are derived from common, everyday life experiences. "They are," in the words of Dodd, "the natural expression of a mind that sees truth in concrete pictures rather than conceives it in abstractions."88 The parables, then, serve as a faithful guide to the middle class and peasant life in Palestine.89 The realism of the parables with their accurate observations on nature and life led Jeremiah to observe that many of them rose out of some accurate occurrence.90

The parables with their central message of Jesus regarding the rule of God, through their images drawn from nature, serve as the medium of generating understanding regarding that rule. Jesus conveyed to his peasant audience the close relationship between their experience within nature and the message of the Kingdom. These images include those that relate to human life in its social milieu as well as in the wider setting of nature. Images drawn from nature thus became an accustomed medium for Jesus to articulate his teaching on the Kingdom of God. The relationship between the medium and the message may be looked at from two view points namely, the association between image, symbol and metaphor, and the close link between the message and the chosen medium of its communication.

A. Image, Symbol and Metaphor

Reality cannot be perceived in the abstract. It has to be communicated through the means of an acceptable medium. Such mediums used for the communication of a reality are images, symbols, or metaphors. The parables, which seek to proclaim the rule of God, find a similarity between its own world and the world of the listener in its interactive process.91 An imagery is then a symbolization or representation of that reality in the concrete. Lonergan, recognizing the importance of images for generating insight, observed, "it [insight] is a grasping of the relation of the images to the problem’s solution."92 Grasping generates solution to immediate problem as well as universalization of the images’ particularity.93 W. Berry notes with concern that "the most powerful and the most destructive change of modern times has been a change in language: the rise of the image, or metaphor, of the machine."94 Prior to the industrial revolution, the dominant images were organic that had to do with living things. They were, biological, pastoral, agricultural, or familial. God was addressed as a "shepherd," and the people as "the sheep." People were to animals such as having the strength of a lion, or as cunning as a fox.95

A symbol (sumbolon) is a sign that represents or points to something. It is "the token or insignia whereby someone or something was identified. their place in the world fixed."96 P. Wright defines symbol as "a relatively stable and repeatable element of perceptual experience, standing for some larger meaning or set of meanings which cannot be given or not fully given, in perceptual experience."97 In the light of this definition, a symbol gives a perceptual experience otherwise not possible. Yet, it is only a representation of the totality of the larger meaning, which is not subject to perceptual experience in its entirety. So, symbolism is metaphor with the primary term suppressed.98 Penn emphasized that the language of Jesus is symbolic and that the Kingdom is more a symbol than a concept.99 There is a unity between the teachings of Jesus regarding the Kingdom of God and the parables’ relation to it.100 Differentiating between concepts and symbols, Eliade asserts:

Symbols still maintain contact with the deep sources of life; they express, we may say, the ‘lived’ spiritual . . . they disclose that the modalities of the Spirit are at the same time manifestations of Life, and, by consequence, directly engage human existence. . . . The symbol translates a human situation into cosmological terms; and reciprocally, more precisely, it discloses the interdependence between the structures of human existence and cosmic structures. This means that primitive man does not feel ‘isolated’ in the Cosmos, that he is ‘open’ to the World which symbolically is ‘familiar’ to him.101

Perrin distinguishes between two types of symbols: steno-symbols and tensive-symbols: Steno-symbols have a one-to-one relation with what it symbolizes. It’s referent is "knowable in ways other than through the symbol and is exhausted within the symbol."102 A tensive-symbol can not be expressed by any one referent, as the referent itself is symbolic. Kingdom, according to him, belongs to the latter category and has multivalent meaning. According to B. B. Scott,

[The] parables represent Jesus’ choice of the most appropriate vehicle for understanding Kingdom of God. In order to achieve a unified insight into Jesus’ message, the parables must be analyzed so as to focus their understanding of Kingdom in a precise fashion.103

Modern scholarship lays stress on parables as metaphors.104 The root of the study of metaphor is traced to the Greek classics, where it was understood as a single word. Treating it in isolation from its context, Aristotle in his Poetics and Rhetoric, defined metaphor as a single word (p. 4). Following Aristotle, Cicero in the third book of his De oratore defines metaphor as a stylistic device ‘ad illustrandam atque exornandam orationem’. He, too, defines metaphor as a single word, as does Quintilian in book VIII of his Institutiones oratoriae."105

The modern emphasis of metaphor, Westermann notes, is on a piece of text rather than on a single word. It has a textual context that determines its function.106 Metaphor, however, is not considered as an image in modern semantics. Rather, it is a model, which does not derive from images and reality.107 As part of language, metaphor is not only used in a textual context, but also in an oral context, providing a social context for both. So the social context of the metaphor is as much important as the textual context. Unfortunately the emphasis of metaphor in semantics was only on the textual context. The social context of metaphor seems to give importance to the use of images unlike the textual context. Metaphors refer to something other than themselves to the Kingdom of God, which, itself is a symbol. Parables are generated in Jesus’ attempt to clarify this symbol. They refer to the ultimate referent, the Kingdom of God, metaphorically. Metaphor, which serves as a medium that provides insight into Jesus’ parabolic language, is a comparison based on everyday objects or experiences.108 In the words of Wilder, ". . . a true metaphor or symbol is more than a sign, it is a bearer of the reality to which it refers. The hearer not only learns about that reality but also participates in it and is invaded by it. Here lies the power and faithfulness of art."109 Again, as Caird observes,

Some metaphors readily lend themselves to high development because they belong to a metaphor system, i.e. a group of metaphors linked together by their common origin in a single area of human observation, experience or activity, which has generated its own peculiar sublanguage or jargon.110

Rejecting the traditional understanding of metaphor as a ‘pictorial mode of expression’. Ricocur asserts that metaphors rather than being pictorial words are metaphorical statements. They allow a relationship to become visible which ordinary vision would not perceive. "Good metaphors are those which constitute a similarity rather than describing it." 111 While it may not be a ‘speech decoration’ as Ricoeur stresses, it helps in the process of making comprehensible that which is beyond ordinary perception. Therefore Dodd defines the parables thus "At its simplest the parable is a metaphor or simile drawn from nature or common life, arresting the hearer by its vividness or strangeness, and leaving the mind in sufficient doubt about its precise application to cease it into active thought."112 To him parable though a metaphor comes from nature or experience of daily life.

B. The Medium and the Message

As experiences do not take place in a vacuum, the communication and perception of the message takes place through a select medium. Meaning is given to the experience in a referential context. It is the referential horizon that determines one’s perception and understanding, as R. Hart has observed in the case of a cow, that some seek it as an object of worship while others as just beefsteak.113 The referential horizon determines our perception and consequent understanding. There is an inalienable link between the message and the chosen medium through which it is communicated. The parable has a literal and metaphorical meaning. It is the interplay between them that makes the two "reciprocally revelatory."114 The metaphorical character of the parable imagery is to be found in its everydayness. It serves as a lens to look at ones self and the surroundings. As Funk recognizes:

It [parabolic imagery] does not look at everydayness. but through it. It allows that world to emerge in encounter with the hearer. The realism of parabolic imagery consequently, is not, the locus of the parable’s intentionality. . . . But the parable induces an imaginative grasp of the one by the way in which it presents the other. And only in this way can the ‘world’ of the parable be grasped at all.115

Caird sees the vividness of the parable in the juxtaposition of the familiar images along with the unfamiliar.116 Crossan speaks of metaphor as poetic. It attempts "to articulate a referent so new or so alien to consciousness that this referent can only be grasped within the metaphor itself."117 By its very nature metaphor creates new meaning by the juxtaposition of differing images. Through the metaphor one is able to participate in its "new and alien referential world." That world of metaphor becomes the lens through which the hearer views his own world. Ricoeur confirms this assessment, when he affirms that a parable’s meaning as metaphor lies not in the story nor in a culture’s understanding of Kingdom, but in the juxtaposition of parable and symbol.118 Concurring with this view Funk points out:

The everyday imagery of the parable is vivid fundamentally, then, because it juxtaposes the common and the uncommon, the everyday and the ultimate, but only so that each has interior significance for the other. The world of the parable is like Alice’s looking-glass world: all is familiar, yet all is strange, and the one illuminates the other.119

The everydayness of the parable helps create a new way of perceiving reality, based on the common place experience. Parable as metaphor is generated from the experiential world of the teller.120 The comprehensible becomes the vehicle of expressing the incomprehensible. The similarity between the world of the parable and the real world in which the listener finds her/himself serve as the basis.121 The new meaning created by the juxtaposition of the two is dependent on the commonality between the referent and metaphor. This helps the hearer to have a better perception of the reality that the experience represents.122 Otherwise, as Kafka says, "All these parables merely mean the incomprehensible is incomprehensible."123 Parable therefore serves to disclose religious symbols. In parables, says B. B. Scott, "Kingdom as symbol is brought into conjunction with an image created by the metaphor, and that conjunction is the moment of meaning." 124 The parable represents the rule of God not in a single word, but in its entirety.125

Concerning the similarity between the scope of OT comparisons and the preaching of Jesus, Westermann comments:

. . . in both cases we encounter in the comparisons potentially the whole of human and extra-human reality, i.e. the whole of creation. As in the OT comparisons, the addressee of the parables of Jesus is capable of judging the comparison as a creature, equipped by his creator to come to terms with his world and to find his way in it. This gives an increased significance to the statements about creation in the parables of Jesus as well as in the OT comparisons: what happens in creation is reflected in the relationship between God and man.126

It is a common experience to have lost a sheep or a coin, to sow a field, to have weeds grow in his field, to have a disobedient son, or to be unjustly treated. These have become the basis of the correspondence to the Kingdom of God. The correspondence seems to be higher when the similitude is drawn from nature: the security of the rock (Ps. 31:2-3), the sun as source of light and life (Ps. 84:11), a bird’s care for its nestling (Deut. 32:11; Lk. 13:34)127

The parabolic discussions have clearly shown that there is an unbreakable relationship between the message of the Kingdom and the medium through which it is communicated. However, this does not mean that the message is equivalent to the medium. Rather, it does mean that the message can not be grasped apart from the medium employed to communicate the message. The separation of the medium from the message wtll result in the message itself loosing its grounding and the ability to grasp it. Therefore, soil, growth, and harvest as images represent an entire agricultural process, which conveys to our mind in pictorial form, the reality of the message of the Kingdom of God and its working. Westermann’s conclusion at the end of his study of the parables of Jesus from an Old Testament Perspective is illuminating. He says:

Through the use of comparison and parable the image influences the subject of comparison. If the subject is an event between God and man, the image, something which happens in the world as creation and between creatures, influences what happens between God and man. Since all comparisons and parables refer to events in creation and between creatures, these comparisons and parables assign great significance to God’s creation in the context of what the Bible says about God.128

A symbol serves as a means of communication from one person to another. It does not exist for itself or in itself, but bridges the gap between the mind of the sender and the receiver by drawing the two together.129 A commonality among all the terms is essential for communication to take place.130 As Perkins remarks, "Jesus’ nature parables are not romantic poetry. In them, the common world is pictured as a place of God’s transforming presence."131 Dodd offers a typically brilliant explanation regarding the relationship between the two in the parables:

It [the realism] arises from a conviction that there is no mere analogy, but an inward affinity, between the natural order and the spiritual order; or as we might put it in the language of the parables themselves, the Kingdom of God is intrinsically like the process of nature and of the daily life of men . . . Since nature and supernature are one order, you can take any part of that order and find in it illumination for other parts This sense of the divineness of the natural order is the major premise of all the parables. . . . 132

The realism of the parables is that it shows us a world that we recognize. An unexpected "turn" in them is that it "looks through the common place to a new view of reality." 133 As Crossan observes,

The weather we share in common belongs to the exhortation to love enemies (Mt. 5:45). Birds and wild flowers warn us against anxiety (Mt. 6:25-33; Lk. 12:22-32). But at least, and however illusionary it may be, the appeal to nature posits a vantage point from which a radical critique of culture becomes possible.134

III. Kingdom of God and Nature Images

The abstract concept of the Kingdom of God was understood variously by the contemporaries of Jesus. Among them was a longing for the establishment of justice and peace in the context of oppression and suffering. Jesus’ audience has not always understood his teachings regarding the rule of God. He often-used concrete analogies, including those derived from nature to communicate the concept of the divine rule. Many of these creation imageries are found in the agricultural parables which focus on similarities of natural processes and the working of the Kingdom of God, unlike parables with human characters that center around human actions. According the Perkins, parables dealing with natural processes, address "our feelings for the natural world to engender trust in Jesus’ vision."135 Images derived from concrete, everyday human experience in the context of nature, therefore, facilitate insights into our understanding of the divine rule. The "nature parables" testify to a close connection between the way in which the process of nature works and the divine rule unfolds.

A. Role of Nature in Sustenance of Life

The parables of Jesus derived from an agricultural setting speak of the earth and of the various experiences on earth in the context of day-to-day living. All life, including that of the humans, plants and animals require the natural surroundings for its growth and well being. The requirement of water, food and shelter is met from the context within which life is situated. Disturbances and decay of the natural setting therefore, affects the very survival of life. Quality of soil determines the kind of harvest; good soil yielding a bountiful harvest while poor quality soil hinders it. The farmer admires the rich, fertile soil. The peasant’s recognition of being linked to the soil determines the kind of relationship that one maintains with it. It is this recognition of one’s closeness to the land that made them pay tithes and offerings to the Temple. Yahweh was the owner of the land and the farmers his lessees.136 Therefore, farming that abuses soil is bad farming as it is inconsistent with the true spirit of farming itself.137

The parable of the Soil (Mk. 4:1-9) emphasizes the importance of the right kind of soil for the growth of the sown seed and for a successful harvest. Climate and soil are the two important aspects of agriculture in any context. Hamel points out that it was even more so in Palestine and the rest of the Mediterranean basin.138 Since rains were scarce, their regularity was essential for the success of a farmer’s labor. The combination of the timing, the volume of rain received, as well as its penetration into the soil, is all to be held in a delicate balance. While too much of rain could wash away topsoil, too little would be insufficient to moisture the soil. Failure of rain could work havoc as indicated by the special prayers offered for rain at Solomon’s dedication of the Temple (cf. I Kings 8:35-36) or Elijah on Mt. Carmel (I Kings 17-18). Human labor could be fruitless (Jer. 5 1:58) as one’s labor would not bring any harvest without the blessings of God accompanying it, in the form of favorable weather conditions.

The parable of the Self-Producing Earth (Mk 4:26ff.) lays stress on the natural process that finally culminates in the harvest. While the work of nature in fulfilling its role is often invisible to us, we are assured that the seed sown on good soil ultimately comes to fruition aided by rain, sunshine, and the process of changing seasons. It is with this assurance of God’s work of miracles that the farmer goes about the other business, knowing fully well that the harvest will not fail.139 It is interesting to note that in comparing the word of God to a fruitful harvest, Isaiah draws upon the imagery from the work of nature.

For as rain and snow come down from heaven, and do not return there until they have watered the earth, making it bring forth and sprout, giving seed to the sower and bread to the eater, so shall be my word be that goes forth from my mouth; it shall not return to me empty, but it shall accomplish that which I purpose, and succeed in the thing for which I sent it. (55: 10-11, NRSV)

Next to rain comes in importance, the soil. Again, Hamel observes,

The soil structure falls into three main categories: rather naked and rough mountaintops; slopes that have been smoothed and covered with deposits of limestone, sandstone, or marly clay, and small alluvial plains. In summer the mountaintops and hills are mostly used by the shepherds. The slopes carry planted (olives, vineyards)-and sown crops. The alluvial plains are suitable for more crops and garden vegetables, especially when properly irrigated.140

The parables of Jesus through the use of various imageries not only speak of the essential role of nature in making the earth habitable, but also in revealing the presence of God in the natural world.

B. Nature as the Promoter of Life

Life that originates on the earth is also maintained on earth. The harmonious functioning of the process of nature ensures promotion of life on planet earth. Whenever the equilibrium maintained by the natural systems is disturbed, life gets affected. Air, water, food and shelter are basic to the survival of life. All of these are made available in nature. The pollution of air and water or the disturbance of the food chain and destruction of habitats are all detriment to the preservation of life. Nature’s balance ensures that the delicate systems are properly maintained. The fecundity of the earth and the order and regularity in the functions of nature are examples of nature’s role in sustaining life. Human intervention, in modern times has, however, altered the harmonious relationship in the functioning of these systems. The creation images found in the parables of Jesus concern the role of nature in an agricultural context and "engage those fundamental layers of human consciousness at which we feel our relationship with nature."141

Peasant involvement in nature is primarily through their relationship with the earth in the production of food and fodder. "One pole of that relationship," argues Perkins, "represents the earth as fruitful beyond belief. It engenders the myths of natural paradise in dreams and stories the world over. The other pole is the anxiety attached to the outcome of our labor." 142 Despite human callousness in their relationship towards the earth, to a large extent, the earth takes on its stride the suffering inflicted on it by humanity. In sowing the field, the farmer works for a harvest, which would ensure an adequate supply for human consumption and animal life, besides seeds for the furtherance of the process in the coming season. It guarantees the reward of human labor, brings joy and gratitude from a fulfilled life. P. B. Thompson observes, "Agrarian society considered divine blessings in the form of abundant harvests as their engagement was in horticulture, animal husbandry and the production of crops all of which involved risk factors."143 So, fertile soils, crops, and animals were evidence of the blessings of God. Aldrich recognizes this close connection between humanity and the earth in his remarks:

At times the land seems bountiful and kindly, and again harsh and unyielding, but it is always a challenge to human strength and ingenuity and people have learned to adapt their ways accordingly. . . agriculture continues to involve the relationship between humanity and the plant and the soil in which it grows . . . . To the peoples of antiquity, the unity of human and soil was the great primary fact of existence. ‘And the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground’ ancients feeling of kinship to the soil. The ancients recognized soil as a living thing, deriving its energy from the sun.144

The divine rule operates in a similar way as that of the outworking of the natural processes. Unlike the stress on a sudden outbreak of the rule of God in the apocalyptic concept of the Kingdom of God, the nature parables emphasize its gradual appearance, one step leading to the other until it reaches the final stage of fulfillment. As the soil determines the outcome of the harvest, reception or rejection of the message of the Kingdom is determined by the kind of reception accorded to the received message in the first place. The parable of the Soil has been called a ‘parable on parables’ because of the life of God that it witness to through an abundant harvest.145 At the arrival of the harvest, the peasant is overjoyed for the opportunity for his involvement in the creative process of producing something.146

There is regularity in the appearance of seasons. One follows the other in its proper order and enables the earth to produce. The regularity of nature not only ensures a proper harvest at the end of the season, but also is a witness to the divine grace manifested in nature’s activity. Divine rule over the people is displayed when, as Findlay points out,

The Father sends His rain and sunshine down on the evil and the good, and simply goes on being God, giving Himself, however unthankful and churlish the recipients of His bounties show themselves to be. Here, at least, natural and revealed religion speak with the same voice, for they both show us a God apparently both unthrifty and undiscriminating.147

It is the divine grace that ensures ‘while the earth endures, seed-time and harvest, summer and winter, shall not cease.’ God "makes his sun rise on the evil and on the good, and sends rain on the righteous and on the unrighteous" (Mt. 5:45) without discrimination. God’s provision for the birds of the air and the care for the lilies of the field are examples of his assurance that the humans will in no less be cared for by the divine grace (Mt. 6:25-33; Lk. 12: 22-32).

The imagery drawn from the Transforming Earth the mustard plant serves as shelter for the birds, ensuring the protection of these creatures of God, and thus promoting life. Crampsey aptly observes regarding this parable that,

From an ecological horizon of interpretation, this must challenge the hearer about the understanding of even the most insignificant feature of the interconnectedness of the whole earth community. It might also be appropriate to note that there is no human actor in this imaging. We have once again been invited to consider the birds of the air.148

The emphasis of the use of nature images in the parables seems to be twofold. Firstly, on the normal outworking of nature rather than any allegorical use. Nature raw and real is the point of attention. They speak of a continuous happening -- a creaturely process of growth, rather than a one time occurrence. The power of growth comes from God rather than human influence. Secondly, the images in their isolation is not that matter, rather the total process which is represented by these images

C. Kingdom of God and Ecology

The association of Jesus with the farm life has led him to view the divine working from the perspective of the work of nature. Markan Jesus makes use of the parables’ emphasis on nature images to explain to his audience, the concept of the Kingdom of God.149 Nature serves as a medium for the perception of God’s dealings with humanity. The recognition of the parables as being drawn from the daily experiences of the peasant life, in the first century Palestine, 150 lays stress on the close connection between ordinary day-to-day experiences in life and the message concerning the divine rule.

Though Wilder and Funk recognized the close relationship between humans and nature, their emphasis was on Nature as human activity and relationship. Both overlooked the role of nature, the focal point of the "nature parables."151 Dodd and Jeremias have devoted much attention to the setting of the parables in the life of Jesus. Their studies have broken new ground in enhancing our understanding of the parables and their relationship to the Kingdom of God. They found the realism of the parables of Jesus as their distinguishing mark when compared to the parables of the Old Testament and that of the Rabbis. Both have noted that the parables of Jesus were drawn from the day-today experience in society and nature. Yet, their interpretations have not paid adequate attention to the "realism of nature" to which they themselves have called attention. The emphasis, once again, lends to favor the reality of everyday occurrences in human relationships. Both saw rhe parables in terms of their relationship to the eschatological Kingdom.152 Little attention was, therefore, paid to the context of nature. Goulder emphasized that the parable is a story, but ignored that the story could have imageries in its narration.153 Westermann advocated the division of the parables into either images or stories,154 which again were rather difficult.

In the traditional understanding, Nature was looked upon with a utilitarian perspective without consideration for its intrinsic value. Diesing has pointed out: "[Nature] appears in three forms: natural resources, cultivated land . . . . and externalities of production. Natural resources are free goods, res nullius, nothings, having no value until they are ‘produced’ and made available for exchange."155 Yet, the everyday occurrences. in human life in a given social and ecological context, becomes the locus of the parabolic teaching of Jesus. In such a context, the emphasis of Funk on the "earthy imagery" of parable directing human attention towards his/her mundane existence156 becomes more appropriate.

Jesus’ choosing to use the images derived from nature in his communication of the divine rule indicts the human attempts to measure the worth of nature in terms of its utility value. The agricultural activity with which the audience of Jesus was most familiar had become the context from which Jesus has drawn his metaphors that explained the Kingdom of God. As a means of communicating divine activity, Nature has its own value. It does not merely exist for the sake of humanity, but for its own sake and as witness to God and his benevolent activity of care. The parables in Mark 4, based as they are in the context of agriculture, make use of several images derived from nature and the divine activity in the process of nature, to speak of the concept of the Kingdom of God. The soil, the seed, the process of growth and development, and the harvest are all images that are used with reference to the divine rule.

The success of any agricultural activity is determined by the kind of soil in which the farming takes place. "Soil provides nutrient content, aeration, and pest infestations basic to crop production, besides support to root stocks and drain water."157 As in the first three instances of the parable of the soil, the poor quality soil is incapable of producing a harvest since the barren soil is inimical to the productive process. But good soil produces in manifold quantities and provides for the consumption needs of humanity, satisfying their hunger. In the parable of the Self-Producing Soil, the seed cast on the ground grew on its own (automath) and brought forth a harvest without the farmer’s aid. The moisture in the soil and the nutrients it held aided the germination and growth process, first as a sapling, and then, to a full plant, till it attained maturity and brought forth a harvest thus witnessing to the miraculous outworking of the power of God. When the mustard seed was sown on the Transforming Earth it grew and became the greatest of all shrubs, providing shelter to birds of the sky. Folklore and religion, therefore, emphasized the ‘spirit of the soil’ as against the scientific view that saw soil as dead matter.158 It is this close relationship between humankind and the earth that led L. H. Bailey to remark,

So bountiful hath been the earth and so securely have we drawn from it our substance, that we have taken it all for granted as if it were only a gift, and with little care or conscious thought of the consequences of our [ab]use of it; nor have we very much considered the essential relation that we bear to it as living parts in the vast creation.159

The emphasis of ‘automatic’ is on a self-regulatory process that keeps on fulfilling its responsibilities without any break. The soil thus brings forth by itself. The climate, the seasons and the geography all are contributing factors in the agricultural production. The failure of any one badly affects the entire process of plant growth and therefore, also the harvest. It is this close unity of the Mediterranean ecology, which was in mind when Boissevain pointed out in his review of the book, The People of the Mediterranean, that it is more than just a place of meeting, trading and war. The distinctive character of the region is to be found in its sea, climate, terrain, and mode of production context, within which people worked hard, to meet their needs.160 At no stage of the process the farmer is able to manipulate the outcome. He could only hope for the best, as each stage is unfolded in its order from germination to growth and from flowering to fruition and ripening of the harvest.

Analogy of the Kingdom of God to harvest lays accent on the culmination of the divine intervention in the process of growth, unlike the "catastrophic" intervention suggested by the imagery in the Old Testament use. The stages of growth, as Dodd himself has noted, do not find adequate attention in this interpretation. A bountiful harvest is attributed to God’s favor. The arrival of divine rule is to be marked by plenitude with increased productivity and fruitfulness. Grain is a representation of plenty. Nature, therefore, is to be looked upon as sacred, rather than as a mere agent of utility for human needs, towards which human beings are called to relate with a sense of duty.161 The arrival of the harvest, as may be noted from the case of the mustard seed, asserts that the time has come when the blessings of the Kingdom of God are available for all including non-human creation. 162

However, nature is not only an epitome of divine favor and blessings but also a manifestation of divine wrath. God’s dealings with humanity are witnessed at times in the fury of nature, often perceived as divine punishment. Thus, nature serves as an epitome of divine happiness or displeasure with the affairs of humanity from ancient times. The great Flood of Noah was a cause of divine punishment. Similarly drought, famine, pestilence, locust and war were signs of divine anger against human disobedience and sin. The earth brings forth thorns and thistles instead of fruitfulness and plenty. There is an element of mystery that the parables contain. According to Bornkamm,

But this mystery is nothing but the hidden dawn of the kingdom of God itself amidst a world which to human eyes gives no sign of it. And this must surely be heard, believed and understood -- not against a background of tradition or theory, but by the hearer in his actual world.163

Conclusion

Jesus’ close association with nature in his struggle for daily existence helped him share the struggle of many of his country people of the time. This has also provided opportunity for his first hand experience of the difficulties faced by his fellow-beings as well as to keenly observe the working of nature and its rhythms. In communicating the message of divine rule to these common peasant folks, Jesus successfully made use of imageries which both, he and his audience, were familiar with. The message that he sought to communicate through the parables from nature was that there is a similarity between the divine work of the Kingdom and that of the process of nature. It is God who is active in both. There is a convergence in his method of working.

The disruption of the process of nature will result, both in causing hardship to the farmer in meeting his survival needs and distort the ways of God’s working. Therefore, it is essential that the process of nature be respected not only for our own good, but also to leave the possibility open for God’s communication through the process of creation to take place unhindered. The parables using imageries from the process of agriculture in the Palestinian context lay stress on the divine working as clear and as mysterious as that of the natural processes. The total process of the agricultural season as the experience of a farmer then serve as Jesus’ point of departure in communicating the divine rule. In this connection it could be noted that apocalyptic language turns into sapiential language in which nature is given positive significance. Findlay, dwelling on the relationship between the work of God and nature in the parables of Jesus has pointed out:

In every case Jesus is concerned with a cross-section of what we call ‘nature’, a word He could have never used, for to Him this world was alive with God, and wherever His Father was at work, there was nothing that was not supernatural in the sense that we may know that it happened, but how it happened no one can tell us. But we shall not really ‘see’ the Kingdom of God in these everyday miracles of nature and human life unless we look and look again, and not only look, but mark the spot at which the vision came to us, that we may know where it will repay us to make further explorations.164

End Notes

1. C. H. Dodd. Parables of the Kingdom (London: Nisbet, 1935). pp. 32-33; N. Perrin. Rediscovering the Teaching of Jesus, NT Library (SCM, 1967), pp. 82ff.

2. Cf. Dodd, Ibid.; J. Fuellenbach, The Kingdom of God: The Message of Jesus Today (Maryknoll. New York: Orbis, 1995), pp. 70-71.

3. P. B. Thompson. The Spirit of the Soil: Agricultural and Ecumenical Ethics (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), pp. 3, 5.

4. P. Perkins, Hearing the Parables of Jesus (New York/ Ramsey, N.J.: Paulist Press. 1981), pp.2, 16.

5. A. Wilder, Early Christian Rhetoric: The Language of the Gospel (London: SCM, 1964), p. 82.

6. V.J. John, "Ecology in the Parables: The Use of Nature Language in the Parables of the Synoptic Gospels", Asia Journal of Theology 14, No. 2 (October 2000), pp. 305ff.

7. G. Theissen, The Gospels in Context: Social and Political History in the Synoptic Tradition, trans. by L. M. Malony (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991). p. 238.

8. The narrator takes us to a variety of special locations. "Some of these suggest the rural terrain of Galilee -- sea and sea-shore, mountain, desert place and fields, whereas others reflect various forms of social grouping -- synagogue, house, village, boat. As the narrative progresses, various patterns begin to emerge in relation to the different locales. The desert is the place of quiet refreshment and prayer (1:35; 6:31); the mountain too is a place of quiet (6:46), but also of election and disclosure (3:13; 9:2). It is along the sea-shore that the crowd usually assembles (2:13; 3:7:4:1: 5:21:6:34, 45,55), but it can appear elsewhere also: around the house (1:33:2:2,15; 5:24)or in a desert place (6:31). S. Freyne, Galilee, Jesus and the Gospels. Literary Approaches and Historical Investigations (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988), p.62.

9. J. D. Crossan, The Historical Jesus. The Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1991). A more popular version is Jesus, A Revolutionary Biography (San Francisco: Harper San Francisco 1994).

10. N. Dahl, "The Parables of Growth," Studia Theologica 5 (1951), p. 134.

11. Sec G. Vermes. Jesus the Jew: A Historians Reading of the Gospels (St. James’s Place: Collins, 1973); R. A. Horsley, Archaeology, History, and Society in Galilee. The Social Context of Jesus and the Rabbis (Valley Forge, Pa: Trinity Press International, 1996).

12. R. MacMullen, Roman Social Relations. 50 B. C. to A. D. 384 (New Haven, CT: London: Yale University Press, 1974). 107-8: Cited by Crossan, The Historical Jesus. 29: See also G. F. Lenski, Power and Privilege: A Theory of Social Stratification (New York: McGraw Hill, 1966), pp. 276-77.

13. See for instance Crossan, The Historical Jesus.

14. Cf. L. Legrand, "The Parables of Jesus Viewed from the Dekkan Platteau". Indian Theological Studies 23, No.2 (June 1986), pp. 154ff.

15. Crossan, The Historical Jesus (1991): R. A. Horsley & J. S. Hanson. Bandits, Prophets, and Messiahs: Popular Movements in the Time of Jesus (San Francisco: Harper & Row. 1985); R. A. Horsley, Jesus and the Spiral of Violence: Popular Jewish Resistance in Roman Palestine (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987). For a discussion of the current scholarly thinking on the historical Jesus See S. McKnight "Who is Jesus? An Introduction to Jesus Studies." in Jesus Under Prophets, and Messiahs. M. J. Wilkins and J. P. Moreland, gen. eds., (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1985), 51-72.

16. According to R. MacMullen, the artisan included both the weaver of wool (eriourgos) and linen (linourgos) as well as the carpenter (tekton). Jesus belonged to the latter (Mk. 6:3 cf. Mt. 13: 55). See MacMullen, Roman Social Relations, 107-8. Cited by Crossan, The Historical Jesus, 29.

17. Freyne, Galilee, Jesus and the Gospels, 241.

18. J. Klausner, Jesus of Nazareth; His Life, Times and Teaching, trans. H. Danby (New York: Macmillan, 1925), 178 n. 29: Based on Halevy’s Shemoth ‘Are Eretz Yisrael in Yerushalayim,’ ed. Luncz, 4:11-20 as cited by D. Okasan. Jesus and the Economic Questions of His Day, Studies in Bible and Early Christianity, Vol. 8 (Lewiston/Queenston: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1986), p. 178.

19. Oakman, Economic Questions, 180.

20. S.J. Case, Jesus. A New Biography (University of Chicago. 1927), p.205. See Oakman, Jesus and the Economic Questions, pp. 180-81.

21. Crossan. The Historical Jesus. pp. xxviii-xxix.

22. Ibid., pp. 421-22.

23. For a critic of Crossan’s presentation of Jesus as a social revolutionary and a discussion of other views including Jesus as a sage and a religious genius see S. McKnight, "Who is Jesus? An introduction to Jesus Studies," in Jesus Under Fire: Modern Scholarship Reinvents the Historical Jesus M. J. Wilkins and J. P. Moreland, gen. eds., (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, 1995), pp. 52-72.

24. Legrand. "The Parables of Jesus," p. 166.

25. Oakman. Economic Questions. p. 179.

26. Oakman, Economic Questions, pp. 180-81. Cf. also Horsley, Archaeology, History and Society in Galilee, p. 181.

27. Oakman, Economic Questions, pp. 192, 194f.

28. Xenophon’s Cyropaedia, 8.2.5 cited by M. I. Finley, The Ancient Economy (London: The Hogarth Press, 1985). p. 135. Cf. Legrand. "The Parables of Jesus," pp. 166-67.

29. L. Turkowski, "Peasant Agriculture in the Judaean Hills," Palestinian Exploration Quarterly 100 (1968), p. 30; 101 (1969), p. 103.

30. Discusses the authenticity of the saying and Jesus’ use of it with relation to the Kingdom. See M. G. Steinhauser, "Putting One’s Hand the Plow: The Authenticity of Q 9:61-62," Forum 5. No.2 (June 1989), 156.

31. V.]. John, "Ecology in the Parables". pp. 323.

32. J. F. Strance, "Nazareth," in Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 4, pp. 1050-51

33. D. H. K. Amiram, ‘Sites and Settlements in the Mountains of Lower Galilee’, Israel Exploration Journal 21 (1971), pp. 136-140.

34. S. Freyne, Galilee From Alexander the Great to Hardian 323 BCE to 135 CE. A Study of Second Temple Judaism (Wilmington, Delaware: Michael Glazier; Notre Dame University: University Press. 1980). p. 11.

35. B. Bagatti. Excavations in Nazareth, vol. I, From the Beginning till the XII Century (Jerusalem. Franciscan Printing House, 1969), pp. 27, 35, 52-59.

36. E. M. Meyers and James F. Strange, Archaeology, the Rabbis and Early Christianity: The Social and Historical Setting of Palestinian Judaism and Christianity (Nashville: Abingdon, 1981). 56 cited by Crossan, Time Historical Jesus, p. 16.

37. Legrand, "The Parables of Jesus." p. 165.

38. R. A. Horsley, Archaeology, History and Society in Galilee: The Social Context of Jesus and the Rabbis (Valley Forge, Pennsylvania: Trinity Press International, 1996), pp. 179-81.

39. Ibid., p. 179.

40. Other than peasants, those whom Jesus ministered from the lower strata of society included: sinners (Mk. 2:15), prostitutes (Lk. 7:37; Mt. 21:32), the sick (Mk. 1:40:2:3), the widows. See Nazareth -- Hoffnung der Armen 2 Aufl. (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1981), pp. 24-30.

41. Legrand, "The Parables of Jesus," p. 165.

42. P. B. Thompson, The Spirit of the Soil, p. 1.

43. Ibid., 2.

44. F. F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), p. 113.

45. Recognizing this fact B. T. D. Smith terms the parable of Mk. 4: 26-29 as the Parable of the Patient Husbandman. See his Parables of the Synoptic Gospels (Cambridge: CUP, 1937), pp. 129ff.

46. F. H. Borsch, Many Things in Parables: Extravagant Stories of New Community (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988), p. 123.

47. N. Perrin, Rediscovering the Teaching of Jesus (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), p. 159.

48. F. H. Borsch, Many Things in Parables: Extravagant Stories of New Community (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988), p. 123.

49. H. Waetjen, A Reaordering of Power: A Socio-Political Reading of Marks Gospel Minneapolis. Fortress, 1989). p. 107.

50. G. Hamel, Poverty and Charity in Roman Palestine, First Three Centuries CE, University of California Publications, Near Eastern Studies, Vol.23 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), p. 104.

51. J. Jeremias, Parables of Jesus, trans. S. H. Hooke, rev. ed. (New York: Scribner’s, 1963), p. 150.

52. Thompson, The Spirit of the Soil, p. 118.

53. J. B. Callicott, "The Metaphysical Transition in Farming: From the Newtonian Mechanical to the Eltonian Ecological," Journal of Agricultural Ethics 3. No. 1 (1990), pp. 36-49. Cf. Thompson, Time Spirit of the Soil, pp. 126-27.

54. W. Berry, The Gift of Good Land. Further Essays Cultural and Agricultural (San Francisco: North Point Press, 1981). p. 41.

55. The Historical Jesus, 295. See also M. G. Steinhauser. "The Sayings of Anxieties. Matt. 6:25-34 and Luke 12:22-32," Forum,, 6. No. I (March 1990): 74-75.

56. J. S. Kloppenborg, "Alms, Debt and Divorce: Jesus’ Ethics in Their Mediterranean Context," Toronto Journal of Theology 6 (1990). p. 192.

57. F. Braudel. Time Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Phillip II, Vol. 1, trans. by S. Reynolds (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), p. 245 cited by Crossan, The Historical Jesus, p.4.

58. Fullenbach, The Kingdom of God, p. 76.

59. Dodd, Parables of the Kingdom, 179.

60. B. B. Scott, Jesus, Symbol-Maker for the Kingdom (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981), p. 73.

61. G. Theissen, Sociology of Early Palestinian Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress. 1978), p. 1.

62. Oakman. Economic Questions, pp. 217.

63. Dodd, The Parables, pp. 25-26.

64. N. Bryan, Toward Unity Among Environmentalist (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991); A. Leopold, A Sand County Almanac (London: Oxford University Press, 1949): H. Rolston, Environmental Ethics. Duties to and Values in time Natural World (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988); J. B. Calicott, "Agroceology in Context," Journal of Agricultural Ethics 1, No. I (1988), pp. 3-9.

65. Crossan, The Historical Jesus, p.269.

66. A. R. Hands. Charities and Social Aid in Greece and Rome, Aspects of Greek and Roman Life (London: Thames & Hudson, 1968), pp. 62-63 as cited in Crossan. The Historical Jesus, p. 272.

67. See also Soares-Prabhu, "Class in the Bible: The Biblical Poor a Social Class?" in Voices from the Margin. Interpreting the Bible in the Third World, R. S. Sugirtharajah, ed.. (SPCK, 1991), pp. 156-57.

68. Crossan, The Historical Jesus. p. 273.

69. Oakman, Economic Questions, p.211.

70. R. C. Austin, Hope for the Land: Nature in the Bible (Atlanta: John Knox, 1988), pp. 210-11.

71. J. D. Crossan, In Parables: The Challenge of the Historical Jesus, Eagle Books (Sonoma, California: Polebridge Press, 1992). p. 51.

72. Perkins, Hearing the Parables of Jesus, pp. 77-78.

73. Fullenbach, The Kingdom of God, p. 72.

74. Jeremias, Parables of Jesus. p. 150.

75. Ibid., p. 116.

76. Crossan. In Parables. p. 50.

77. Waetjen, A Reordering of Power, 108.

78. E. E. Elnes, "Creation and Tabernacle: The Priestly Writer’s ‘Environmentalism"’, p.153.

79. J. A. Crampsey. "Look at the Birds of the Air . . ." The Way 31 (October 1991), p. 293.

80. A. Tate, "The Symbolic Imagination," p. 99 quoted by Crossan, In Parables, p. 49.

81. G. Vermes, The Religion of Jesus the Jew (SCM, 1993), p. 78.

82. Ibid., 117.

83. H. Waetjen, "Imitations of the Year of Jubilee in the Parables of the Wicked Tenants and the Workers in the Vineyard." p. 62.

84. Freyne, Galilee, Jesus and the Gospels, pp. 143-45; Horsley, Archaeology, History and Society in Galilee, pp. 83ff.

85. Waetjen, A Reordering of Power, p. 110.

86. V. K. Robbins, Jesus as Teacher. A Socio-Rhetorical Interpretation of Mark (2nd ed., Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1991), pp. 156-66.

87. B. Lonergan, Method in Theology (New York: Herder & Herder, 1972), p. 213.

88. Dodd, Parables of the Kingdom, pp. 15-16.

89. Ibid. p.21. Idem., The Authority of the Bible (London: Nisbet. 1948), pp. 148-52.

90. Jeremias, Parables of Jesus, pp. 11-12, n.3; 23. Cf. Wilder, Early Christian Rhetoric. p. 81ff.

91. A. T. Cadoux, The Parables of Jesus: Their Art and Use (London: James Clarke, n.d.), pp. 50f.

92. B. Lonergan, Insight (New York: Basic Books, 1957), p.9.

93. B. B. Scott, Jesus, Synmbol-Maker of the Kingdom, (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981), pp. 96-7.

94. W. Berry. The Gift of Good Land, pp. 113.

95. Ibid.. p. 113.

96. J. Drury, "Symbol." A Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation," eds., R. J, Coggins and J. L. Houlden (London: SCM Press; Philadelphia: Trinity Press International. 1990), p. 655.

97. P. Wheelwright, Metaphor and Reality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1962; Midland Book Edition, 1968), p. 92.

98. R. W. Funk, Language, Hermeneutic and Word of God: The Problem of Language in the New Testament and Contemporary Theology (New York: Harper & Row, Pub. 1966), p. 53.

99. Perrin, Jesus and the Language of the Kingdom, pp. 1, 33. See also E. Linnemann, Parables of Jesus: Introduction and Exposition (London: SPCK. 1966), p. 25.

100. B. B. Scott, Jesus, Symbol Maker for the Kingdom. p.5.

101. M. Eliade, Symbolism, the Sacred, and the Arts. ed., Diane Apostolos-Cappadona (New York: Crossroad. 1985), pp.5,13.

102. B. B. Scott, Jesus, Symbol-Maker of the Kingdom, p. 10.

103. Ibid., p. 11.

104. G. B. Caird classifies comparison into one of four classes: perceptual that appeal to any of the five senses, synaesthesia "is the use of connection with one of the senses of terms which are proper to another, as when we speak of sharp words (Is. 49:2; Acts 15:39; Heb. 4:12)" "Affective comparison are those in which we feel or value, the effect to impression of one thing is compared with that of another" while in pragmatic comparison we compare the activity or result of one thing with that of another. See his The Language and Imagery of the Bible (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press), pp. 145-47.

105. See C. Westermann, The Parables of Jesus: In the Light of the Old Testament, trans. & ed. by F. W. Golka and A. H. B. Logan (Minneapolis: Fortress Press. 1990), p. 180.

106. Ibid., p.95.

107. Weinreich, Semantik der Metapher (1970). pp.95, 100. Cited by Westermann, The Parables of Jesus, p. 181.

108. Caird, Time Language and Imagery of the Bible, 145; B. B. Scott, Jesus, Symbol-Maker, pp. 11-13. Cf. R. Redfield, The Little Community and Peasant Society and Culture (Chicago & London: The University of Chicago Press, 1960; Phoenix Books, 1963), p. 162.

109. Wilder, Early Christian Rhetoric, p. 92.

110. Caird, The Language and Imagery of the Bible. 155.

111. P. Ricoeur, ‘Stellung und Funktion der Metapher in der biblisehen Sprache’. in: P. Ricoeur and E. Jungel, Metapher, EvT (Sonderheft 1974), p. 48.

112. Dodd, Parables of the Kingdom, p. 16.

113. R. Hart, The American Home-World: Reality and Imagination." Lecture delivered in a series "Imagination and Contemporary Sensibility." University of Montana: quoted in R. W. Funk, Jesus as Precursor, Semeia Studies (Philadelphia: Fortress Press and Missoula: Scholars Press, 1975), p. 66.

114. Funk. Language, Hermeneutic and the Word of God, p. 158.

115. Ibid., p. 159.

116. Caird, The Language and Imagery of the Bible, p. 190; Cf. Funk, Language, Hermeneutic, and the Word of God. p. 136.

117. Crossan, In Parables, p. 12.

118. P. Ricoeur, "Biblical Hermeneutics." Scm,,eia4 (1975), pp. 33-34.

119. Funk, Language, Hermeneutic and Word of God, p. 160.

120. Crossan, In Parables, pp. 17-22.

121. Cadoux, The Parables of Jesus: Their Art and Use, pp. 50f.

122. B. B. Scott, Jesus. Symbol-Maker, pp. 16-17.

123. F. Kafka, Parables and Paradoxes (New York: Schocken Books, 1961), p. 11.

124. B. B. Scott, Jesus, Symbol Maker, p. 66. Cf. C. R. Bowen, "The Kingdom and the Mustard Seed," AJT 22 (1918), pp. 562-69.

125. Cadoux. The Parables of Jesus: Their Art and Use, p.52.

126. Ibid., p. 153.

127. B. B. Scott, Language, Hermeneutic and Word of God, p. 154.

128. Westermann. The Parables of Jesus, p.202.

129. S. Wittig, "A Theory of Multiple Meanings,’ Semiea 9 (1977). p.79.

130. B. B. Scott, Jesus, Symbol-Maker of the Kingdom, p. 168.

131. Perkins, Hear Then The Parables, p.89.

132. Dodd. The Parables of the Kingdom, p.22.

133. N. Perrin. "The Modern Interpretation of the Parables of Jesus and the Problem of Hermeneutics," Interpretation 25, No.2 (1971), p. 140.

134. Crossan, The Historical Jesus, p.75.

135. Perkins, Hearing the Parables of Jesus. p. 76.

136. Cf. Freyne. Galilee, Jesus and the Gospels. pp. 192f..

137. Thompson, The Spirit of the Soil pp. 2-3.

138. Hamel, Poverty and Charity in Roman Palestine, pp. 101ff.

139. J. A. Findlay, Jesus and His Parables (London: The Religious Book Club, 1951), p. 22.

140. Hamel, Poverty and Charity in Roman Palestine, p. 102.

141. Wilder, Early Christian Rhetoric, pp. 141f.

142. Perkins, Hearing the Parables of Jesus, p. 77.

143. Thompson, The Spirit of the Soil. p. 55.

144. D. G. Aldrich, Jr. "Soil and Soul -- Land and Life," The Liff Review 43, No. 3 (Fall 1986), pp. 3. 4.

145. Findlay. Jesus and His Parables. p. 20.

146. Thompson, The Spirit of the Soil, p. 47.

147. Findlay, Jesus and His Parables, p.21.

148. Crampson, "Look at the Birds of the Air." p. 293.

149. H. C. Kee. Community of the New Age (London: SCM, 1977), p. 94.

150. Jeremias, The Parables of Jesus, p. 11.

151. Wilder. Early Christian Rhetoric p.82. Funk, Language, Hermeneutic. and Word of God, pp. 155-56.

152. Dodd, Parables of the Kingdom, p. 198: Jeremias. Parables of Jesus, pp. 11Sf.

153. M. D. Goulder, "Characteristics of the Parables in the Several Gospels,’ Journal of Theological Studies 19 (1968), p.47.

154. Westermann, The Parables of Jesus in the Light of the Old Testament, p. 182.

155. P. Diesing, Science and Ideology in the Policy Sciences (Hawthorne, New York: Aldine, 1982), p. 294. Cited by Thompson, The Spirit of the Soil, p. 46.

156. Funk, Language, Hermeneutic, and Word of God, p. 156.

157. Thompson, The Spirit of the Soil. pp. 74-75.

158. Ibid., pp.6, 18.

159. L. H. Bailey, The Holy Earth (New York: The Christian Rural Fellowship, reprint 1946), p. 1.

160. Boissevain. et al., "Toward an Anthropology of the Mediterranean," Current Anthropology 20 (1979), p. 83 cited by Crossan, The Historical Jesus, p. 5.

161. Thompson. The Spirit of the Soil, p. 9.

162. Dodd. Parables of the Kingdom. p. 191.

163. Bornkamm, Jesus of Nazareth, p.71.

164. Findlay, Jesus and His Parables, p. 19.

Towards a Dalit Liberative Hermeneutics: Re-reading The Psalms of Lament

1. Introduction

In their struggle for identity, Dalits have emerged as the strongest force in India today as ever in history. Nearly 200 million Dalits in general and 15 million Dalit Christians among them are active subjects of this great history of India today.1 As the struggle of Dalits is on to regain their lost identity, the issues related to that struggle are not new.

The term Dalit is derived from the Sanskrit root dal which means to crack, open, split etc. When used as an adjective or noun it means burst, split, broken or torn asunder, downtrodden, scattered, crushed, destroyed and so on. The noun forms of dal for masculine, feminine and neutral are: dalitach, dalita, dalita(m) respectively.2 In line with this definition, the reality of Dalits is vividly depicted in the recent human rights watch report:

More than one-sixth of India’s population, some 160 million people, live a precarious existence, shunned by much of society because of their rank as untouchables or Dalits - literally meaning "broken" people - at the bottom of India’s caste system. Dalits are discriminated against, denied access to land, forced to work in degrading conditions, and routinely abused at the hands of the police and of higher caste groups that enjoy the state’s protection. In what has been called "hidden apartheid" entire villages in many Indian states remain completely segregated by caste.3

In the light of such a precarious situation Dalits raise their voice of protest, revolt, resistance and persistently argue in order to regain their lost identity. Several issues are in the forefront in this struggle of Dalits : untouchability, dehumanizing poverty, social ostracism, caste and power dynamics, cultural and religious oppression and soon. Christian Dalits are part of this struggle with additional problem of caste and hierarchy in the church. The fourfold alienation of Christian Dalits along with others is succinctly stated by M.E.Prabhakar:

Christian Dalits, who suffer along with other Dalits, suffer fourfold alienation: First: The State does not allow them to receive economic assistance or securing political representation even if they claim membership in SC communities; Second: other Dalits look at them with disfavor, as if the former has been helped by missionary patronage; Third. So called (upper) caste Christian treat Dalit Christians contemptuously and Fourth: The Dalit Christians are at odds with themselves, being divided on sub-caste, regional or linguistic basis.4

In view of this Dalit Christians in particular are on genuine look out for some of the religio-cultural and theological resources that would directly address to heal their wounded psyche.

Since their problems are notched up with several unjust systems and structures both within and around their church situation, they are on a serious search for their liberative and praxis oriented resources available in and around the Bible, which stands as the centre of their religious fervor. If Dalits are seeking their liberation from casteist oppression, and to identify their religio-cultural energies from a religious and social base for their corporate and individual attempts at liberation, the Bible stands as a dynamic source of energy. It should be noted that the attempts to create a dynamic and vibrant conversation between the Dalit world and Biblical world is not entirely a new venture. Almost over a decade several robust attempts on this venture has yielded some fruits.5 However, these ventures are neither exhaustive nor exhausting. There are several promising strides that this approach can take in the near future.

The present study makes an attempt to re-read the Bible in the light of Dalit hermeneutical focus. The Psalms of Lament are used as a fertile ground on which the quest for Dalit liberative praxis can be sufficiently planted. In this venture two things are done specifically: First: to situate the Psalms of Lament in their original setting (if at all that is possible) for a meaningful appropriation of their message and Second: to appropriate the interpretative keys available with the Psalms to resonate and to discover the liberation potential that is in convergence with the Dalit liberation. In order to venture into this task, few methodological observations should be made at this point.

2. Methodological Observations

For any critical and constructive engagement of Dalit liberation with the biblical resources we need to take note of the following important methodological observations that will enhance the process of our interpretation.

2.1 First: The issue of common ground between Biblical world and Dalit world is of paramount importance for any heuristic exploration of either of these areas and to see their integral interconnection. The struggles of Dalits can easily find certain natural affinity towards the struggles and experiences of the marginalized communities of the Bible written down as the faith expressions in their various traditions.6 In other words, there are certain points of convergence in the matrices of both the Biblical and Dalit world. The Biblical matrix of preferential option towards the alienated and marginalized and the Dalit matrix of their struggle for egalitarianism are placed on the same plane.7

2.2 Second: The liberative hermeneutics is the common ground and concern in our quest to see inter-relatedness between Biblical and Dalit worlds. The important objective in the liberative praxis for Dalits is their liberation from the socio-cultural oppression. The Dalit liberative praxis oriented hermeneutics is geared towards the liberation of Dalits from the psychological, cultural and social oppression and to empower them to get organized in their struggle for freedom.8 The biblical narratives with liberation potential are already processed and reprocessed accounts addressed in their original settings and they continue to negotiate and renegotiate in our context to make the liberation potential possible. It is this understanding that should precolate the context of the oppressed communities of Dalits in India as they search for human experience of God in and through their socio-cultural milieu.9

2.3 Third: In the light of the above two criteria set out for the common ground of interpretation for both Dalit liberation and Biblical foundation for that purpose, certain new textual stirrings have been noted in the Indian interpretation of the Bible. By disentangling the biblical texts from the clutches of oppressive caste and hierarchical elements and to look out for more crucible points of liberation hermeneutics, several biblical scholars and theologians have already been engaged in a serious process of dialogue between Bible and Dalits. In this process both synchronic and diachronic methods of biblical interpretation is adopted.10 The other major concerns surfacing in this process are: the orality and literacy of the text, God as an active agent of poor and marginalized and the vulnerability of God alongside the sovereignty. These issues will naturally let us move into our ground reality of considering the issue of Dalit hermeneutics.

3. Dalit Hermeneutics for Liberative and Praxis Oriented Exegesis

In order to engage ourselves in Dalit hermeneutics for liberative and Praxis oriented reading of the biblical texts, it is inevitable that we should clearly set our goals and objectives. While this task is not radically different from what we do in biblical hermeneutics, the interpretative principles are similar to some extent in both. However, Dalit hermeneutics is dalit-context-specific with clear cut defined objective and goal. It seeks to read the texts in transaction with grassroots and other subaltern communities who may have inherited similar methodology. It further seeks to retell the text or texts, once or many times, with different or new characters, to address dalit or other subaltern audience, circumstances, or contemporary or historical issues. It further ventures into reading the texts as tricksters (if needed), using strategies of and interplay with, the domestic, local and particular mechanisms of power in order to subvert such powerful and exploitative power mechanisms and dynamics.11 While these general functions are in order with the Dalit hermeneutics for Liberative and Praxis oriented purposes, the specificity of its function can be seen in different ways.

3.1 First: By using the hermeneutics of "suspicion", "retrieval" and "representation"’2 Dalit hermeneutics seek to concentrate on the integral liberation of Dalits themselves. Some of the key interpretative questions raised by the scholars or people who are engaged in Dalit hermeneutics are well summarized by A.M.Raja:

Are the actual and official preaching from the pulpits or platform vibrating with the biblical claims of God’s bias in favor of the people thrown to the periphery? Would the eschatological promise of the biblical texts be the mesmerizing agents in persuading the Dalits to forget the present phase of apparently inconclusive pain and suffering due to oppression? Is biblical orientation other-worldly? Is the jubilant song of the exodus people after crossing oppressive Egyptian boundary, a meaningless composition? Could the "silence" of Job in the thick of wretched conditions, be the source of inspiration for activating the legitimate wrath of Dalits against their enemies? Should the suffering servant of God nakedly crucified in public be the model of liberation to the Dalits who are "crucified" day in and day out, openly and subtly?13

To these areas of interrogation of the diverse trajectories of the Bible, we could even add: can the agonizing and anguishing moments of the faith of Psalmists be hidden in and around their destiny? Has the rule of Yahweh come and outbroken to change the existing situation? Who are the evil people, people of violence and people of tongue that can cause so much damage not only to the reputation of the Psalmists, even to their very existence. How about the advocacy of the Psalmists which show a favoritism towards the poor and weak, who are crushed at the gate of justice? (Cf. Psalms 41:1-2; 82:3-4). These questions are well within the operation of hermeneutics of suspicion employed by the Dalit Christian readers of the Bible when they are brought into a direct encounter with the latter. At the same time Dalit readers of the Bible should not ignore the fact that there is a tremendous liberation potential available with the Bible for the transformative and performative functions that can permeate blood and nerve of Dalit quest for liberation.

If this presupposition is taken seriously, the hermeneutics of retrieval helps the Dalit interpreter to approach the biblical text with hope and aspiration. What is to be retrieved in this process? A.M. Raja puts it succinctly:

God is biased in favor of the victims of human history right from the beginning till the end. Heaven and earth will certainly become a new heaven and a new earth. The "silence" of the suffering Job is that of the well-composed sufferer in total control of the situation. The crucified Messiah though alienated i.e., the model for daringly encountering the suffering while revolting against the unjustly imposed suffering.14

To this again we may add that the retrieval of the loss of energy by the Psalmist needs to be examined in the context of his or her deep-death experience in life. As a book of the school of prayer, the Psalms retrieves the language of reality of God in whose presence we are able to present ourselves with honest realism. This idea of retrieval is long ago identified by R.H. Pfeiffer when he comments on the Psalms in general and the laments in particular

The intense emotions of these earnest souls, their longing for God’s presence, their joyful faith, flaming hatred, agonizing doubt, black hours of despair, all find expression in the Psalter. This book is the voice of those humble believers whose virile hope, in spite of despair, and unyielding tenacity in the midst of reverse, has kept Judaism alive and militant to the present day.15

Thus both the hermeneutics of suspicion and retrieval are equally helpful for the Dalit hermeneutical task when it engages in dialogue with the biblical text.

3.2 Second: Dalit hermeneutics is also the net result of bringing to the fore the glaring social reality of caste system (Varna of Hindu religious tradition) and from there it proceeds to work out a hermeneutics based on the principle of equality. It is also the net result of disentangling the biblical text from its firm entanglement with ‘high culture’ and the caste Christians.16

Moreover Dalit hermeneutics emerged as a reaction against the narrow perception of missionaries and their interpretative methods concerning the biblical text. R.S. Sugatharajah makes this point clearly:

On one level, the missionaries projected the Bible as the new Moses, leading an Exodus from caste-ridden Hinduism. But on another level, the missionaries were reluctant to press home the egalitarian potency of the gospel. With a long-term view of attracting Brahmins, the missionaries were concerned about biblical elements which might cause offence to brahminical sensibilities. For instance, the passages related to the ritual slaughter of cows - feasting on a fatted calf as Abraham did with his heavenly guests of the killing of a fatted calf to celebrate the return of the prodigal -- would be seen by Brahmins as sacrilegious accounts, for the cow was regarded as a sacred animal.17

If the biblical text has to become a tool or vehicle of emancipation, Dalit reading of the Bible has to take its liberative and egalitarian potential in all its parts. This is helpful not for Dalits alone, but for all the readers of the Bible. In this sense Dalit hermeneutics has the goal and purpose to serve to bring out a counter culture against the oppressive caste culture and it further questions the dominant traditions of Hindu philosophy and brahminical Indian Christian Theology as well as the ambiguous missionary reading of the biblical texts which seems to legitimize the status quo.18 This necessitates in opting not only for a methodological exclusivism of Dalit hermeneutics, but also creating a counter epistemology, ~ which is against caste hierarchy and missionary subtlety but in tune with Dalit liberation and struggle. The words of Maria Arul Raja coincide with this view:

Being down to earth people rooted in the materiality of reality (land, Sweat, food materials in the process of production, carcass, leather of the dead animals), the Dalit modes of perception feel out of place with the logic of logocentric, idealistic or positivistic outlook, determinancy, belief as system, literacy-based communication or text-bound interpretation. And hence Dalit mind and heart intuitively deconstruct any meta-narratives including the Bible when it is presented so. The Dalit way of understanding reality innately acknowledges its sense of fluidity, particularity, indeterminacy, partiality and contextuality. And so it does not believe in universal claims of having elicited the true message from the Bible for all times and for all peoples. In other words, the Dalit mind does not seek to control the Bible nor does it permit the Bible (presented as a meta-narrative-grande histoire) to control its own brand of interpretation. As the realm of Dalit discourse the petite histoire so also the biblical materials are presented in this way. 20

3.3 Third: Dalit hermeneutics also share in common some of the relevant concerns on par with any liberation hermeneutics for contemporary exegesis and various processes related to it. Biblical hermeneutics is the source of interpreting the texts, especially of their past history, whose original meaning is no longer immediately available to present in the light of their present experience. Hence hermeneutics has two eyes. one before and one behind. With the ‘eye behind’, it looks back to the experiences of God’s people, Israel, their creedal confessions and even the retelling of their own traditions. This process will help us to be clear about the historical biblical context. With the ‘eye before’ hermeneutics looks to the present. It discovers the challenges of current social and historical reality. It further tries to make an integral connection between faith and life, between the loving actions of God in the past in the realm of Israel’s faith and the present socio-economic and cultural reality."21

This being the case, where to begin our interpretation? Historical-critical methodology proposes that one should first understand the text in its context before seeking its relevance to the present (readers) context. The priority falls on the past rather than on the present. But what we need to affirm is the interconnectedness between both then and now contexts. Since we are already determined by our own context, we should not simply allow our own historical issues determine what we see in the texts, rather we should also allow the text to speak in our own context. J.L. Segundo articulates this dialectics when he writes:

"it is the continuing change in our interpretation of the Bible which is dictated by the continuing changes in our present day reality, both individual and social."22

This process in the hermeneutic circle makes us think rightly that the circular nature of interpretation of the biblical texts stem from the fact that each new reality obliges us to interpret the biblical texts afresh, to change reality accordingly, and then go back to the texts again, and so on.23 If once we realize this fact we are well within the scientific and ‘objective’ plane of our proposed Dalit hermeneutics as a contextual reality of dealing with the past and historical biblical text. Then this will resonate the meaning and appropriation of a given biblical text to Dalit struggle and liberation.

3.4 Fourth: Dalit hermeneutics takes a serious note of intertextuality. By this we mean the biblical texts should be in constant dialogue with the "living stories" and "concrete experiences" of the Dalits. For instance the stories of Dalit martyrs and the stories of Biblical martyrs can be matrixed in such a way to find common elements in both for an integral Dalit liberation. The words of George Aichele and Gray A. Phillips are in order to see the point:

. . . (intertextuality) arises from the subjective or idealogical, juxtaposing of text with text on behalf of specific readers in specific historical/material situations in order to produce new constellations of texts/readers/readings.. (it further makes the expression of desire and of broken socio-cultural interests). Making these investments public and holding readers accountable to them. . . 24

In other words, Dalit hermeneutics situated within the wider context of third-world post modern and post colonial readings of the Bible is not interested in some metaphysical truth. Rather, it primarily journeys along with other "texts" in the light of its own biblical texts to discover what is its meaning for the poor, women, Dalits and other marginalized communities and the process of their struggle to liberate themselves.25

The process of intertextuality also summons us to think in terms of orality of the scripture, "oral traditions", and "orally transmitted" stories of the Bible which speaks of their fluid and flexible intertextual participation in their faith and liberation journey. Sathianathan Clarke puts this comprehensively:

In a situation where Dalits and Adivasis are unable to participate in the literacy-based world view of the Bible because of their semiliteracy or illiteracy, they live with and under oral versions of Biblical narratives that are corporately weaved together through the calculating and creative interpretations of their ears-eyes. Oral scriptures are open-ended and fluid; however, they have their origins in readings of the written word. And such oral scriptures perform in their ability to transform. This notion of performance as transformation is native to oral cultures.26

Therefore, one needs to think transformative and liberative purposes of Dalit Hermeneutical inquiry which is at its heart. With this concatenated way of thinking of Dalit hermeneutics in the literary and non-literary ways of functioning, one can also look for a candid presentation of Dalit interpretation of the biblical world for liberative purpose.

4. The Psalms of Lament as a Critical Domain for Dalit Hermeneutical Task

In our previous sections we have noted the positive contingency of Dalit Liberative hermeneutics which has multi-modal and multi- ‘eclectic’ purposes based on which it is intercepted through the biblical texts. In this so called ‘latent’ approach, we identified several points of convergence (although at times divergent elements are noticed) that are inherently embedded in the dialogical process between Dalit and Biblical worlds. We have also proposed in our discussion that the Dalit Liberative hermeneutics be actively engaged in the process of negotiation and re-negotiation to recover the text and its meaning relevant and appropriate for its own purpose. This is to be carried out by using several tools of Dalit hermeneutics as already proposed. The hermeneutics of suspicion and retrieval are used simultaneously to dissect the biblical text for an authentic and transformative appropriation. Biblical Laments as found in the Book of Psalms can be one potential and fertile ground on which the seeds of Liberative hermeneutics of Dalits can be planted.27 To that process of implantation we shall turn our attention.

4.1 Sitz im leben (the setting in Life) of the Psalms of Lament

The problems and issues related to the setting in life of the Psalms in general is not a settled question. 28 However, ever since Hermann Gunkel’s attempts at breaking new ground in Psalms scholarship several further and fruitful attempts are made although they maintain the basic premise of Gunkel’s proposals.

Hermann Gunkel proposed that the communal laments (Klagelieder des Volkes) were extensively used on several occasions of public calamity or disaster such as: crop failure, pestilence, danger or defeat by some enemy. When disaster fell upon them, they instantly tried by means of expiatory rituals to plead or persuade Yahweh to act on behalf of the community, either through a confession of sin and concomitant plea for forgiveness or through a protest of corporate innocence.29 Regarding the setting of personal or individual laments Gunkel believed that the original circumstances evoking the laments were later generalized (the sickness, attack of enemy on individuals for various reasons and also identity of the enemy varies) to make the prayers more universal. He further noted that a peculiar feature of personal or individual laments within the Psalms is a decisive transition from plea to confident trust that Yahweh will act to redress the situation.30

Followed by Gunkel, his pupil Sigmund Mowinckel made a remarkable contribution to the Sitz mi leben of the Psalms. Mowinckel found cult as the fertile ground to understand the setting of Psalms. Gunkel already proposed that the basic purpose of Psalms although cult, but moves further to persistently argue that these Psalms were later used privately due to the development of personal piety. But for Mowinckel there is no question of association of the Psalms to any individual use. 31 For him the Sitz im leben of the Psalms is seen only in the festival of Enthronement which is modeled after the Babylonian New Year festival. 32 Based on Gunkel’s classification and identification of gattung (genre) scholars began to concentrate on the genre i.e., a particular genre of the Psalms. Notable among such scholars is Claus Westermann, who spelt out very clearly the importance of lament genre in the theology of Old Testament. He cogently and consistently argues that praise and lament are the two major genres that are crucial to understand the basic elements in the relationship between God and the people of Israel. Lament as a genre has a long and independent history in the religious social history of Israel. Thus deliverance in the Old Testament is God’s response to a cry of distress: Lament therefore is an integral part of God’s saving deeds or events.33

The most impressive and significant contribution to the Sitz im leben of the Psalms is made by Walter Brueggemann who identified the vital dimension of the function of the lament in the theological discourse of the Psalter and in the Old Testament. In general he discusses on the issue of the ‘lament’ and the ‘response of God’. He calls the laments as the Psalms of disorientation. This category plays an important role of linking the reality of life and God in a consistent way, by way of bringing a dangerous and pathetic situation of the discourse with God. The lamenter is committed to express her or his distress to Yahweh who is the Lord of human experience and partner with us in it. These pathetic human experiences must be addressed to God as God is the one who can bring change in the distress situation. He writes the real purpose of these Psalms of disorientation (as probably meant also in their original setting):

The use of these "Psalms of darkness" (laments) may be judged by the world to be acts of unfaith and failure. But for the trusting community, their use is an act of bold faith, albeit a transformed faith. It is an act of bold faith on the one hand, because it insists that the world must be experienced as it really is and not in some pretended way. On the other hand, it is bold because it insists that all such experiences of disorder are a proper subject for discourse with god. . . But the transformation concerns not only God. Life also is transformed (lamenter’s life). 34

Craig C. Broyles classified the laments based on structural and form elements: God-lament, I-lament and They-lament. The aspects of accusing or rebuking God as being silent in the God-lament are found in complaint form. In this process, a confession of trust in God is envisaged and expected with an ardent hope that God’s earlier saving deeds are recollected in a sense that those acts of God in the past motivate Godself to act in the present distress. In other words, in view of God not acting in the present as was in the past God-lament and other laments are invoked. 35

There are others like Erhard Gerstenberger and Rainer Albertz who showed and argued consistently that the individual Psalms of Lament are devoid of any institutional and Jerusalem temple cult setting. Gerstenberger writes:

. . . the individual complaints belonged to the realm of special offices for suffering people, who probably assisted their kinsfolk, participated in a service of supplication and curing (probably rehabilitation) under the guidance of a ritual expert. The liturgies of such offices very likely would vary a good deal from place to place and throughout the centuries. It is important to note that individual petition rituals were apparently independent of local shrines. 36

In other words Gerstenberger departs the already existing consensus that the Psalms of Lament are used in central shrine (Jerusalem) for an encounter concerning safety, innocence, acquittal and well being of the suppliant. But Gerstenberger thinks that the main function is rehabilitation of an individual member in the context of tribe, clan or family setting.

Rainer Albertz argues that the setting of the individual laments is in the worship of small groups subordinate to official religion of Jerusalem cult. In both Gerstenberger and Albertz the function of laments serve the purpose of restoration or rehabilitation. 37

On the basis of our brief discussion on the Sitz im leben of the Psalms of lament we make two observations:

First: The Sitz im leben of the laments may be clear in most cases and stand at two levels: the (Jerusalem cult) or in the local shrines or tribe, clan or family setting. While all of the laments may have been used in festival contexts or in cultic context in general, the main function of them may be restoration or rehabilitation, although no consensus has emerged in this direction.

Second: The Psalms of lament as intended in their original setting are addressed to Yahweh and make Yahweh get involved in the resolution of the distress experienced by the lamenter.38 This observation also makes us move further to show the relevance of Psalms of lament for our theological and religious discourse to engage in Dalit Liberative hermeneutics.

4.2 Why the Psalms of Lament?39

Few important theological and religious dimensions are seen as a common ground between Dalit liberation and Biblical laments to fervently argue for and work towards their points of divergence and dialogue. We shall state few reasons why Psalms of lament are potential and valid ground for any liberative-praxis oriented engagement.

4.2.1 First: The Psalms of lament are set within the wider context of the deliverance motif. This became the basis of Israel’s relationship with God, and hence we may argue that the laments are situated in the matrix of the saving acts of God. In general laments are also termed as: "the call of distress" and the "cry out of the depths", which constitute a fundamental recalling of the process in which one can state what happens between God and human beings. In this sense, lament as an affliction looks forward to God that the lamenter’s affliction be taken away and it is the only possibility in life left for the lamenter as long as there is breath in him or her.40

4.2.2 Second. Psalms of lament also identify the cause of the lamenter as with God’s cause and their enemies with God’s enemies. Therefore when they pray to God for recompense or vengeance against their enemies, it is the only possible weapon they possess as powerless against all their powerful ‘enemies’ or ‘tormentors’. The lamenter looks for God’s deliverance right here and now. Israel in general believed that all God’s dealings with them took place between their birth and death, thus it is imperative that God should act here and now to vindicate the righteous and punish the oppressed.41

4.2.3 Third: The reality of sickness and unjust accusations in the Psalms seen as an integral part of Psalmists’ theological discourse may be seen sometimes as metaphorical expressions. This however calls into question the validity of establishing the Sitz im leben of the Psalms of lament in general and setting of specific prayers. We have already noted in our discussion on the Sitz im leben of the Psalms, which is rather incomplete in the sense of no consensus is possible to have universal claim on the issue. However no one disagrees with the fact that despite problems encountered on the precise setting of the Psalms, the metaphorical nature of the Psalms in their language cannot be ignored. Perhaps even in their original setting this idea of metaphor and symbolization may have been present. This idea helps and becomes an advantage to the faithful communities of each generation and people who actually pray the prayers and look for a word about God and their own lives under God.42 Patrick D. Miller makes this point clear:

The search for a readily identifiable situation as the context for understanding the laments may, however, be illusory or unnecessary. The language of these Psalms which is stereotypical, generalizing, and figurative style is open ended that later readers, on the one hand are stopped from peering behind them to one or more clearly definable set of circumstances or settings in life, and on the other hand, are intentionally set free to adapt them to varying circumstances and settings.43

4.2.4 Fourth: It is an undeniable fact that the Psalms of lament reflect several human themes in our search for God-human relationship. Such trajectories of faith speak of the comprehensive and indissoluble nature or the articulation of Psalmist’s experience. Rejection, resilience, resistance and resolution - all reflect and resonate the purpose and context in which the cry is situated. This cry in itself addressed to God seeks to engage in serious and intense dialogue with God and in the process God is made to get involved and thus the lamenter is set to evoke God’s response. This process is carried out in anticipation with and in the light of liberative potential that may ultimately come from God. Walter Brueggemann puts this beautifully:

What difference does it make to have faith that permits and requires this form (lament) of prayer? My answer is that it shifts the calculus and redress the distribution of power between the two parties, so that the petitionary party is taken seriously and the God who is addressed is newly engaged in the crisis in a way that puts God at risk. As the lesser, petitionary party (the Psalm speaker) is legitimated, so the unmitigated supremacy of the greater party (God) is questioned and God is made available to the petitioner. The basis for the conclusion that the petitioner is taken seriously and legitimately granted power in the relation is that the speech of the petitioner is heard, valued and transmitted as serious speech... the lament form thus concerns a redistribution of power.44

4.2.5 Fifth. The language and discourse of Psalms of lament is the language of protest, be it symbolic, metaphorical or even realistic. Elsewhere we pointed out the lament is the only genuine language of the oppressed and afflicted. A language of protest of course is a legitimate response to suffering. Moreover the lament implores God to be compassionate to those who suffer. In other words the way in which it implores to God itself comes out of a protest language. Norman K. Gottwald stridently argues that the language of protest operative in the Psalms of lament has to do with the socio-economic context of the people themselves. He writes:

. . .there can be little doubt that an enormous part of the suffering which Psalmists protest is the pauperization of the populace through the manipulation of debt and confiscation procedures in such a way that even the traditional courts of Israel can be used to amass wealth in defiance of the explicit laws of the community. In fact, because the oppressors so flagrantly violate the laws attributed to deity, their conduct and attitude loudly declare, "There is no God!" no matter how piously they may dress up their appearance.45

While protest language of the lament as the conversation between the Psalmist and God is on progress, certain observations can be made at this point. First: In the laments no flattering of God is possible. Yahweh can be directly confronted with bold confidence; Second: even in anger, the Psalmist affirms Yahweh’s fidelity,46 that is Yahweh’s genuine intervention is sought and Third: the result of such a protest is pathos of God, God’s response. God’s active involvement and finally it reveals God’s character itself.’7 In the words of Claus Westermann, one can read this idea more firmly:

. . . the lament of the nation contains a dimension of protest, the protest of a people who cannot understand what has happened or has been done to them. It is a protest directed at God to be sure, but it is nevertheless a protest; it does not endure absurdity submissively and patiently: it protests! . . . it lays the matter out before God so that God has accepted their protest.48

5. The Psalms of Lament and Dalit Liberation: As Tenacious and Complementary for Constructive hermeneutical Engagement

As noted earlier the Psalms of Lament functioned in the community of Israel not in any inert fashion but they made indelible impression, not for a mere descriptive purpose but for declarative and evocative experience on their part and also on the part of present readers. On the one hand the Dalit reading of Psalms attempts to demystify and disenchant the text using the hermeneutics of suspicion and on the other hand using the hermeneutics of retrieval, the Dalit reading of the Psalms goes beyond the suspect aspect of the text in that the texts are recovered for liberative and evocative potential for Dalit Liberation.

One more type of hermeneutical tool can be employed for a positive orientation on the functional and performance dimension of the Psalms of lament for Dalit Liberation. That is : hermeneutics of representation which re-symbolizes and re-describes the life of the Psalmists as well as the readers from Dalit Perspective. Brueggemann explains this as follows:

I should argue (in Ricoeur’s terms of demystifying and representing) that the function of the Psalms is twofold. First, the Psalms bring human experience to sufficiently vivid expressions so that it may be embraced as the real situation in which persons must live. . . Secondly, the language of these poems (laments) not only helps persons to embrace and recognize their real situation. In dramatic and dynamic ways, the songs may also function to evoke and form new realities that did not exist until or apart from the actual singing of the song. 49

Any reading of Psalms of Lament for Dalit liberation perspective will certainly have the bearing of all the above three hermeneutical tools mentioned. These tools not only have a tenacious hold on both Biblical and Dalit interpretative contexts but also work as agents to serve comprehensive and complementary purpose of interpretation. The Psalms of lament ventures into a territory of unknown paths of grief that is experienced both in their context and also opens up new realities of interrogation for Dalit liberative mission engagement.

5.1 The Moments of ‘silence’ of God, suffering and Death:

The expressions of ‘silence’ of God, experience of ‘death’ and suffering are the concrete yearning of Psalmists in their helplessness and distress. These yearnings are the result of the situations of war, defeat, persecution, epidemics, mockery, famine, disease, imprisonment, drought, sadness, despair, anguish, frustration, betrayal and so on. Out of these real situations (or even symbolic) the Psalmist expects Yahweh to break silence. The prolonged silence of God results in increased anxiety and this experience leads the Psalmist to the nearness of death. The knowledge of being away from remembrance of God is worse than any painful situation. It shreds the mental. psychological and spiritual dimensions of the Psalmist. Life without God finds no meaning for the Psalmist. The relationship between Yahweh and the Psalmist is at stake and this is an experience of suffering and nearness to death, for the Psalmist cannot understand and bear it. The reality of death begins when Yahweh is silent, when a person whom Yahweh has forsaken cries out of depths (Psalm 130).50

C. S. Song calls the silence of God as the silence of protection, silence of grief and silence of pain to God. God is grieved into silence, the deep grief finds no words to speak. God partakes with the people in bearing the pain of suffering and separation. In silence therefore God identifies with the people whom he created.51

Commenting on the silence of God the Psalms of Lament, Samuel Amirtham argues that expressions like: "O God be not far from me" (Pss. 22:11, 19; 38:22; 69:18; 70:5; 71:12; 141:1) and "Why, Yahweh, do you stand far off?" (Ps. 10:1) are not prayers of God’s abandonment as they look at first glance, nor are they talking about lamenters’ separation from God, instead they affirm an assurance of actual presence of God in vivid form vis-à-vis the threatening world outside God’s protection.52

God is often manipulated and captivated from Dalit communities by the brahminical dominance. Scriptures are not made accessible to the Dalits by virtue of their ‘low-caste’ birth. Naturally the God whose nature is to suffer with the suffering ones is completely untold to Dalits. In death, silence and suffering the god who identifies with people whom he created is seen in the pathos of God. (Pain-Pathos as an important theological category once prevalent in Dalit theological discourse). But moving along this pole of pain-pathos, we can see the reality of Dalit goddesses or gods as the mortals-turned deities who have been killed in their very act of protecting the village boundaries in times of danger. Majority of the local deities are slaughtered in this process of expressing their solidarity and giving new life to the weak and suffering Dalits.53 This ‘suffering’ God concept clearly resonates with the biblical religiosity:

The new life of the Divine solidarity, sprouting out of the bloodshed resulting from the very act of affirming the humanity of the Dalits (Jesus’ cross, bloodshed and finally death itself for the sake of others) is the privileged interpretative ground in the dialogue between Dalits and the Bible.54

The experience of death as a result of suffering and silence of God (may be symbolic) is not an end in itself. This gives birth a strong hope and conviction to the Dalits that (as is the case of the Psalmist) they are in a ground reality that brings them closer to God to work in constant engagement with their God and their fellow human beings right here in the midst of the troubled world. The words of M.C. Raj are appropriate here:

Dalitism does not believe in the existence of heaven and hell. It has not developed any such escapist jargons. Instead Dalits just live by life and death as they come. They are not unduly worried about the fact that all people, irrespective of their being good or bad, have to die one day. For Dalit people suffering is universal. . . Dalit spirituality is not how we philosophize or theologize death and life but how we support one another in times of tribulations. . . Dalitism should make this world a better place to live instead of showing another world and creating misery for people. 55

5.2 The Reverberations of ‘Politics’ of God:

Psalms of Lament, always reverberate certain kinds of God-language in the voice of humans. These reverberations cannot be seen in any simple scheme or model but are found in a multiple and various facets of God’s operation in the community. Some such echoes are seen in: the sovereignty of God, the retributive mechanics of God, the reign of God, and so on. In all these factors one can see the way in which God uses the politicking’ dimensions of his own style of operation in dealing with the community. In this process of God’s politicking, the lamenter is dragged into situations of confidence, hope and boldness all in relation to each other.

God is conceived by the lamenter both as problem and solution. On the one hand God is responsible for the Psalmist’s plight and on the other hand God is the only hope. The immeasurable affliction like sickness, suffering and death as conditions of creatureliness is increased when the Psalmist is influenced by either or choices, to be blessed or to be separated from God (cf. Ps. 6). The stark realities of life like: terror, disease, weariness, grief and even the awareness of mortality all are in order to stand between God and human beings. However, the positive note is that in the midst of all of them, it is possible to live with integrity, purpose and hope.56

This means that the Psalms of Lament insist on the proclamation of the reign of God even in the midst of circumstances that seem to deny it. The fundamental theological queries raised by the people of Israel are: Who is sovereign? Can the foes who carried out the destruction be put in their place? Can God enact God’s purposes for the whole creation? Can God ultimately establish the sovereignty over against ‘other Gods?’ The answer to all these questions is a big ‘yes’, although it seems foolish to do so. But the Psalmist realizes that the real foolishness is to deny the character and power of God (Ps. 74:18, 22). In Psalm 79 the crucial question is: ‘Why should the nations say. Where is your God?" Here the Psalmist never loses the sight of harsh realities facing God’s people (74:1-5), but simultaneously the Psalmist never loses hope. In a way the Psalms of Lament prepares the way to answer the question: "Where is God?" Moreover in the face of adversity when their pain is visualized as an interpretative and remembering community they would hold on to the trust in God to maintain a fulcrum for the future generations. Walter Brueggemann puts the same idea succinctly:

Biblical faith is not romantic. It reckons with evil and it knows that evil strikes at all that is crucial and most precious. Nevertheless it does affirm. It requires and permits us to move beyond the venom to the Lord of mined temples. 57

The issue of God’s sovereignty calls us to give particular attention to the common ground between biblical laments and God or Goddesses’ temperament in Dalit religiosity. The Dalit consciousness of divinity is primarily experienced through the symbol of goddesses. The asexuality of Hindu goddesses is very impressive in Dalit religion. Unlike caste-Hindu goddesses who are associated with their spouses (Siva-Parvathi; Brahma-Sarswathi; Vishnu-Lakshmi), Dalit goddesses are wholly independent. The words of Sathianathan Clarke affirm the same:

Dalit goddesses do not become objects of male gods’ sexual pursuits or subjects that endeavour to manipulate and control the passions of these gods. The personal sexuality of the Dalit goddesses is not part of any of their myths and religious narratives.58

This brings us to the awareness that the images of biblical God and Dalit goddesses are freed from any association with spouses. In both cases the divine is completely disentangled from the coercive and oppressive manipulation or co-option worked out by other gods or spouses. Maria Arul Raja’s comments are also on the same line:

That is why perhaps both the Dalit and biblical religiosities are to a great extent an iconic in orientation, in the midst of a rich symbolism in rituals and celebration … the blend of affection with assertion, tenderness with ferocity and sustaining embrace with protective confrontation are common to both.

In the context of covenant relationship, the politicking of God is brilliantly weaved into the functioning of God-Israel relationship. The Psalms of Lament addresses the issue at several points. The power relationships between God and Israel alter to the extent that God is made available to the lamenter either by God’s own initiative or due to the persistent prayer of the lamenter. This is the same ground on which Dalit religiosity is operative. Dalit view is that the divine is perceived to be available to the petitioner at any moment of the day or night, in joy or sorrow, either in community celebration or in individual appeal,60 without any preconditions. Maria Arul Raja passionately argues on this point:

Meditation with the Divine in the forms of the institution of priesthood or of prescription of the purity-pollution regulations related to persons (holy priest vs. Inauspicious widow), language (godly Sanskrit vs. common parlance), food (vegetarianism vs. non-vegetarianism), clothing (specific attire for prayer vs. soiled dhoti for work), order in worship or gifts for the deity, is not the primary obsession with Dalit religious discourse. ii

The God of lamenter in the Psalms and the goddesses/god of Dalits are therefore the Gods of justice and equality and their politics is seen in their sustained and unconditional participation in the struggles of their people. Brueggemann makes the same point on Psalms of lament:

Cultically we may assume that such speech (the lament) is taken seriously by God. Such a speech pattern and social usage keep all power relations under review and capable of redefinition.62

In Psalms we see the prayer of Psalmist as an authentic and realistic prayer that seems to be an open-ended one without any realistic end. This is precisely the form of politics of God that is evident in the Psalms and they hope at last. The words of Richard Bauckham opines the same when he comments on Psalm 10;

God is at once the source of impatience for justice and freedom, rage against injustice, perplexity at its continuance, comfort in extremity, strength to continue hoping . . . . even in his absence (God), and, in being addressed, is found to be near.63 (This is the political act that the God of Psalmists and the God of Dalits are involved in.)

5.3 ‘Violence’ and Protest as a means of Determination and Defense:

There is certain justification to talk about the issues of violence and protest which in the heart of the Psalms of Lament. In fact, in the evocative and perceptive language of the Psalmist, the expression of ‘violence’ and protest surface clearly.

In Psalm 109 (vv. 6-19), one may find the issue of violence in the sense of Psalmists desire for vengeance, that is, the punishment should fit the crime (in the sense of lex talionis). The Psalmist had been victimized. It is natural, however, that when persons become victims, they are bound to react with rage. In other words, the Psalmist demands justice because he is treated unjustly (the word "tried" in v.7 could be translated "brought to justice." It implies in a sense, "what we thought a poisonous yearning for vengeance sounds more like a just claim submitted to the real judge."64 This is also a healthy demand for justice of the one who has been victimized. However, it is in a sense also non-violence, the Psalmist here seems to have honoured God’s claim: "Vengeance is mine" (Deut. 32:35; Ps. 94). J. Clinton McCann Jr. observes:

This vehement, violent-sounding prayer is, in fact, an act of non-violence. Psalm 109 suggests that evil, injustice and oppression must be confronted, opposed, hated because God hates them (Ps. 82). The Psalmist affirms that God’s steadfast love means judgment upon victimizers for the sake of the victims -- the poor find the needy. Psalm 109 thus teaches us who God is, what God wills and does, and what would have us do. To be instructed by Psalm 109 is to take our stand with God, which means we shall stand with the poor and the needy as well (see v. 3l) 65

Protest is yet another major dimension of the evocative language used by the Psalmist in laments. Although it cannot be classified as an independent literary genre, it is well within the framework of the theology of laments. This protest language has its contextual backing in the post-exilic socio-economic horizons. The evocative language as protest is an outcome of their socio-economic oppression. N.K. Gottwald explains the context of such a protest. He writes:

The accused and beleagured sufferer has been charged with crimes and cruelly slandered in order to deprive him of rights, means of subsistence, good standing in the community, and even of health and freedom of movement. These accusations and deprivations are carried out by fellow Israelites who are in a superior social position and wield their power to get what they want. "Rich" and "wicked" are often spoken of in the same breath. The oppressors spill innocent blood in their greed for grain, seize the poor in village ambushes, speak deceitfully and bring false testimony, bribe judges shamelessly, all the while trusting and boasting in their wealth and virtue while they scorn and mock the sufferer.66

The pauperization of the poor, mocking at the poor for their plight are strongly expressed in the laments. As a reaction, the language of lament carries the ingredients of violence and protest in its evocative expressions. These expressions are not only against God but also are directed against: "wicked", "tormentors". Moreover, these expressions are indicators to understand Psalmists way of determination and defense (in the sense of claiming their rightful place in the community).

Speaking on the violence meted out to the Dalits, we see a clear reflection of Psalmists language on the Dalit issues of violence and protest. Speaking on the same issue M.C. Raj talks about the culture of violence imposed on the Dalits in India by giving the following facts:

The Right to life and dignity: During these fifty years of survival after independence from colonial powers the Dalit situation has not improved. It has in fact become worse which is borne out by the fact that every hour 2 Dalits are assaulted; every day 3 Dalit women are raped; every hour 2 Dalits are murdered, every day 2 Dalit houses are burnt down.67

The violence meted out to Dalits bespeaks their dehumanized state of living in India. Dalits have hope in their god/goddesses who primarily "do not function as a means to subdue a section of society; they are not designed to exploit a section within the community; they function to create a common cultural ethic, one that energizes the masses so that they can engage in productive activity."68

Like the biblical Psalmists, Dalits, in spite of the violence meted out to them, which is felt by them in a perceptive way, do not take aggressive measures to deal with it unless they are dragged into the cycle of violence deliberately. Thus Maria Arul Raja comments:

Aggression, conquest, domination and colonial occupation do not seem to be the mainline categories of the Dalit cultural realm. Even the whole spectrum of historical decline of Dalit autonomy and assertiveness in the socio-cultural realm could be attributed to this factor that the Dalits by nature are not inclined to be a warring people to lord it over the ‘other’.69

The protest and ‘violence’ (in the sense of resistance) carried out by Dalits is to usher an alternative vision for equality and fraternity. To usher the casteless society, just social order and egalitarian society are some of the goals of protest elements. It is also a protest against dehumanizing poverty, social ostracism and to establish human dignity. All this language of protest and ‘violence’ is only a means to the end of determination and defence. The Dalits as well as the Psalmists affirm their determination in the community life that they are the people of God and they defend their own identity in order to subvert the ‘trick’ of an enemy and a calculated ‘glitch’ of the oppressor against their very survival. The language of protest expressed in the Psalms of lament: and its dynamic evocative interplay between the text and context is the clear will of God expressed even in the Dalit Liberative hermeneutics. Thus Walter Brueggemann affirms concerning the laments:

Any talk of the will of God doesn’t lead to life for the community here and now is idolatry. Anything which creates life for the community, no matter what its source, (protest language may be violent in expression) is the will of God.70

5.4 Rejection, Affliction and Resilience:

Rejection and Resilience motifs are dominant in both Biblical and Dalit world-views. Psalmist feel a time of utter rejection due to their experience of affliction. This comes out in a powerful evocative and emotional expression. However, after a period of dissonance the Psalmists as well as the Dalits move into the realm of resilience, at times even look for ‘retaliation’. Brueggemann writes:

That experience of radical dissonance is what is presented to us in the laments. They are speeches of surprised dismay and disappointment, for the speaker never expected this to happen to him or her. They are fresh utterances, sharp ejaculations by people . . . they are the shrill speeches of those who suddenly discover that they are trapped and the water is rising and the sun may not come up tomorrow in all its benevolence. And we are betrayed.71

The Hebrew root znch appears quite frequently in the Psalms along with other roots to express the idea for ‘rejection’. Originally this word may have been used in cultic context where people lamented God’s bringing disaster upon them. But later a specific meaning is given in the context of Zacharia (10.6) to contrast God’s former rejection of Israel with their future restoration. It is also used in the context of ‘rejecting’ God’s sanctuary and handing it over to the enemy (Lam. 2:7 cf. 3:17, 31). In the Psalms in particular it appears only among the complaints since God is the grammatical subject in every case.72 (cf. Ps. 44:25 et al. for the use of znch). This verb implies a violent and humiliated treatment given to the lamenter.

In this light we can see Psalm 22. which vividly portrays an evocative expression of the lamenter as a result of rejection and affliction. The "outcry" of the Psalmist here indicates a strong bond of human relationship with God. In fact this "outcry" serves as an important matrix of covenantal relationship between humans and divine. Here the Psalmist explains the physical torment and public humiliation caused to him in an intense and evocative language. Through the proliferation of animal imagery (worms - v.7; bulls - v.13; lions - v. 14; dogs - v.17 and oxen - v. 17) the Psalmist portrays a total collapse of his religious and social worlds in a dehumanized manner. The positive expectations of the Psalmist are totally inverted and subverted. Consequently the Psalmist goes to the extent of charging God as his ‘enemy’: who is responsible for this alienation and rejection. This is clearly expressed in v.15: "You lay me in the dust of death". From this extremities of pain, suffering, affliction, rejection and even nearness of ‘death’ the Psalmist suddenly turns to talk an entirely different language as if he is in intersection with God’s world of hope and salvation. The language of laments transformed into the language of celebration and hope.

Ellen F. Davis using Paul Ricoeur’s expression of resymbolization method comments on the change of mode from lament to celebration in Psalm 22:

Psalm 22 is an individual lament whose theme is praise. The Psalms subject is the possibility, efficacy and necessity of giving praise to God in extremis . . . (in the second section of the Psalm, vv. 19-31, the Psalm moves): toward creation of a symbolic order capable of encompassing the vastly expanded territory of the Psalmist’s experience.73 (this Davis calls resymbolization process).

This process of ‘resymbolization’ or even ‘redescription’ of the reality in any evocative poetic language as in the case of Psalms of Lament, we may attempt to call it the language of resilience. When we observe Psalm 11 we note along with the Psalmist that the "foundations" of morality and social order in this world are thoroughly destroyed. Like the Psalmist, we may raise our question: What can we do? (v. 3). The overwhelming opinion at this point would be to give up. We may try to seek secure places and other comforting zones; but there is no sense even in them. But suddenly (vv. 4-7) the Psalmist felt as if he is awake. From the situation of contest and confrontation, the poet moves to ‘redescribe’ the reality that it is a situation of resilience, that he would be upheld by a righteous God, whose grace we can behold in the midst of the struggle and chaos.74

Speaking on the positive notion of symbols, especially, the drum as an aniconic symbol for Dalit communities, Sathianathan Clarke affirms the liberative dimension of symbolic systems. He writes:

Thus, the drum is introduced as a symbol that gathers up, represents, circulates and interprets the various dimensions of subaltern-based orality.75

In other words, the biblical language of symbolism accentuates and redefines the world of the poet in such a manner that even the language of despair and rejection is turned into a language of resilience and resymbolism. In the words of A. Maria Selvam, this becomes clear:

A Dalit in India is raising his "voice of supplication" through Ps. 140 to Yahweh, the Lord of history to intervene powerfully and exterminate completely the wicked discriminators and exploiters and eventually… the right of the poor will be upheld and the just and upright will enjoy peace, security and God’s intimacy on the basis of universal brother/sisterhood and of God’s mother/ fatherhood.76

The indepth experiences of rejection and affliction prepared Dalits to realize their potential now. Now they realize that their resilient experience should move beyond resilience towards resistance and retaliation (in the sense of resymbolization) so as to establish justice in the Dalit and in general world. M.C. Raj’s passionate expression attests this fact:

Mother Earth is resilient. She has borne all sorts of evil designs by the male man. Dalits share this resilient character of the Earth. We have endured nearly 3,500 years of continuous oppression, marginalization and exploitation. . . . The Dalits have to rise in revolt and retaliate just as Mother Earth does occasionally. She takes her anger out whenever it becomes too much to bear."

5.5 Eschatological Horizons

Psalms in general and in particular has a strong eschatological dimension. In fact, this eschatological character of the Psalms makes them more relevant and appropriate to the contemporary readers and interpreters. The eschatological dimension embedded in the Psalms keeps the hope dimension intact in the midst of hopelessness. It puts God and human relationships along with God’s creation as part and parcel of God’s universal plan for the entire creation including human beings irrespective of their caste, creed and color Perhaps we may even call this the universal dimension of the Psalmists.78

In Psalm 7 we can notice a clear indication of eschatological flavour.79 The Psalmist is hunted down by his enemies for no mistake of his own. To begin with the Psalmist protests to establish his innocence (vv. 3-5) and then appeals to God to act as a judge to vindicate his cause (vv. 6-8). In the end Psalmist trusts in a ‘righteous judge" (vv. 11-13) and concludes by celebrating God’s righteousness (v. 17). The dynamic of mechanical operation of retribution is far beyond the scope of this Psalm. This Psalm as it is situated in its eschatological horizon believes in a God who can finally conquer. That openness, although seen in the present, is still open ended yet to be realized. Ralph da ‘Costa puts the experience of Psalmist clearly:

The absurdity of the injustices of life can only make man affirm the meaninglessness of existence. That one does not destroy the perpetrator of injustice, or the cause of these contradictions of life, could come from various reasons, but ultimately the human mind understands that destruction of the other is no solution to human problems. He therefore, appeals to God to make sense of the situation.80

We live like visionaries through which we anticipate joy in the future. This becomes a present reality even in the midst of distressing situations (Ps. 126). With eager, expectant hope the Psalmist anticipates the time when God will reverses their present plight. The present therefore provides us with the opportunities of hope with celebration and joy. "Discovery of God in darkness -- the experience of the Psalmists -- must at the same time be the gift of hope".81 This repository of hope is also a common ground for us to read Dalit experience. The patient ‘waiting’ for the Lord begins at the moment of greatest despair. H.J. Kraus defines it clearly:

In the Psalms, "to wait" means not giving up, nor growing tired, not surrendering to overwhelming grief, but per -severing expectantly. The distinctive feature is the certainty that the eyes of the Lord are upon those who "hope in his steadfast love" (Ps. 33:18) . . . "waiting" is not a silent expectation that there will be a turn for the better, but involves calling and crying out, being constantly on the look out.82

Dalit communities constantly look for a God who suffers with them (not in passive sense) and that God is grounding hope of their present distress and affliction which will eventually turn their suffering into celebration with full hope and joy. For Dalits, liberation is the ultimate goal of life. Liberation from all kinds of oppression, to put it in the words of Ambedkar; liberty, equality, justice and fraternity. This liberation is not only present within the history, but it moves beyond history. The words of James Cone, although addressed to the black people are relevant to Dalit situation:

But if the oppressed, while living in history, can nonetheless see beyond it, if they can visualize an Eschatological future beyond history of their humiliation, then "the sigh of the oppressed". . . . can become a cry of a revolution against the established order. It is this revolutionary cry that is granted in the resurrection of Jesus.83

In other words, the Dalits are not for ‘other-worldly’ futuristic eschatology. Rather Dalits look for a future defined by God, not by human oppressors who may deny the quality of life to Dalits under the guise of future deliverance.84

Dalit communities also seek to appropriate the meaning and message of symbol of life for creative, constructive engagement of celebration in concrete situations. Maria Arul Raja defines this lucidly:

In spite of the denial of human dignity on a par with the co-humans and thus divided and defaced, the Dalits refuse to be intimidated by the high-handed measures of the repression of the caste hierarchy. The rhythmic beauty and the aesthetic expression built into the Dalit consciousness are spontaneously and creatively at play, even within a limited space. The eloquent expressions of the celebration of life to the maximum - with noise, illumination and corporate activities in open space - even with limited availability of minimum resources, are commonly witnessed in the lives of the Dalits.85

The celebration as an eschatological dimension of the Psalms affirms a simple yet profound truth. The whole cosmos and all its people, creatures and things belong to God. This is political, socio-economic and ecological dimension within the eschatological horizon of the Psalmists. When life and its sources are negated to Dalit communities, their song of celebration will be very much like this:

We shall awaken the cell system of as many people as possible to dignity, liberty, equality, resilience, hospitality, fraternity, celebration of life by consciously and actively communicating our feeling and thought waves.86

6. Conclusion

We began our enquiry by identifying the rich and potential grounds for Dalit liberative hermeneutics by substantiating its vitality and vibrancy. We have identified the biblical Psalms of Lament as a fertile field to plant the seeds of Dalit hermeneutical construction. We have consistently argued for the possible resonance between the Biblical and Dalit worlds of religiosity and faith. We shall now conclude this study by making three succinct observations.

First: Dalit-liberative hermeneutics is scientific and praxis-oriented, very much suitable to ‘feet-on-the-ground’ theological and biblical discourse.

Second: The Psalms of Lament with its evocative and emotional expressions serve as a medium through which liberative-praxis-oriented faith experience is construed and constructed. In the midst of consternation, the faith of the Psalmist is tested and refined in a way that would open up new vistas for a meaningful moving forward in his/her faith journey. In a similar fashion Dalits find Bible (laments) as a matrix of their liberation maxim that would enhance and empower them in their struggle towards achieving a status of full humanity.

Third, Dalit communities will immensely benefit from the Psalms of lament in their anticipation towards an eschatological community of hope, joy and celebration to regain their lost dignity, identity, liberation and above all their due place in God’s creation.

 

End Notes

1. According to 1991 census, in the total population of 846 million in India, Dalits (excluding non-Hindu religions): 138 million; Dal its (including all non-Hindu religions -- conservative estimation): 150 million: Christians (all castes and denominations): 22 millions; Dalit Christians: 15 million. For other details cf. A. Maria Arul Raja, "A Dialogue Between Dalits and Bible: Certain Indicators for Interpretation". Journal of Dharma XXIV:l (1999). p. 41; cf. Jose Kananaikel, Christians of Scheduled Caste Origin (Delhi: Indian Social Institute, 1986), p. 1.

2. Sir Monier Williams. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1976)- Reprint, 1988. Cf. Eleasor Zelliot, From Untouchables to Dalit: Essays on Ambedkar Movement (New Delhi: Manohar. 1992), pp. 267-271. For an important connection between the Sanskrit root dal and other ancient language roots like Hebrew and Akkadian see James Massey, Towards Dalit Hermeneutics: Re-reading the text, the History and the Literature (New Delhi: ISPCK, 1994), pp. 1-6. Massey argues: "The Hebrew root dall and Sanskrit root dal, which resemble, born in sense (idea) and sound through the Akkadian relationship with dalulu, have their roots prior to both present classical Sanskrit and Hebrew. There is a real possibility of ‘Dalit’ or daluth belonging either to the language used by the people of Babylonia or the people of the Indus Civilization". (p. 3). It is also clear from the Hebrew root dll which is translated as: hang, below; in Qal: below, brought low and in Niphal: be brought low, laid low. As an adjective dal also means: weak, poor, thin, used in the context of reduced to be weak and helpless. See: F. Brown, S.R. Driver and C.A. Briggs, The Hebrew and English Lexicon (Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Pub. 1906) reprint, 1999. p. 195.

3. Human Broken People: Caste Violence Against India’s "Untouchables" (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1999), pp. 1-2. Also see Godwin Shiri, "The Wide Prevalence of Traditional Occupations Among Christian Dalits As Sign of Continued Oppression", Religion and Society 42 (1995), pp. 22-37. Shiri argues that the Christian Dalits are twice-alienated community in comparison with the plight and problems faced by Dalits in general.

4. M.E. Prabhakar, "The Search for a Dalit Theology" in A Reader in Dalit Theology (Madras: Gurukul, 1992), p. 43. The Problems faced by Dalits are already well identified, argued and defined, the details are readily available in several Dalits concerned literature. It is beyond the scope of this paper to list out all such details.

5. Several monographs and articles have appeared since a decade. It is not possible to mention all the works here except few important ones. V. Devasahayam, Outside the Camp: Biblical Studies in Perspective, (Madras: Gurukul. 1994): Ibid., Frontiers of Dalit Theology (Madras: Gurukul, 1996), pp. 6-75: Ibid. Dalits and Women: Quest for Humanity. (Chennai Gurukul Summer Institute, 1992): George Koonthanam, "Yahweh the Defender of the Dalits: A Reflection on Isaiah 3.12-15", Jeevadhara XXII: 128 (1992), pp.112-123; A Maria Selvam, "The Cry of the Dalits: An Interpretation of Psalm 140". Jeevadhara XXII: 128 (1992), pp. 124-139; George Soares-Prabhu, ‘The Table Fellowship of Jesus: Its Significance for Dalit Christians in India Today", Jeevadhara XXII: 128 (1992). pp. 140-159: A. Maria Arul Raja. "Authority of Jesus: A Dalit Reading of Mark 11:27". Jeevadhara XXV: 145 (1995),pp. 123-128; Ibid., "Towards a Dalit Reading of the Bible: Some Hermeneutical Reflection", Jeevadhara XXV: 151. (1996), pp. 29-34: Ibid., "Some Reflections on a Dalit Reading of the Bible". Indian Theological Studies XXXIII:3 (1996), pp. 249-259: Ibid., "Exorcism and Dalit Self-affirmation". VJTR 60 (1966), pp.843-851: Ibid., "Reading Bible From a Dalit Location: Some Points for Interpretation", Voices From the Third World, XXIII: I, (2000), pp. 71-91; George Kanairkath. ‘A Dalit Reading of the Prophetic Writings" in Indian Interpretation of the Bible, ed.. Augustine Thottakara. (Bangalore: Dharmaram, 2000) pp. 231-251; J. Susaimanickam, "An Indian Problem of Evil: The Caste System. A Dalit Reading of the Book of Job", Indian Interpretation of the Bible, (2000). pp. 181-200; Ibid., "Dalit Hermeneutics: A Proposal For Reading the Bible", Vaiharai 5:3,4 (2000), pp.3-24: Ibid., "Protest: The Language of Prophecy", Journal of Dharma XXVI:3 (2001), pp. 311-335: M. Gnanavaram, Dalit Theology and the Parable of the Good Samaritan". JSNT50 (1993), pp. 59-83: Ibid., "Hermeneutical Issues in Dalit Theology", AJTR xi:l, 2 (1998), pp. 118-129; Felix Wilfred, "Towards a Subaltern Hermeneutics: Beyond the Contemporary Polarities in the Interpretation of Religious Traditions", Jeevadhara XXV: 151 (1996), pp. 45-62; Dhyanchand Carr, "A Biblical Basis for Dalit Theology", in Indigenous People: Dalits, ed. James Massey, (Delhi: ISPCK, 1994), pp. 231-249; Sathianathan Clarke, "Viewing the Bible through the Eyes-Ears of Subalterns in India", An unpublished draft copy (Bangalore: UTC, 2001), pp. 1-22.

6. J. Servio C’roatto, Exodus: A Hermeneutics of Freedom, (New York: Orbis, 1981): A. Maria Arul Raja, "A Dialogue Between Dalits and Bible", pp. 40-50. The point made by these authors is that the Paradigms like Exodus, Prophetic Proclamations against Israel and other nations have a common concern of both biblical exclusivistic and inclusivistic tendencies, very much subjected to the kind of interpretation that comes from the interpreter. The themes of election, Zion, land, people, aliens. conquest may seemingly do a damage to the inclusivistic tendencies of biblical religion. The exclusivistic interpretation subverts the relevance of biblical text to the marginalized communities. However, going beyond this kind of lopsided views of interpretation it is possible if we think in terms of God’s extermination or the guilt, solely on the basis of other nations’ behavior towards the oppressed and marginalized communities. This yardstick is applied not only to other nations (Philistines, Ammorites, Edomites, Moabities, Ammonites, Tyrians and others) but equally it is applied to Israel (Judah), the chosen nation of God. This kind of interpretation has liberation potential to any community that is oppressed and unjustly treated. See Hans Walter Wolff, Joel and Amos (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977), pp. 112-173; "Compassion for the oppressed is that which determines the destiny of both the People of God and the nations in general". (p. 173).

7. A. Maria Arul Raja, "Assertion of the Periphery". pp. 25-35.

8. M. Gnanavaram "Hermeneutical Issues", p. 122: Gnanavaram argues that. ". . . . An Indian Christian (Dalit) interpreter is to interpret the Word of God, so as to lead people to hope and work for a new humanity whose hallmarks are Christian love, equality and justice if these socio-economic expects form the historical determinants of our hermeneutical criteria, then we need to re-read the texts only in and out of this context" – see M. Gnanavaram. "Dalit Theology and the Parable of Good Samaritan", p. 65. For similar view see Jose M. Bonino Doing Theology in a Revolutionary Context. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1975), p.88f.

9. For a more detailed discussion on this point see. George Kaniarakath, "A Dalit Reading of the Prophetic Writings", pp. 231-250.

10. By this we mean to say that in a diachronic method the changing interpretation of the Dalit world based on biblical paradigms and vice versa. For a more clear view on this point see A.P. Nirmal’s conception of "Wandering Aramaean" model that has come through the Dalit hermeneutical discourse for more than two decades. In a limited way a synchronic method is used in Dalit hermeneutical discourse to delve into the possible areas of comparison between Dalit Liberative Hermeneutics with other liberation struggles in Latin America and African contexts and even in the light of other tribal, subaltern and marginalized communities in India. However certain amount of methodological exclusivism can be observed in each of these specific studies.

11. Musa W. Dube, "Introduction" in Other Ways of Reading: African Women and the Bible, ed. Musa W. Dube (Atkabta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2001), pp. 1-19. For a similar kind of view, detailed exposition and exegesis on the feminist hermeneutical Perspective, See: Ibid., "Five Husbands at the Well of Living Waters", in A Decade in Solidarity with the Bible, eds. Musini Kanyoro and Nyamburia Njoroge (Geneva: WCC. 1998), pp. 6-26.

12. This will be taken up later in section 5.0 below.

13. A. Maria Arul Raja. "Reading the Bible from a Dalit Location", pp. 77-91.

14. Ibid.

15. R.H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament (New York: Harper & Row, 1948), p. 620 cf. Also Marvin B. Tate, "The Interpretation of the Psalms". Review and Expositor LXXXI :3 (1984), pp. 363-375.

16. There are several attempts at explicating and appropriating the Bible by the so-called high caste Christians. For a detailed survey on this matter see: R.H.S. Boyd. "The Use of the Bible in Indian Christian Theology", Indian Journal of Theology. 22:4 (1974), pp. 141 -62. Other prominent Indian interpreters of Bible include: Robert de Nobili (1577-1656. although not a caste Christian, was in support of Brahminical way of appropriating Christianity and the Bible): Vedarayagam Pillai, H.A. Krishna Pillai. A.J. Appasamy (some of his works are: Christianity as Bhakti Marga. (Madras: CLS. 1921): What is Moksha?: A Study in the Johannine Doctrine of Life’. (Madras CLS. 1931 and his edited work: Temple Bells: Readings from Hindu Religious Literature (Calcutta: Association Press. 1930); Mungarmuri Devadass, Brahmabandhav Upadhyaya. Sadu Sunder Singh (some of his writings are: The Real Pearl. 1921: At the Master’s Feet, 1922; The Real Life, 1927) and many others who interpreted the Bible in the light of Hindu, brahminical philosophical thing. For brief summary of ideas on this issue see. P.A. Sampathkumar, "Current Trends in Indian Biblical Studies". Bible Bhasyam. XXV: 1. (1999) pp. 64-77.

17. R.S. Sugirtharajah. The Bible and the Third World: Precolonial, Colonial and Post -colonial Encounter (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. 2001). p. 231. Personally I encountered several converted Christians from Brahmin caste who interpret Jesus as ‘Sadguru’ , the true Priest, who can only wash away the sins of ‘low caste’ people. They made God in Christ as the ‘Chief of Purity’ and ‘ritualistic ceremonies’ and also view that the salvation to these marginalized ‘low-caste’ and ‘impure’ communities only His grace. Therefore, they ‘converted’ God in Jesus Christ as ‘high-caste’ and brahmin deity’.

18. M. Gnanavaram, "Hermeneutical Issues in Dalit Theology", p. 22. R. S. Sugirtharajah also commenting on the similar lines writes: Dalits see their task as wresting the Bible from brahminical management and its alleged brahminical alliance. The Bible’s valency depends upon its ability to espouse dalit causes and, more pertinently, its potentiality to resonate with the dalit mode of thinking", The Bible and the Third World, p. 235.

19. For some discussion on the issue of Dalit-Bahujan Epistomology see Kancha Ilaiah. "Dalitism Vs Brahminism, the Epistemological Conflict in History" in Dalit Identity and Politics. ed. Ghanshyam Shah, (New Delhi: Sage Publications. 2001) pp. 108-128. Ilaiah argues that: "the Dalit-Bahujans have their own theory of knowledge which produces and reproduces itself in the day-to-day interaction with Prakruti (nature) -- land, water, air, seeds, trees, animals, birds, and so on. . . Dalit-Bahujan epistemology is constructed around materialism and the Brahmanical epistemology is constructed around supernatural forces or idealism" (pp. 110-11). In order to counter this idealism of Brahmanic epistemology as a counter epistemology Dalit Liberation struggle emphasizes the materiality of the reality of the people, who are subjected, and such oppressors are challenged.

20. A. Maria Arul Raja, "A Dialogue Between Dalits and the Bible", p. 44. Kancha Ilaiah has demonstrated clearly how Dalit Bahujan espistemology is unique as against the system of knowledge of Brahminism. For details see: Kancha Ilaiah, "Dalitism Vs Brahminism: The Epistemological Conflict in History" in Dalits and Peasants: The Emerging Caste-class Dynamics, ed. Ashish Ghosh (Delhi: Gyansagar Pub. 1999), pp. 18-41.

21. Lenardo Boff. Faith on Edge (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1989). pp. 19, III: Also M. Gnanavaram. "Dalit Theology and the Parable of Good Samaritan". p. 60, and A.C. Thiselton, The Two Horizons (Exeter; Paternoster, 1980). Thiselton is of the view that, the horizon of the Past and the horizon of the Present are inevitably interconnected. In the first case, for instance. the experience of the salvation of the community in Jesus Christ is of paramount importance. In that light we need to interpret the signs of the present time in order to incarnate that faith in the horizon of past and to accomplish the liberation of the present. This being the case, the role of biblical interpretation is to make biblical writing relevant to the life of the community in each epoch.

22. J.L. Segundo. The Liberation of Theology Trans. By John Drury (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1976), p. 8.

23. M. Gnanavaram, "Dalit Theology and the Parable of Good Samaritan", p. 62. It should be noted at this point that this dialectic way understanding of moving from the text to the context (and vice versa) need not bother us too much in today’s context of biblical interpretation, when it has already moved from author-centered historical-critical methods to the text-centered literary critical methods, and new towards the reader-oriented hermeneutical (re) readings. For more details on this point see: G.A. Yee. "The Author/Text/Reader and Power: Suggestions for a critical framework for Biblical Studies" in Reading From This Place, eds. P.R Segovia and M.A. Tolbert, (Minneapolis: Fortress. 1995), pp. 109-110.

24. George Aichale and Gary A. Phillips, "Introduction: Exegesis, Eisages. Intergesis", Semeia 69/70 (Society of Biblical Literature. 1995), p. 15. See for more details on the issues related to Dalit Martyrs in the History of Christianity, Franklyn J. Balasundaram (ed.) Martyrs in the History of Christianity (Delhi : ISPCK, 1997).

25. Kwok Pui-lan, Discovering Bible in Non-Biblical World (New York: Orbis. 1995), p. 12 and also A. Maria Arul Raja, "Reading the Bible From a Dalit Location", pp. 87-88 and 91.

26. Sathianathan Clarke, "Viewing the Bible Through the Eyes-Ears of Subalterns in India", p. 18, for similar view see: Felix Wilfred, Asian Dreams and Christian Hope. (Delhi: ISPCK, 2000), pp. 266-268.

27. There can be several Biblical domains for our critical and constructive engagement of Dalit-liberative hermeneutics with Biblical World. Some of the relevant studies conducted in this regard include: Exodus narratives, Prophetic texts. Wisdom literature (especially Job), several texts in Synoptic, Johannine and Pauline versions. For specific details on some of the seminal works in this regard see note 5 above.

28. Some of the prominent works in this direction are: Douglas Knight, "The Understanding of Sitz im leben in Form Criticism", SBL Seminar Papers 1 (1974), pp. 105-125: Martin Buss, "The Idea of Sitz im leben -- History and Critique", ZAW 90 (1978), pp. 137-70: Rolf Knierim, "Old Testament Form Criticism Reconsidered", Interpretation, 27 (1973), pp. 449-68; Martin J. Buss., "The Study of Forms" in Old Testament Form Criticism ed., John H. Hayes, Trinity University Monograph series in Religion, 2 (San Antonio. TX: Trinity University Press, 1974), pp. 1-56, Erhard Gerstenberger, "Psalms", in Old Testament Form Criticism, pp. 179-223 and others.

29. Hermann Gunkel, The Psalms: A Form Critical Introduction Trans. by Thomas H., Homer (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1967), pp. 13-15. Gurukul identified different Gattung (genre) in the literary units of the Psalter. He classified the Psalms into four major categories and a mixed type. They are: The hymn, the community lament, the community thanksgiving and individual lament. He further classifies other Psalms as mixed categories. Gunkel also gave enough space to deal with Royal Psalms as a separate category.

30. James L. Crenshaw, The Psalms: A Form Critical Introduction (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2001), p. 82.

31. Sigmund Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel’s Worship Vol.1, Trans. by D.R. Ap. Thomas, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1962), pp. 106-129.

32. Followed by this Proposal of Sigmund Mowinckel, some scholars proposed different setting for this kind of celebration. Few are in order: Artur Weirer; the covenant renewal festival of autumn season may be the proper setting of the Psalter. See his The Psalms OT Library (London: SCM Press, 1962): Hans-Joachim Kraus: The royal Zion festival celebrating the foundation of Davidic dynasty and the divine choice of mount Zion. See his work: Psalms 1-59 Trans. by Hilton C. Oswald (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1988): A. A. Anderson: He is of the opinion that we should over-emphasize one over the other. It is likely that all these three pilgrimage festivals are in the background of the Psalms. See his contribution, in The Book of Psalms New Century Bible Vol. I. (London: Oliphants, 1972).

33. Claus Westermann. Praise and Lament in the Psalms (Atlanta: John Knox, 1981); Ibid., "Role of Lament in the Theology of the Old Testament", Interpretation, XXXIII: 1 (1974), pp. 20-39.

34. Walter Brueggemann, The Message of the Psalms (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984), p. 52: Ibid., The Psalms and the Life of Faith ed. Patrick D. Miller (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995). In his classification of the entire Psalms based on their function Brueggemann proposes that they are: Psalms of Orientation (may be descriptive hymns), Psalms of disorientation (laments) and Psalms of New (re) orientation (Thanksgiving Psalms, celebration Songs). He further notes that "Human experience. . . . Moves in a Painful way from orientation to disorientation and in a surprising way from disorientation to reorientation", see The Psalms and the Life of Faith, p. 30.

35. Craig C. Broyles, The Conflict of Faith and Experience in the Psalms: A Form -- Critical and Theological Study (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1989), pp. 61-78.

36. Erhard S. Gerstenberger, Psalms Part I: With an Introduction to Cultic Poetry, FOTL.14 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984), p. 14.

37. Rainer Albertz, Weltschopfung und Menschenschopfung. Calwer Theologische Monographien 3 (Stuttgart: Calwer, 1974). pp. 171-172 cited in Walter Brueggemann, The Psalms and the Life of Faith, pp. 85-86. Brueggemann comments that: "the movement towards smaller unit reflects a general shift in Old Testament studies away from the hegemony of the Jerusalem-covenant renewal hypothesis".

38. It should be stated that we derive these observations on general understanding of the sitz im leben. However, there are complex issues and problems involved in several proposals made by scholars (apart from the one we discussed) which need a thorough treatment. It is beyond the scope of this paper to do that.

39. The Psalms of Lament as we noted earlier in our discussion are divided into two major types. While there are other sub-divisions and names proposed in this categories along with variety of suggestions for classification of individual number of Psalms. Without venturing into the complexities of the problem we shall propose to include the following list of Psalms. First Psalms of Lament of Community: 44, 74, 79, 80, 60, 124, 137, 144: Second: Psalms of Lament of Individual: 3, 5, 6, 7, 17, 22, 25-28, 35, 39, 41-43, 51, 54, 57, 59, 61, 63, 64, 69, 71, 86, 88, 102, 130, 140, 141, 143 also 32, 38, 11.

40. Claus Westermann thinks that generally there are two kinds of laments: the lament of the afflicted amid the lament of the dead. The former looks forward for future deliverance and the latter looks backward to mourn. See. "The Role of the Lament in the Theology of the Old Testament", pp. 20-39.

41. Page H. Kelly, "Prayer’s of Troubled Saints". Review and Expositor LXXXI: 3 (1984), pp. 377-383. Kelly argues that in, spite of the fact that Israelites pray to God for recompense and vengeance, were never accompanied by acts of violence against one’s enemies. On the contrary, such prayers were a renunciation of the principle of retaliation and a recognition that the authority to avenge wrongs vested only with their God. This is found in God’s affirmation: "vengeance is mine’’ (cf. Deut.32:25:Ps.94:1; Isa.63:4: Rom. 12:19; Heb. 10:30).This idea leads us to think that Psalms in particular never spelt out clearly the idea of retributive justice; moreover, it is not so mechanical in operation (unlike Deuteronomistic theology). Instead, there is a simple protest in the Psalms, especially in the book of Job, that any mechanistic doctrine of retribution that prosperous have earned God’s favor and suffering God’s wrath is heavily contested (cf. Job 11: P2-6; 22:4-11 and 42:7) and Psalm 38. See the Reflection, on Psalms 38 on this idea in J. Clinton McCann Jr. "The Book of Psalms" in New Interpreters Bible Vol. IV (Nashville: Abingdon. 1996). p. 835.

42. In fact this appropriation of biblical texts for Dalit liberative hermeneutics is inevitable and indispensable for a positive reconstruction of and interlacing between Biblical and Dalit worlds. This approach also serves as an interlocuter to impinge upon the continued dialogue between the two convergent worlds of our interpretation (Dalit and Biblical). For more details on this point see: A. Mania Arul Raja, ‘Reading the Bible from a Dalit Location". pp. 79-81.

43. Patrick D. Miller, Interpreting the Psalms (Philadelphia: Fortress. 1986), pp.8,48-52. Also see J. Clinton McCann Jr., "Psalms". New Interpreters Bible Vol. IV, p. 646. McCann argues that: "the really pertinent questions in approaching laments are not, what was wrong with the Psalmist? Who were her or his enemies? Rather, the crucial interpretative questions are these: What is wrong with us? Who or what are our enemies? This approach opens the way for an explicitly theological as well as historical understanding of the laments of an individual".

44. Walter Brueggemann. The Psalms and the Life of Faith, pp. 101-102.

45. Norman K. Gottwald, The Hebrew Bible: A Socio-Literary Introduction, (Philadelphia: Fortress Press. 1985), p.539.

46. Murray Joseph Haar. The God-Israel Relationship in the Community Lament Psalms, Ph.D. Dissertation (Richmond: Union Theological Seminary, 1985), pp.92-93 cited in Walter C. Bouzard Jr., We hare Heard with our Ears, O God, SBL Dissertation series, 159 (Atlanta: Scholars Press. 1997), M.H. Haar rightly opines that (p.144): "The Primary goal of community lament prayers appears to move Yahweh to act on Israel’s behalf commensurate with his relationship to his people. God is not so much asked to forgive or pardon Israel. . . . Rather he is urged to recognize that his relationship to Israel is greater than any sin that might have been committed. . . . The critical issue was not the forgiveness of sins but rather the fidelity of Yahweh to his people even, in the midst of sin."

47. Walter Brueggemann, The Psalms and the Life of Faith. pp. 87-88.

48. Claus Westermann. Praise and Lament in the Psalms, (Atlanta: John Knox, 1981), pp. 270-27 I.

49. W. Brueggemann, The Psalms and the Life of Faith. pp. 27-28. For some of the ideas mentioned here I am indebted to Walter Brueggemann. who, using Paul Ricoeur and others proposed this hermeneutics of "representation". It is beyond the scope of this paper to go into the details of these works.

50. Hans-Joachim Kraus. Theology of the Psalms Trans. By Keith Crim (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1986). pp. 165-166. Kraus argues that : "If death cuts a person off definitively from God, the condition of ‘relative death’ leads to the unknowable path of suffering that results from being forsaken by God (Ps. 22:1)".

51. C.S. Song, Jesus the Crucified People, (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1996). p. 101f.

52. Samuel Amirtham, "To be near to and far away from Yahweh: The Witness of Individual Psalms of Lament to the Concept of the Presence of God". BTF Vol. II (1968), pp. 31-55.

53. Some of the deities (local goddesses) in this line can be mentioned: Angalamma, Kuththandevar Kangaiamma. (mother of Ganges). Ellaiyamman etc. in Tamilnadu; Karaga from Karnataka, Pothuraju, Poleramma, Kali (different manifestations) and so on from Andhra Pradesh.

54. A. Maria Arul Raja. "Dialogue Between Dalits and Bible". p.47. We may argue that this vulnerability of Dalit people should not be underestimated as a sign of their weakness and helplessness, rather Dalit religion mainly concentrates an morality which means compassion, caring for one’s fellow human being and for the natural world, feeling a sense of responsibility and actively committed to the well-being of the world. This is similar to Ambedkar’s Buddha Dhmamma. For details on this point see Timothy Fitzgerald, "Ambedkar, Buddhism and the Concept of Religion" in Dalits in Modern India: Visions and Values, ed.: S.M. Michael, (New Delhi; Vistar Publications, 1999). pp. 118-134.

55. M.C. Raj, Dalitology The Book of the Dalit People, (Tumkur: Ambedkar Resource Centre, 2001), pp. 77-78.

56. J. Clinton McCann, "The Psalms", New Interpreters Bible, Vol. IV, pp. 705-706.

57. Walter Brueggemann, The Message of Psalms, p. 74 and Cf. J.L. Mays, Psalms, (Louisville: John Knox, 1994), p. 262.

58. Sathianathan Clarke. Dalits and Christianity: Subaltern Religion and Liberation Theology in India, (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 72.

59. A. Maria Arul Raja, "A Dialogue Between", p. 46.

60. Sathianathan Clarke, Dalits and Christianity, pp. 71-90. Clarke concisely presents the five kinds of goddesses (the chosen deity, household deity, lineage deity, the hamlet deity and the village deity) who take part in all different occasions of joy, sorrow, celebration, prayer and petition of the worshipper.

61. A. Maria Arul Raja, "A Dialogue Between", p. 45. See also James Theophilius Appavoo. "Dalit Religion" in Indigenous People.’ Dalits ed., James Massey, pp. 111-12 I. Appavoonlotices how Dalit religion is liberative and professes equality as against Sanskrit-Hindu religion which professes inequality. He writes:"The Dalit religion is a religion of equality. There is no priest-class or caste in this religion. In most of the places, the priestly office is rotated. Women are treated equally, they are allowed to do priestly work. In fact, they have precedence over men In some rituals. In Sanskrit religion,.. there is no equality. Women are to be treated as properties... The offerings are not shared equally among the worshippers". (p. 120).

62. Walter Brueggemann, The PsaI,ns and the Life of Faitlm, pp. 101-102.

63. Richard Bauckham, The Bible in Politics: How to Read the Bible Politically. (London: SPCK, 1989), p. 60.

64. Walter Brueggemann. "Psalm 109: Three times ‘Steadfast Love"’, Word and World. 5 (1985), p. 154.

65. J. Clinton McCann Jr., "Psalms", pp. 1127-1128.

66. Norman K. Gottwald. The Hebrew Bible, p. 539. Although some of the issues raised by Gottwald are mainly related to the pre-exilic situation, they certainly have bearing on the post-exilic community (cf. Neh. 5).

67. M.C. Raj, Dalitology, p. 759. There are several instances of violence reported throughout India, almost everyday against Dalit communities. For some of the recent reports on Dalit violence see, Mohan P. Larbeer. "In the Name of Reconciliation: A Dalit Perspective", in Peace At Hand: A Handbook of Bible Studies and Essays, (Chennai: CLS Synod, 2002), pp. 147-167.

68. Kancha Ilaiah, Why I am not a Hindu: A Sudra Critique of Hindu Philosophy Culture and Political Economy (Calcutta: Samya, 1996), p.91. Sec also Sathianathan Clarke’s Dalits and Christianity, p. 122. Clarke, while commenting on the service of Paraioyar goddess to Dalits writes: "She protects them from the colonizing tendency of the caste Hindus by her iconic resistance and provides them with the impetus to continually refigure their own framework of religio-cultural meaning through a process of remytholization.

69. A. Maria Arul Raja, "A Dialogue Between Dalits", p.47. Raja rightly argues that one should not underestimate the culture of silence by Dalits as their weakness. They do have their own way of organized and unorganized protest both in mild or violent retaliation. However, Dalit World, by and large, does not believe in political game of domination through aggression. Rather, they are unwillingly dragged into the spiral of violence initiated by anti-Dalit forces.

70. Walter Brueggemann, In Man We Trust: The Neglected Side of Biblical Faith. (Atlanta: John Knox Press. 1972), p. 17.

71. Walter Brueggemann, Psalms of Life and Faith. p. 19.

72. Craig C. Broyles, The Conflict of Faith, pp. 67-76. The other verbs employed for the motif of rejection in the Psalms are: ms (deject or despise), n‘r (to abhor or spurn). See Pss. 89:39, 40; Lam. 2:7. One other verb also carry the intense meaning of rejection: Ilk (Pss. 51: 13; 102:11 and also Gen. 21:15; Ezek. 16:5; Jer. 38:6.9) with ns_’ preceeding hslyk in Pss. 102:116. It means a lifting up or a throwing down. Broyles, The Conflict, p. 70. Comments: "This would imply not simply a casting away or rejection, a meaning which is clear from frequent use of this verb in rejection contexts, but also a casting down, in the sense of violent mistreatment.

73. Ellen F. Davis, "Exploding the Limits: Form and Function in Psalm 22" in The Poetic Books: A Sheffield Reader Biblical Seminar 41, ed. D.J.A. Clines (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997), pp. 138, 140-41.

74. J. Clinton McCann Jr.. "Psalms", p. 722.

75. Sathianathan Clarke, Dalits and Christianity, p. 9. Here I would like to state that the orality of biblical reading plays a very creative and constructive role in the process of Dalit interpretation of the Bible. For instance, my mother’s reading of Psalm 22 (an illiterate Christian Dalit woman) is interesting. Her interpretation immediately looked for the appropriation of this Psalm to the suffering of Jesus Christ and cross, although no indication is given in the Psalm itself. This is an indication of fluidity of the text and Dalit reading of it. In her own way of subjective reading of Dalit suffering and as a woman experiencing poverty, her appropriation of the text calls for a strong sense of Dalit.

76. A. Maria Selvam, "The Cry of the Dalits", p. 138.

77. M.C. Raj, Dalitology. p. 187.

78. R. J. Raja, "Lord of the Universe: Lover of Humans (Universalism in the Psalms)", in Indian Interpretation of the Bible, pp. 201-210. We may include some of the key Psalms which have a universal dimension: Pss: 8.22,47,67,87,96, 143 et al.

79. We need to briefly clarify at this point that by eschatological horizon we mean not something related to futurology but hope within the historical helm. God’s purpose being fulfilled within the history. As Walter Brueggmann puts it: "The problem is that even though hope yields victories. history precludes enduring times. Obviously such a split which yields both a historyless hope and a hopeless history is a betrayal of biblical faith It is precisely the wonder and burden of the biblical texts that hope is relentlessly historical and history is cunningly hope-filled." See Walter Brueggmann, Hope Within History (Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1987) p. 3.

80. Ralph da Costa, "Ps. 7: Communicating with God in the Depths", Vaiharai, Vol. 4: 2. 3,4 (1999), p. 166.

81. Richard Bauckham, The Bible in Politics. p.70.

82. H.J. Kraus. Theology of the Psalms. p. 158.

83. James H. Cone, God of the Oppressed. (New York: Seabury Press, 1975) p. 160. For a similar view see John C. B. Webster, Religion and Dalit Liberation. 2nd ed. (New Delhi: Manohar, 2002), pp. 114-116 We may argue that the theology of resurrection is ultimate hope of Christian Dalits to see their eschatological horizon of God working in and through the history as may be the ease with the Psalms of lament

84. This could be one of the reasons why Dalits are more akin towards the apocalyptic tradition of the Bible. Dalit epistemology is enriched with the symbols and imageries which found its closer affinity towards biblical apocalyptic traditions. The reason for such affinity is to find the symbolism of evil, the divine intervention in such ‘evil’ circumstances, dissatisfaction on the present order, the hope of historical consummation in the future age of equality and justice are some of the reasons why Dalits are more attracted to apocalyptic traditions. Dalits hope for a better tomorrow is nurtured by the eschatological horizons articulated in the apocalyptic traditions of the Bible. For more details on this point see: A. Maria Arul Raja, "Some Reflections on a Dalit reading of the Bible", p. 253.

85. A. Maria Arul Raja, "Some Reflections on a Dalit Reading of the Bible", p.255. As a Dalit participant in our village festival in Andhra Pradesh, I, myself have experienced joy and celebration mood in our relatives and other neighbors. Though they live under abject poverty and are subjected to the dehumanizing conditions by the landlords (Reddys and Kammas), during the festival and celebrations time they regain their strength to dance with utter illumination and faith that, at least. they are free to express their celebration quite apart from their suffering or even to forget their suffering for the time being.

86. M.C. Raj, Dalitology p.261.

Liberative Motifs in the Dalit Religion

I. Re ‘member’ing the Faith of our Dalit Forefathers and Mothers

The Assembly of World Council of Churches at Canberra in 1991 has been a landmark in the history of Christian thought for it had initiated a dialogue between Christian theologies and God(dess)-talks of religions of the marginalized of the Third World in seeking to be enriched in our mission of theologizing. Chung Hyung Kyung’s bold and articulate reflection, "Come, Holy Spirit-Break Down the Walls with Wisdom and Compassion" shared at the occasion is a classic example of that trend.1

Gustavo Gutierrez was the earlier one to recognize the indispensability of the utility of religio-cultural resources from the context in the process of theologizing when he proposed in 1983 that "We Drink from Our Own Wells".2

Meanwhile, in 1981, in an innovative paper presented at United Theological College, Bangalore, Arvind P. Nirmal found a point of irreversible departure "Towards a Sudra Theology" which had eventually led him to be the father of dalit theology.3 Nirmal himself used to recall the lores and stories from the Marathi dalit oral tradition and admitted that he has been greatly influenced by them in his understanding of God.

P. Victor Premasagar in his article, "The Gods of Our Fathers - Towards A Theology of Indian Religious and Cultural Heritage",4 has called for a sensitive, critical and inclusive appraisal of dalit religions in the process of our theologizing. He wonders of how capable they were in sustaining for thousands of years the life of the communities that were always under the threat of extinction. Abraham Ayrookuzhiel did study the dalit religiosity but had remained a social scientist and never attempted to allow Christian ‘god-talk’ to dialogue with dalit cultural resources.5 V. Devasahayam in his "Outside the Camp" has made a deliberate attempt to utilize the cultural resources of dalits in interpreting the Biblical texts.6

There is both need and possibility for finding and documenting the rich resources from dalit culture that can help in our theologizing. Hence the paper attempts to find liberative motifs and highlight their utility for the same.

Since the dalit communities are spread all over India except in its North-Eastern region and their culture is richly diverse I restricted my study to the religion and culture of the dalits in Andhra Pradesh.7 And for further clarity and convenience it had been confined to the one prevalent in the second half of Nineteenth century and first half of Twentieth century. Though the period spans for around hundred and fifty years that marked a state of transition and flux because of dalits’ courtship with religions like Islam, Christianity and Buddhism, the study could afford to treat as single ere for the aim of the paper is to only trace out the liberative motifs in dalit religion.

Sources used can be treated as primary if the time of their writing is considered but may be treated otherwise too because of the writers for most of these were written by missionaries or other western observers. The purpose of these writings was certainly not to document the dalit culture but to arouse the generosity of the western world for the missionary work in India and attract their interest to be their partners either by sending or coming.

However, it has to be admitted that it is not impossible to trace out the dalit world-view and value-system of pre-christian8 era by taping the rich heritage preserved in their oral traditions. It should also be pointed Out that the memory-lane of dalits in re’member’ing their cultural values is blurred by the influences of world-view of other religions to which they converted later. But the missionary sources too are jaundiced with their prejudices imported from their ‘Home’. Aware of the influences of editorial motifs and prejudices care has been taken while interpreting the data.

As has been defined by Arvind P. Nirmal, religion, for me, is a ‘symbol-system’ that not only reflects the world-view of the adherent community in talks and rituals but also has a profound influence on the very value-system of the community.9 And since the data consists mostly of observations by others I would pick up cultic practices like festivals and related rituals.

Any reference to the dalits in the paper refers to those who by the virtue of their birth belong outside the caste hierarchy of Hindu society but yet lived at its fringes. Missionary sources have identified them as ‘panchamas"10 or ‘outcasts’. Hindu society had called them ‘avarnas’ 11 , ‘chandalas"2 and ‘lowcastes’. The Congress leaders of 2O~hcentuxy referred to them as ‘Harijans"3 while British administration classified them as ‘Scheduled Castes’. Prominent of these communities were Malas and Madigas while there were others like Baindlas, Jangams, Poturajus, Mashti, Dandems, Bandelas, Sindhollu and dekkali. Mattitolu and Madiga bogam. 14 The latter were numerically not very significant to catch the eye of the missionaries.

II. Dalits in Andhra Pradhesh

Dalits were the original inhabitants of the lands but later were pushed to the fringes of village settlement where they live in hamlet.15 Their huts in the hamlet16 were loosely connected to a narrow path that would guide to the main road of the village but they can not dare walking into the village. Their entry into the Agraharam17 was strictly prohibited. They were not barred from entering the village lest they spread an atmosphere of pollution around them to the distance of seventy-four feet. Their shadow, it was believed, was capable of polluting the whole water of a well. Therefore, they could not come close to the wells used by Hindus. The sound waves from their mouth were considered polluting and they had to cover their mouth with a little pot when they speak with a Hindu. Of course, it was not the same in Twentieth century because both British administration and Nizams’ administration began to employ them as village messengers. The smoke from their pyre was feared to contaminate the village and hence instead of cremation they had buried their dead.18 Pushed to the margins each family lived in their "mud-walled, one-roomed, mud-floored, thatched-roof hut".19

Malas, who were considerable in number, were mostly agricultural workers like Holeyas in the western India. And it has been pointed earlier, some of them were employed village messengers20 and some as watchmen of the village chavadi by the middle of Twentieth century. Malas were also employed to dig graves. Mala women were skilled in basket making.21

There were kin-communities of Malas such as Baindlas, Jangams, Poturajus, Mashti, Mala dasoos and Dandems. Baindlas were priests assisting at dalit festivals and sometimes at sacrifices for the whole village when epidemics like cholera visit the village. They were also experts in the art of ‘black magic’. Jangams were travelling priests begging from Malas and at night they were to keep vigilance at the graveyards. Poturajus22 were another group of priests serving the village spirits both benevolent and malevolent. They also assist the priestess when the sacrifices were offered. Mashtis were travelling acrobats performing their heroics at the outskirts of the villages where caste villagers turn up to watch them. Mala dasoos were another set of priests who reside with Mala settlements. Dandems were agricultural laborers either hired or bought by landlords.23

Madiga community was another major community among the dalits. And Madigas lived by tanning the leather like Chamars in the northern states. They fed on the carrion and Malas too enjoyed this meat. They were skilled in beating drum like pariahs of the southern states. With the leather tanned they stitched shoes, prepared leather accessories for agricultural works. They were allowed in the streets to sweep and to remove the dead animals. They can be better described in the words of Sackett, an Anglican missionary,

"He (Madiga) was a leather worker. He cured skins and made shoes. He also fed upon carrion. No carcass came amiss to him, no matter how it died. The skin for shoes and the flesh for food, was his dictum. . . . Moreover, he was the drummer at festivals ,"24

Madigas too had their kin-communities such as Bandelas, Sindhollu, Madiga dasoos and dekkalis. Bandelas saw themselves as ‘higher’ in the ladder of community hierarchy. It might be because of the influences of ‘sanskritzation’25 that crept into dalit culture. Sources do not give us the clue of their occupation if different from madigas. Sindhollu26 were itinerant dramatists. Madiga dasoos were the counter-parts of Mala dasoos in the Madiga community. Dekkalis or Dekkalolu were professional beggars who traveled from one Madiga settlement to another living at the mercy of Madigas. Mattitolu was another community engaged in begging.27 They were given a cluster of forty to fifty hamlets to go begging. Dekkalis too entitled to the generosity of Madigas. They go to each hamlet and stay there for a short duration and narrate the Madigas the stories concerning their roots. It was through these the oral traditions of the Madiga history were carried on from generation to generation. Women of Madiga bogam community traditionally were professional sex workers assigned to share their fun and pleasure with Madiga men.

III. Kinship of the Nature and the Supernatural in Dalit World-View

Dalit religion could discern the divine in natural28 objects and the presence of supernatural in natural forces. Western writers, whose twin mission was to subjugate other cultures and to mutilate the Nature, had called this world-view as ‘animism’.

For dalits, beneath every object, whether a growing tree or a static stone, there is life supernatural. As symbol of this kinship of nature and the supernatural innate they have deified objects like stones and trees. In every hut or outside every dalit hamlet a stone or a tree had been dedicated as representation of the Deity.

The worship of nature resulted itself in the preservation of the nature. Thus the dalit religion is eco-friendly.

Clarence Clark, in his Talks on an Indian Village, describes this phenomenon to children in the West in following sentences,

". . . there were evil spirits all around him (a dalit) living in trees and streams and large stones, and they would do him a great harm if he is not careful."29

Clarence continues to ‘talk’ on how offerings were made to the ‘special’ stone outside the hamlet smeared with red palnt as follows,

". . . (dalit women) would take a little grain or a few marigolds and put them down in front of this stone, so that the spirit would not be unkind to her. . ."30

About the deity in the hut which usually was a rough wooden image painted with few colors placed in a shelf at the corner of the hut he says,

". . . some rice was put in a bowl in front of her in case she should be hungry, and some times thread for sewing. But strangest thing of all was this -- as well as food and drink and thread, there was a stick in case she needed to be kept in order."31

The symbolism involved with food, thread and stick suggests they believed in God (dess) who can be hungry32 and thirsty,33 God (dess) who is industrious.34 and God (dess) who is vulnerable.35

Dalits behind every natural calamity saw the divine wrath and behind every bounty the divine blessing. Often offerings were made to propitiate the Deity who withholds the rain. Even as construction of canals and dams were shown as the means to water the lands and provide livelihood to dalits during the famine, Victor McCauley, a Lutheran missionary admits that it was also to remove the ‘fear’ or the sense of awe from the minds of people at the nature.36

IV. The Values of Equality in Goddess-Talk of Dalits

The rituals and ceremonies of the dalits mirror the space that women occupied in the society. Dalits had recognized the feminine dimension of the Deity and it is evident in the fact that in most cases Deity manifested Her (Him)self in the form of feminine. They worshipped Goddesses like Mariamma, Yellamma. Kaamma, Morasamma and Matangi. Somalamma and Moosamma. There were also Gods in the dalit pantheon but they only played a secondary role.

And in the list of Goddesses there were many victims whose past was characterized by the experiences of pain and humiliation. Women victims regardless of their caste and creed were not only given shelter but were later deified by dalits.37

Dalit cult had both men and women as priests and priestess to mediate with the Deity and to officiate at the sacrifices. But it was women who had the lead in the cult.

Coyler Sackett, an Anglican missionary, for whom possibility of women-priest was an anathema, describes the attire of dalit priestess.

". . .Mark her bold manner, impudent stare, fine figure, and the roll of matted hair lying as an ensign of her trade upon her proud head. She was given to the service of the gods early in life, and what she does not know of immorality, bestiality, and brazen-faced evil can be learnt. Her body belongs to the God. See her in her mad frenzy as, with hair flung free, she serves the deity, face aflame with ungodly lust . . ."

Madiga priestesses were consecrated for the purpose early in their life and no restriction of propriety was imposed on them throughout their life. They were free to choose their mates but they usually settle with Baindla priests. The role these priestesses play can be illustrated in the narration of P.Y. Luke and John Carman about a ceremony of sacrifice to Goddess of cholera

"A winnowing fan is put on the pot and clay lid on the fan; some oil is poured onto it. and then a wick is put in and lit. A Kolpula woman sits facing this light inside the enclosure, and she stares steadily at the light. All the goddesses were thought to appear to her through that light. Outside the enclosure, the Baindla priests stand and invoke the goddess, beating their special drums. The Kolpula woman goes into trance, closes her eyes, and is taken possession of by one of the goddesses. The people outside break a coconut, kill a chicken and pour a libation of toddy on the ground where the sacrifice takes place. The women’s face is washed with toddy. Before she becomes unconscious she utters the name of the goddess. . In the following rite, the Kolpula woman gets into the platform near the shrine to the goddess Uradamma. A sheep is let loose as an offering to Uradamma, and priestess pierces its stomach with her sword. The entrails, liver, and the lungs are removed. The lungs and liver will be put in the Kolpula woman’s mouth and the intestines around her neck. A new sari and blouse are dipped in the blood of this sheep and then the Kolpula woman put them on. Lime, vermilion, black ash bottlu are put on her whole body, a broken pot on her head. She holds a broomstick in her left hand, a winnowing fan in her right hand, and goes through all the streets of the village, starting from the shrine of Uradamma. Her brother and the Baindla priests follow her, and the Magidas beat drum in front of her."39

Dalits also incorporated some of the Sanskritic heroin into their pantheon and deified them. Goddess Gonti or Gontellamma is dalit version of Sanskritic Kunti. While in Hindu mythologies these women loyally serve their gods, in the dalit interpretation gods serve these deities.

V. Protest: A Dalit Spirituality

To a dalit, protest is lifestyle. There were several ceremonies that reflect the element of protest and some of them were incorporated into the Hindu culture.

Theodore Wilber Elmore in his ‘Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism: A Study of the Local and Village Deities of Southern India’ identifies some of such ceremonies. One of them was associated with the Goddess Matangi40 who was worshipped by Madigas of Kurnool. It was of an annual festival when a Madiga priestess spits at caste people.

"As she rushes about spitting on those who under ordinary circumstances would almost choose death rather than to suffer such pollution from a Madiga, she breaks into wild, exulting songs, telling of the humiliation to which she is subjecting the proud caste people. She also abuses them all thoroughly..."41

Moreover, this ritual has been well integrated into the religious life of Hindus. Though she humiliates them by spitting, it was said, the caste people would eagerly wait for their turn and would not be satisfied "without a full measure of her invective".42

It had also been a custom among dalits to clean their streets with water mixed with turmeric whenever a Brahmin happens to pass by their hamlet. Though it was rare having a Brahmin pass through their hamlet, it was customary to purify the street from his polluting footsteps. It was a form of protest against Brahmins who did the same when dalits walked in the village.

On certain days in a year, especially after the grains were gathered and stored, a couple of dalits were permitted to beg in the village. This procession was called ‘garaga’. A Mala and a Madiga who in ordinary circumstances do not socialize had made the pair to go begging. While the Mala was to collect the grains in a container placed above his head the Madiga joined him to beat the drum. Mala would go each doorstep abusing the family with the filthiest language known to him. The rhythm of the drum heightens the Mala’s fury to abuse them more. And caste people were to reciprocate this gesture politely by giving a winnowful of grain. This indicates the amount of space dalits could make for themselves in Hindu religion to express their protest.

There was another similar ritual when dalit men loot the grains after the harvest reaches its store during the previous night of a festival. Landlords were to allow the group. That was the reason why missionary reports to had made several references to dalits as ‘thieving’ communities.43 It was a token reclaiming of the produce for which dalits labored.

Moreover, there were other sanskritized dalit practices in which dalits could claim their share in the harvest. Every landlord was to offer a sacrifice of cock right after the reaping of the harvest and before the sheaves were gathered. It was a dalit priest’s prerogative to officiate the ceremony. He was to spill the blood of the cock over the sheaves invoking the names of different goddesses. And he was entitled to get all the sheaves where the blood was spilled. Consequently, a dalit priest does his best to throw the blood over as many sheaves as he can.

Another form of protest can be seen in a sanskritized dalit practice. It was socially agreed upon that a landlord could touch the grain only after a dalit takes a winnowful of grain from the land where he worked. Instead of taking the grains from besides the heap of harvested grains dalits usually places their winnow right on the top of the heap that upper chunk of the heap were given away to them lest those grains falling from his winnow would pollute the rest.

VI. Dalit Openness: An Altar Dedicated ‘to an Unknown God’

Dalits were always willing to accommodate and learn from those who preach equality. Stephen Fuchs in his ‘Rebellious Prophets: A Study of Messianic Movements in Indian Religions’ identifies several gurus from whom dalits were willing to learn.44 One of such gurus from Andhra Pradesh was Yogi Pothuluri Veerabrahmam.45 Those followed him had identified themselves as ‘Raja Yogi’.46 Yogi Pothuluri is believed to have hailed from a sudra carpenter’s family and belonged to the early part of Nineteenth century. He preached the values of equality and inculcated in dalits a spirit of self-respect. Any Yogi irrespective of caste and creed was allowed to be a priest in his movement. And the Yogis of dalit origins "did not disdain fowls’ meal and liquor".47

Yogi Pothuluri was believed to have performed many miracles including the raising of dead. He assured people of a new social order with equality and freedom. Dalits made up most of his movement. His influences reached all of Andhra.48

There was another such movement founded by Yogi Nasraiah49 who was contemporary50 of Yogi Pothuluri. Nasraiah51 was a muslim who had followers from all religions. He preached that God is One and is Spirit. He vehemently denounced idolatry and caste exclusiveness. He too had a considerable following among the dalits.52

Dalits’ openness could accommodate a sudra and a muslim because of their liberative teachings.

The process of sanskrization, which, of course, had an adverse impact on dalit cultural values, and the attempt to dalitize53 certain elements of Sanskrit culture further prove the openness of dalits to other culture.

Dalit conversions through the centuries to different religions -- Islam, Sikhism, Christianity and Buddhism - do affirm that dalits in their religion always had an altar dedicated to an unknown (foreign) God.

VII. ‘Cast the Nets to the Marginalized Side’

‘Theologians’, who had labored in libraries down the centuries to dialogue with the cultures and thought-forms of the dominant only to find those resources that help our theology legitimize the status-quo, now need to cast their net to fish in the cultural resources of the marginalized. It is not only to discover the liberative motifs in their cultures but also to allow the marginized theologize for the church.

This search to find liberative resources from the religions of the marginalized begins with re’member’ing their faith that missionary’s Christianity had once dismembered. Given the vitiated versions of oral tradition and biased written sources the task is difficult but not impossible.

Experiences of pain and humiliation had caused in dalits a spirituality of protest and hope. In its search for a relevant spirituality the church in India can not but look up to learn from dalit culture.

Church in India, which had faithfully held on to a theology imported from a civilization responsible for ecological degradation, has to reconsider and redefine its mission in the context of worsening ecological crisis. It has to discern the presence of Spirit brooding over in this creation which groans for the joy of freedom.

The feminine dimension in Godhead which dalit culture seem to have articulated well is yet to be studied and made use of in our feminist theologies. It would also be interesting and enriching to study how dalit Christians understand and interpret Mary.

While reading the history of dalit conversions into Christianity, our historians begin to identify the role of native (male) evangelists and of (foreign) women missionaries in the conversions but are yet to attempt a study on the role that dalit women played in the conversions. An effort to recall their past would help reclaim their status especially in a context where church is still hesitant to give women their due place in its ministry.54

 

End Notes

1. Ursula King (ed.). Feminist Theology from the Third World: A Reader (London: SPCK, 1994), pp. 392-394.

2. Gustavo Gutierrez, We Drink from Our Own Wells: A Spiritual Journey of a People (London: SCM Press Ltd., 1984).

3. Sathianathan Clarke, Dalits and Christianity: Subaltern Religion and Liberation Theology in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998), p.45; George Oommen, ‘The Emerging Dalit Theology: A Historical Review’ Indian Church History Review 34/1 (June, 2000), p. 19.

4. P. Victor Premasagar. The Gods of our Fathers - Towards A Theology of Indian Religious and Cultural Heritage’ South India Churchmen (December, 1985).

5. cf. Clarke, Op.cit., p.56, n. 66.

6. V. Devasahayam, Outside the Camp (Chennai: Gurukul Theological College and Research Centre, 1998).

7. The present Andhra Pradesh was a part of the erstwhile Madras Presidency and of Nizam’s Dominion. It had initially been sliced out of Madras Presidency (also known as Madras State) in 1953 on linguistic basis. Later in 1956 several districts of Hyderabad State (erstwhile Nizam’s Dominion) where Telugu was spoken were added to the state.

8. When I refer to ‘pre-Christian’ I refer to those years before the advent of Protestant missionaries to Andhra. Catholic missionaries, of course, were the first ones reach the land but seem to have had very little contact with dalits. Among the Protestant missions the earliest one was that of London Missionary Society which started its station at Visakhpatnam in 1805. And American Baptist Mission and Godavari Delta Mission started their stations in 1836. They were followed by Church Missionary Society in 1841 and then American Lutheran Mission in 1842.

9. Arvind P. Nirmal, ‘Some Theological Issues Connected with Inter-Faith Dialogue and their Implications for Theological Education in India’ Bangalore Theological Forum 12/2 (July-December. 1980), p. 107.

10. The word ‘panchamas literally means. ‘fifth ones’ because dalits do not belong to anyone of the four castes.

11. The word ‘avarnas literally means, ‘ones with no color’. Aryans had used this term to refer to dalits who usually look dark.

12. The word ‘chandala literally means, ‘filthy ones’. The term implies that the dalits are a species lower than human.

13. The word ‘harijan literally means. ‘God’s people’. Indian National Congress leaders like M. K. Gandhi used it with a strategic purpose of assimilating the dalits into Hindu fold in their fight against the British raj. The word has also been used to refer to those children born to temple-prostitutes and those who can’t identify their father. The English equivalent for the term is ‘bastards’.

14. List of Scheduled Castes as promulgated in an order by the President of India in 1976 names 59 dalit communities. The same has been used in the process of enumeration for Census Report -- 2001.

15. Though they were amateur observers even the missionaries seem to have understood the original status of dalits well. One of the reasons was the British administration policy of recognizing the dalits as distinct. Another reason was the growing movements in South India among dalits to be recognized as Adi-Dravidas, Adi-Andhras and Adi-Kannadigas.

16. Telugu word for hamlet is ‘peta or ‘palle.

17. The word ‘Agraharam literally means, ‘the higher ground’. It was usually the center of a village where Brahmins lived.

18. It is also claimed that burial was dalits’ choice because being eco-friendly was integral part of their religion. Cremation amounts to both deforestation and air pollution.

19. M. L. Orchard and K.S. McLaurine, The Enterprise (Toronto: The Canadian Baptist Foreign Mission Board, n.d.), p.3l8.

20. F. Colyer Sackett, Posnett of Medak (London: The Cargate Press, 1951), p. 134.

21. Clarence H. Swaley, One Hundred Years in the Andhra Country: A History of the Indian Mission of the United Lutheran Church in America (Madras: Diocesan Press, 1942), p. 106.

22. The word, ‘poturaju. literally means, ‘king of beasts’. This name has been given to them because during the time of offering sacrifices they kill the sacrificial animal. If it was a hen to be offered they only use their teeth to kill the bird.

23. P.Y. Luke and John B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture (London: Lutterworth Press,1968), p.9.

24. F. Colyer Sackett, Vision and Venture: A Record of Fifty Years in Hyderabad, 1879-1929 (London: The Cargate Press, n.d.), p. 128.

25. Definition of the term can be found in, M. N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India (Bombay: Allied Publishers, 1966), p. 7.

26. Telugu words ‘sindhu or ‘chindu literally mean, ‘dance (suggestive of protest)’.

27. P.Y. Luke, Op. cit., p. 9. The presence of the beggar communities for both Malas and Madigas illustrates the virtue of sharing with poor despite their poverty. This practice had, in turn, sustained the virtue. It involved self-dignity. Both Jangams and Dekkalis did not beg from others.

28. It reminds me of the Lord Krishna, an avatara of Deity in the Bakthi tradition of Hindus, who said, "In me you see everything and in everything you see me.

29. Clarence Clark, Talks on an Indian Village (London: The Cargate Press, 1934), p. 20.

30. Ibid.

31. Clark, Op. cit., p.21.

32. cf. Jn. 21:10.

33. cf. Jn. 4:6 & 7 and Jn. 19:28.

34. Compare with anthropomorphism in the creation accounts.

35. Compare with passion narratives of the four gospels.

36. Swavely, Op. cit., p. 207.

37. V. Devasahayam finds its parallels in the image of a victim who becomes the Judge found Mt. 25:31-46.

38. Sackett, Vision, p. 117.

39. Luke, Op. cit., p. 57.

40. Other names given to her are Mathamma, Mathangamma, and Yellamma.

41. Wilber Theodore Elmore. Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism: A Study of the Local and Village Deities of Southern India (Madras: Christian Literature Society, 1925), p. 25.

42. Ibid.

43. It reminds one of the heroics of Hebrew slaves in their exodus to the promise land of freedom and fullness.

44. Stephen Fuchs, Rebellious Prophets: A Study of Messianic Movements in Indian Religions (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1965).

45. Ibid.. pp. 260-263.

46. Telugu word ‘Raja Yogi literally means, ‘Royal Priest’.

47. Fuchs. Op. cit., p. 263.

48. Many Yogis embraced Christianity later towards the end of the century. Similarities in the values, claims, promises and practices had made Christ intelligible to the dalit communities.

49. John C.B. Webster, Dalit Christians: A History (Delhi: ISPCK. 1994), p.43, n. 20.

50. He died in 1825.

51. I suspect this to be a dalit rendering of Naassar.

52. John E. Clough, a Baptist missionary from Ongole, reported that many of his dalit converts were once the followers of Yogi Nasraiah.

53. Attempts by dalits to adapt elements from other cultures and to give their own interpretation so as to strengthen the cultural values.

54. This paper was presented at a Faculty Seminar of Serampore College on 15th November 2001.

Woman-Power in the Canonical Gospels: A Paradigm for the Modern Patriarchal Societies

Introduction

One of the central themes of the Bible is equality. In biblical times, depending on the station in life a woman occupied, whether she was single or married, childless or widowed, her social significance varied considerably; and this is reflected in the use of the words dealt with. Gune, which can stand for mistress, maid, fiancée, wife or widow, is a general designation for every female in contrast to male. If a woman is called meter, mother, she has a certain social position of honor; the word is also often used metaphorically. In the canonical gospels, Jesus stood firm with the women to empower them. Therefore, the concept of "woman-power" is important in the Jesus tradition, which has equivalence in the Indian tradition, i.e., "Stree-Sakti".

In the real life of the people of India, the broken relationships between humankind on the basis of color, caste, religion and sex has been evident and it is in its zenith in the beginning of the twenty-first century. From time immemorial, women are portrayed as ‘powerless’ beings. In today’s society also they are terrorized as rape victims, toys or dolls in media, lambs to follow men, brides to be burnt alive for dowry and baby-producing machines, who work with wombs, breasts, and hands in rearing children. In India, as in other parts of the world, equality is not available to all. Its societies have built walls whose invisible bricks of discrimination grant privileges and power to some and poverty and injustice to others. The fact that most women in India today are not well organized and educated adds to their exploitation as well. Expressing the injustices of their lives as individuals or as small groups, they lack power to tender justice for themselves.

The Indian society is eagerly waiting for a message of ‘equality’, in which men and women are living together as the responsible citizens. In the present day situation, the concept of ‘sexual equality’ which is explained in the canonical gospels can make a special influence upon the people than all other scriptures. It is a paradigm message in which women are encouraged to outburst their ‘intrinsic power’ for the betterment of the common good.

A Bird’s Eyeview of Jewish Patriarchal Structure

The ancient societies of the Mediterranean were shaped not only by the basic differentiation into upper and lower strata (i.e., elite and the masses). Also of great significance was a person’s membership in the male or female sex. This ancient outlook thus an example of the cultural anthropological insight that gender is a social construct or is defined socially in the sense that the assignment of roles and division of competence between the sexes are "embedded" in the social and cultural framework of a society.1 These socio-culturally-conditioned judgments, which reflect the power structure of ancient societies, were also carried over to sexual relationships between men and women. Gender-specific behavior was generally embedded in the fundamental values of Mediterranean societies and was oriented toward the concepts of honor, shame and disgrace.2

Women appeared in public in various connections, even before court, and they also belonged to social organizations. Yet direct participation in what Plato calls "municipal administration" (politeia) was the domain of men. One central aspect of the distinction of gender-specific spheres consists in fact the women were generally excluded from holding public offices as senators, equestrians, decurions, or judges, as well as subordinate persons. They were not even allowed to belong to the most important political decision making body of the polis (ekklesia), in which women could neither vote nor speak.3

The Palestinian Jewish culture was one of the most patriarchal in the Mediterranean crescent. The homes and family were basically that the only spheres were women could play significant roles in early judaism.4 The dominant impression left by our early Jewish sources is of a very patriarchal society that limited women’s roles and functions to the home, and severely restricted: (1) their rights of inheritance, (2) their choice of relationships, (3) their ability to pursue a religious education or fully participate in the synagogue, and (4) their freedom of movement.5

The extant male literary sources of ancient Judaism, which reflect both a class and gender perspective, present a fairly consistent pattern of a negative view toward women. For example, Josephus, the first century CE Jewish historian, states that the law holds women to be inferior in all matters and that, therefore, women should be submissive. Philo, the first century CE Alexandrian Jewish philosopher and biblical commentator, refers throughout his writings to women and female traits as examples of weakness. He argues that women ought to stay at home, desiring a life of seclusion.6 Sirach, a proto-Pharisaic work from about 180 BCE, presents women either as good wives or as problems. It even states that "better is the wickedness of a man than a woman who does good; it is woman who brings shame and disgrace".7

According to the rabbinic Tosefta, which may well in this case reflect first century CE tradition, a Jewish man prayed three benedictions each day, including one in which he thanked God that he was not made a woman. This negative picture within Judaism was greatly shaped and influenced by Greek and Greaco-Roman androcentricism and misogynism. However, there are in spite of the lack of literary evidences from women, substantial indications that positive roles did exist for women within Judaism, even if limited. Significant religious roles for women are also indicated by the portrayal of Job’s three daughters as those who speak the language of angels in the ‘Testament of Job’ and the traditions about Beruriah, a second century CE rabbi. Women as strong leaders are portrayed in the Hellenistic Jewish story of Judith and in the rule of Salome Alexandra as queen in Judea (approximately 76-67 BCE). There is also substantial non-literary evidence which shows that Jewish women often took initiative for their lives and activities in spite of the male orientation and domination prevalent in the culture.8 These positive roles and opportunities constitute Jewish evidence for the significance of women in ancient Judaism. Hints of the wider influence and power exercised by women in Israelite life may be seen in the Old Testament’s literary presentations of women, which depicts them as more complex and forceful than their legal status suggests and gives them leading roles in some of the critical biblical dramas (eg., Sarah and Hagar, Rahab, Deborah, Jezebel, Huldah, Esther).9

It is evident from the history of Judaism that the society was always patriarchal in nature in which women were treated as subordinate beings. But, at the same time, women used their multifarious power within the context of various restrictions upon them.

Feminist Critique of the Bible

The Bible, the cornerstone of Jewish and Christian tradition, is born in a patriarchal and androcentric culture, according to the feminist interpreters of the Bible. As a result, he biblical text dealing with women have been misinterpreted, misunderstood and sometimes the experience of women have been overlooked or ignored by the male interpreters.10 As Phyllis A. Bird says, "women in the biblical texts are presented through male eyes, for purposes determined by male authors. It does mean that women are not heard directly in the biblical text, in their own voices."11

Certainly in the past thirty years there has been a dramatic increase in consideration of the proper status and role of women in the various cultures of the world in general ways, and for Christians a dramatic increase in discussion and debate about the status and role of women in the Church. The challenge for feminist Biblical interpretation is to find another way, another approach that finds new ground, neither accepting blindly traditional interpretation nor ignoring the Bible as a useless ancient document. A first basic strategy of feminist biblical interpretation involves lifting up for attention lesser flown, often overlooked stories of biblical women in key roles, not simply as helpers of adjuncts to men.12

A recent volume entitled "Women in Scripture: A Dictionary" has two hundred and five entries for named women in the Bible. This new dictionary then goes on to give entries for all the unnamed women mentioned in the Bible, all those who are ‘daughter of …’ or ‘wife of . . .’ or are described as ‘the woman at the well’ or ‘the woman with a flow of blood’ or ‘the women present at the feeding of the five thousand men’. 13 The present day attempts of feminists are to reveal the ‘hidden’ presence of women in the patriarchal Bible through a relevant and contextual interpretation.

A theology is a systematic reflection on a religious experience, an encounter between God and man (for the Christian, an encounter in Jesus Christ), the experience are that of a religious founder, of prophet, of religious men, or of communities. These experiences are communicated in a certain language, in the form of a revealed or transmitted context in symbolic expressions or in ethical orientations.14

The present day situation of women indeed calls for a new biblical hermeneutics to make the scripture relevant to the changing situations and to rediscover what the New Testament says on women’s role in Christian ministry.15

A theme of reconciliation runs through the Bible and is to be seen as not only a concept but a characteristic feature of every human being. Paul’s argument for complete equality between the sexes is based on Gal. 3:28, the cornerstone text for women’s liberation. Paul insists all men and women come before God on an equal footing, their race, state of bondage and sex having no effect whatsoever on their right to stand before God. Paul K. Jewett names Gal 3:28 as the ‘Magna Carta of Humanity’ and affirms that Paul was the first to declare that in Christ there is no male and female.16 Therefore, all the distinctions of religion, race, class, nationality and gender are insignificant.

Again in the non-gospel materials of the New Testament, Paul’s talks about the ‘New Creation’ in 2 Cor. 5:7 is important. The new age has dawned with the advent of Jesus. Jesus has created the community of reconciliation: the Church, the Body of Christ, Therefore, we are already part of a new humanity where there is no discrimination on the basis of gender, caste, language etc. All the possibilities of the new humanity are opened to women also since they also have all the potential and resources for the new humanity.17

Feminist theology is a critique of androcendricism and misogynism (hatred for women); a quest for alternative traditions which will include women as well as men. It is the transformation of symbols. Male traditions have created male symbols in the understanding of God, Christ, humanhood, sin, grace and redemption. It also is holistic, searches for equal partnership and egalitarian scholarships, searching for an inclusive imagery for God, it is contextual and liberation theology and it searches for a new anthropology.18 Judith Plaskow summarizes women’s experience as: "it means simply. this: the experience of women in the course of history never free from cultural roles of definitions."19

As written by males from a male dominated society, the Bible abounds in male languages and imagery. Male interpreters have explored and exploited male language to articulate theology, the Church, Synagogue and academy and to instruct human beings who they are, what roles they should play and how they should behave.20 A critique of traditional biblical hermeneutics was brought forward by Elizabeth Schussler Fiorenza. She speaks of a feminist critical hermeneutics deriving its truth "not only from biblical writings but also from contemporary struggle of women against racism, sexism and poverty as oppressive systems of patriarchy".21

Women in the Jesus Movement

Earliest Christianity began as a renewal movement within Judaism brought into being through Jesus.22 The examples of Jesus, his radical and revolutionary action against the Jewish social and religious norms, indeed became a challenge to women and for women in their ministry.23 His attitude to women is one that is radical particularly when viewed in the light of his historical context. Jesus firmly faces the situation even at the cost of being criticized. His attack on traditional attitudes against women and his action for women is a remarkable paradigm for Christians who are his followers.24

Biblically literate women looked to scripture to justify their changing situation, especially in the churches.25 Gabriele Dietrich emphasizes three points which are important in our context from the Jesus Movement26: firstly, the Jesus Movement was critical of the existing patriarchal family structure and created new forms of community; secondly, it was egalitarian in terms of class with a bias in favor of the poor; and, thirdly, it provided for a participation of women which was far reaching and unusual under the conditions of the time.27

She also sees the spiritual expressions of the Jesus Movement under five points. They are:

The Jesus Movement, together with many other groupings within Judaism of the time, was fervently waiting for the Kingdom of God. The Kingdom is made accessible to all who are outcaste: the poor, the sick, tax collectors, sinners and prostitutes.

Underlying this expectation of the Kingdom of God was an understanding of God as gracious and all accepting as opposed to the judging and excluding God.28

The visible expression of this all-accepting graciousness was the table community not only with of Jewish society but also with "pagans". There are indications that the Galilean Jesus Movement admitted non-Jews to the table community at a very early stage.29

Not only was Mary Magdalene the most prominent among the disciples of the Galilean Jesus Movement, the discipleship of the women also has a very special character and occasionally expresses the quality of "true discipleship" over against the failure of Peter who denies Jesus and Judas who betrays him.

The acceptance of the Kingdom of God for all and of the graciousness of God also implied the crumbling of actually existing patriarchal stnictures.30

Thus, the Jesus Movement was a ‘Counter-culture Movement’ to transform the societal order from the structures of ‘old’ to the ‘New Humanity’.

Individual Gospel Perspectives

Empowerment of the weaker sections of the society, especially women is an important theme in the life and teachings of Jesus. All four canonical Gospels contain information with regard to Jesus’ relationship to women and the involvement of women in Jesus’ life and ministry. Jesus accepted and affirmed as persons of worth various women who were neglected or rejected within his society.

Mark

The Gospel of Mark probably has the least amount of data about Jesus and women, yet Mark, with the rest of the Gospels, presents women as among the disciples of Jesus.3’ It is true that neither in Mark nor in the Gospels in general is a woman explicitly called "a disciple" (mathetria) of Jesus, yet the word "follow" (akolouthein) is used tersely, especially in the Gospel of Mark to designate the following of Jesus as a disciple.32 The next presupposes that many women were accompanying Jesus already in Galilee and also followed him to Jerusalem. Among them three women are mentioned by name as followers, perhaps in analogy to the male trio of Peter and the sons of Zebedee, James and John.33

In the passion account of Mark’s Gospel three disciples figure prominently: on the one hand, two of the twelve - Judas who betrays Jesus and Peter who denies him - and on the other, the unnamed woman who anoints Jesus. But while the stories of Judas and Peter are engraved in the memory of Christians, the story of the woman is virtually forgotten. . . . The name of the betrayer is remembered, but the name of the faithful disciple is forgotten because she was a woman.34

In the context of crucifixion (cf. Mk. 15:40-41) women are expressly mentioned for the first time in Mark as followers of Jesus; on the other hand, however, their relationship to Jesus is circumscribed with the key word diekonoun ("served"; NRSV: "provided for"). There are also women looking on from a distance; among them was Mary Magdalene and Mary the mother of James the younger and Joses, and Salome. These used to follow him and provided for him when he was in Galilee; and there were many other women who had come up with him to Jerusalem (Mk.15: 40-41)35

Matthew

Basically, the Gospel of Matthew presupposes women on its own community, for the two feeding stories expressly mention that women (and children) also participated in the table fellowship (Mt. 14:21; 15:38). Matthew is probably portraying the Messianic community here as an assembly of families.36

Four Gentile women are included in the genealogy of Jesus in Matthew (Mt. 1:3,5,6). One reason given for Matthew’s including such women is that since they were all sinful, he wanted his readers to see Jesus as one born to save sinful people. However, the Jewish Christians to whom Matthew was writing no longer thought of those women as sinners but as heroines. There is evidence that in Judaism, they had come to be regarded as distinguished women because each had done something beneficial to the Jewish people.37

According to Brown, "it is the combination of the scandalous or irregular union and of divine intervention through the women that explains best Matthew’s choice in the genealogy."38 Yet the child was actually begotten through God’s Holy Spirit, so that God had intervened to bring to fulfillment the Messianic heritage.39 Matthew’s insertion of the four women, along with Mary, in the genealogy, the quotation from Is. 7:14, and the naming of Mary’s son by Joseph, are the chief tactics in Matthew’s defense against the Jewish charge that Jesus was the illegitimate son of Mary.40

The sexual integrity of women is upheld in the discussions of lust (Mt. 5:27-30) and divorce (Mt. 19:3-9), and the inclusion of sexually immoral women in the Kingdom is noted for the preaching of both John the Baptist and Jesus (Mt. 21:31-32).41’ The mention of four women from Old Testament as ancestors of Jesus; the healing of the Cannanite woman’s daughter (15:21-28); the parable of the ten virgins (25:1-13); the anointing at Bethany (26:6-13); and the women at resurrection of Jesus (28:1-10) all obviously shows Matthaean interest on women and the concept of ‘Universalism’.42

Luke

The Gospel of Luke shows the greatest interest in women in the life and ministry of Jesus, including numerous accounts and stories about women unique to its presentation. Luke also gives the specific names of more women in Jesus’ life than do the other Gospels. Thus interest is continued in Acts (for Jesus’ female disciples see Acts.1:14).43

Most significant discussion of the Martha-Mary story found within Luke’s central section (10:38-42) has been confined in recent years to studies which articulate Luke’s view of the social character of the Gospel: by placing Mary ‘at the Lord’s feet’ (10:39), Luke is affirming liberated social identity for women disciples (cf. 8:l-3).44

Apparently, various first century churches struggled with the teachings of Jesus, Paul, and others about the new roles women could assume in the Christian community. This stress is especially apparent in Luke-Acts where we find as part of Luke’s redactional agenda a tendency to pair parables and stories about men and women to show their equal place in God’s new activities through Jesus. Thus, for instance, we may point to such parables as Lk. 13:18-21, or 18:1-14, or the pairing of the story of Aeneas and Tabitha in Acts. 9:32-42.45 H. Flender rightly concludes, "Luke expresses by his arrangements that man and woman stand together and side by side before God. They are equal in honor and grace; they are endowed with the same gifts and have the same responsibilities. . . ."46

Luke has carefully chosen five vignettes to show the different roles women were assuming in the early Christian communities (as prophetess, Acts. 21:9; a religious teacher of a notable male Christian leader, Acts. 18:1-3, 24-26; a hostess for house churches, Acts. 12:12-17; the first convert in a new region, Acts. 16:12-40; and as assuming the roles of deaconesses were later to have, Acts. 9:32-42). In fact, these five stories show how the Gospel progressed through the female population across the empire from Jerusalem. In this way, Luke not only merely chronicles the effect of the Gospel on women in the early churches, but also provides a written precedent for women to continue in such roles.47

John

The gospel of John portrays in particular the discipleship of the mother of Jesus (Jn. 2:1-12; 19:25-27), the Samaritan woman (Jn. 4:7-42), Mary and Martha (Jn. 11:1-45; 12:1-8) and Mary Magdalene (Jn. 19:25; 20:1-18). Both the Samaritan woman and Mary Magdalene are proclaimers of Jesus in John, and both receive extended attention in the Johannine narratives.48

When John presents most of the male disciples as passive observers of Jesus’ deeds, the women are portrayed as active respondents to Jesus’ words and deeds.49 They did virtuous deeds such as hosting dinner, serving at the table, overseeing the feast, and anointing Jesus’ feet -- all challenging works that no other persons took initiative to do. The Johannine women acted with the prophetic spirit and clear vision. Since Christ had liberated them from male-dominated culture and set them as model leaders, the women became challenging figures more than men. They were empowered by Jesus himself, who as the Sophia incarnate, is the female expression of God. The unique roles played by the women in John shows that they were not "uneducated domestic recluses"50

Empowerment of Women in the Canonical Gospels

The issue of women is an important theme in the Canonical Gospels. Jesus encourages women to exercise their intrinsic power for the betterment of women themselves and for the common good. In the following pages we will see that in a nutshell.

Teachings and Practices of Jesus

Jesus often used women as positive examples in stories and events for those who have responded to God with appropriate faith.51 The parables of Jesus often deal with the life and conduct of women (Mt. 13:33 par. Lk. 13:20f., the women and the leaven; Lk 15:8ff., the lost coin; Mt. 24:40f. par. Lk. 17:35, the women grinding at a mill).52 If Jesus’ parables and actions lifted women to a status equal to that of men, and if in the Gospel narratives certain women stand out, the sayings of Jesus makes it clear that it is not of their sex that women or men are important. It is their relationship to Jesus that matters.53

Jesus’ respect for and inclusion of women as disciples and proclaimers provided the foundation for the positive place of women in the earliest churches and their ministry. In fact the baptismal formula reflected in Gal. 3:28 and its statement that in Christ ‘there is neither . . . male nor female’ is probably rooted in the traditions of Jesus. This indicates the formative role of Jesus in Paul’s theological vision for the Church’s inclusive character.54

Jesus gave proof of his compassion and power in his healing of women no less than of men: Peter’s wife’s mother (Mt. 8: 14f. par. Mk. 1:29ff. Lk. 4:35f.); Jairus’s daughter and the woman with the issue of blood; and the Syrophoenician woman and her daughter. Jesus’ gift and call to divine Sonship were extended for the poor and lost and in a special way for women upon whom he conferred a new dignity.55 In Lk. 8:1-3, we see women who were the travelling companions of Jesus and his male disciples. They were not the wives of disciples but they were women who had once been sick and cured by Jesus, the outcaste of society that Jesus accepted and made whole.56

Jesus and Jewish Rabbinical Attitudes

Jesus’ interactions with women has brought to light several fundamental principles which seem to have guided him in his dealing with the opposite sex. His outright rejection of Rabbinic ideas of sin and sickness leading to ritual impurity or defilement allowed him to relate women he might not have reached otherwise.57 Also his rejection of certain Rabbinic Sabbath restrictions allowed him to serve and to accept service at the hands of grateful women when normally such activities were forbidden (cf. Mk. 1:29-31). Throughout the Gospels, Jesus’ concern for women as persons, rather than as sources of potential temptation or defilement, is obvious. As Ben Witherington says, "It is significant that Jesus was willing to perform extraordinary miracles (raising the dead), and to violate the Rabbinical Sabbath regulations even in the presence of Rabbis and in the Synagogues in order to help women."58

In John 4:4-42. Mk. 7:24-30 and parallels, we see clear examples of Jesus’ willingness to relate openly to women who were not fully Jewish or, in the case of the Syrophoenician woman, perhaps not Jewish at all. This abrogated numerous Rabbinical warnings about foreign or Samaritan women, as well as the familiar prohibitions against talking with women, especially sinful women, in public, and opened the door for a more normal and natural basis for relationship.59

Jesus the Feminist

It has been a truism of scholarship that women were particularly attracted to Christianity, and those women numbered significantly among its earliest members -- although such claims are rarely accompanied by statistical elaboration. This claim is frequently presented, whether implicitly or explicitly, as a correlative to the idea that Christianity often as personified by Jesus or less frequently by Paul - was ‘goad’ for women, paid them particular attention, or at least offered them opportunities not otherwise available, to caricature, the ideal of ‘the Feminist Jesus’.60 In an admirable and scholarly article Leonard Swidler has marshaled historical evidences to show convincingly that Jesus was a Feminist.61 The politics of such a view is self-evident, for much study of the subject has developed within a context where women were struggling to establish a proper role for themselves within the contemporary church; to this end they have sought an egalitarian past to act as model for present polity.62

Jesus the Reformer

There is no evidence that prior to Jesus’ ministry Jewish women were ever allowed to be disciples of a great teacher, much less travel with such a teacher, or to instruct anyone other than children. In such a restrictive context, Jesus’ relationship for women must have seemed radical indeed. In fact, seen from the broader cultural context, Jesus can be described as a Reformer of patriarchal society.63 It is worthy to quote from Witherington that, "taking all the probably authentic material in the gospels together, it would appear that Jesus was a reformer of patriarchal society."64

Jesus’ teachings about marriage, divorce, and singleness would have been seen as radical not only by Jews but also by various people outside the Jewish context in the Roman empire.65 He annulled the prevailing custom, which permitted a man to discharge his wife on any silly pretext merely by giving her a bill of divorce, and, thereby, he restored the indissolubility of marriage as originally willed by the Creator (Mk. 10:2-9)66 When one investigates the letters of Paul, one finds concepts already in evidence in the Jesus tradition. It is striking how Paul, in his assessment of marriage, divorce, and singleness, seems to be drawing directly on the Jesus tradition in several ways.67

By rejoining also on the woman the obligation not to initiate proceedings of divorce against her husband, Jesus implicitly affirmed the fundamental equality of man and woman as persons (Mk. 10:11-12). The same equality finds expression in his saying: "whoever does the will of God is my brother, my sister, my mother" (Mk. 3:35).68 All of Jesus’ teaching prepares us for an examination of Jesus’ actions, and his manner of relating to harlots, widows, small girls, foreign women, mothers and women made unclean through illness or incapacitated through injury.69 As Sebastian Kappen says, ". . . . the value of a person is judged solely by the standard of obedience to the will of God and not by that of the distinction of sexes."70

Jesus and Prostitutes

When we turn to Jesus of Nazareth, we are astonished at his open and positive attitude towards womanhood in general and women in their specificity. There is surprising element of iconoclasm towards the traditional subjugation and subordination of women in Jesus’ life. In the story where a woman is condemned for adultery (Jn. 8:1-11), Jesus questions radically the misinterpretation of the Jewish judicial system that easily victimize the woman taken in adultery but the man is permitted to go free?71

The encounter of Jesus with the woman taken in adultery illustrates the egalitarian stance of Jesus - what is wrong for a woman is wrong also for a man.72 Prostitutes felt free in the presence of Jesus, not because he was easy with them but because he did not look at them as sexual objects to be exploited.73 He allowed a woman of doubtful reputation to wash his feet with her tears and wipe them with her hair (Lk. 7:37-38).74 Jesus clearly regarded women as persons of dignity and worth by his many healing of women, by his acceptance, and forgiveness of undesirable and ritually unclean women, and by his implicit challenges to male sexual devaluation of women.75

New Humanity

The New Humanity is the definitive supersession of all barriers consisting of exclusive claims and privileges. The truth that the New Humanity is open to all irrespective of racial or cultural distinctions. 76 The birth of the total man will result in liberation from all social barriers, and from inequality, injustice and oppression. Jesus speaks of the new Humanity as a flock, which he gathers around him and for which he gives his life (Lk. 12:32; Jn. 10:14-15). He refers to it as the family of God (Mt. 23:8-9), as the banquet of salvation (Mt. 8:11), as God’s plantation (Mt. 13:24ff.), as a net that a fisherman casts into the sea to gather in fishes of all sorts (Mt. 13:47ff.), as the temple of God (Mk. 14:58), as the assembly of God (Mt. 16:18ff.), and as the people of the New Covenant (Mt. 26:28).77 In the New Humanity of God proclaimed by Jesus, women are equal in dignity and worth as that of men.

In the New Testament we draw the most important theological sources for empowerment of women in ministry in the life example and teaching of Jesus Christ himself. As a prophet (cf. Mk. 6: 4; Lk. 4:18; 13:32; 24:19), Jesus’ mission was to confront his contemporaries with the will of God as revealed in history, and to call upon them to respond to its demands through a personal decision.78 His mission was to heal and to humanize. As Kappen says, "the recognition of Jesus as a member of the human family must be the point of departure of all our reflections".79 Jesus restored women to their rightful place in the society, empowered and chose them to be his first resurrection messengers become the valid basis and important sources for women’s empowerment.80

The fact that Jesus is on the side of women should be our source of encouragement and empowerment as we continue to serve God and strive for a full and equal ministry.81 Nothing, perhaps, was more shocking for his contemporaries than the freedom with which he associated himself with women, considering the inferior position of women in Jewish society.82 According to R. L. Hnuni, "male dominated cultural and traditional values and injunctions may put boundaries and debar them from full ministry, but this should not discourage women’s conviction and commitment to full ministry."83 In recapitulation, Jesus was attempting for a new humanity, which comprises of both men and women against the exclusive nature of Jewish androcentric and patriarchal society.

Women’s Participation in the Non-Violent Struggle of Jesus

During the passion of Jesus the male disciples react in predictable ways. There is certain bravado at first. Peter draws the sword and cut off the ear of somebody (Jn.18:10). But after that they all run away. Peter even formally denies knowing him (Jn. 18:15-17, 25-27). Only John manages to follow him around probably from a distance, right unto Calvary (Jn. 18:15:19:5) without of course being identified with Jesus in any way.84 But, it is the women, led by Mary, who participate more actively, by their supportive and sympathetic presence, in the non-violent struggle of Jesus. This is probably the reason that Jesus appears to them first after the resurrection and sends them to give the Good News to the men (Mt. 28:9-10; Jn. 20:11-20).85

Pneumatology and Women

The word Spirit indicates that which is invisible, dynamic and life-giving. It is not mere coincidence that the term in its original Hebrew root (Ruah) is feminine. It is the feminine aspect of Godhead that stands as a symbol of life on earth. It represents the continuous, ever-living presence of God. If there is a son and a father, why is there no mother? It is motherly function that God does through the Holy Spirit - the comforting, sustaining, and life-giving function of God.86

Jesus, in his farewell speech to the disciples, promised to send the Holy Spirit. The paracletos is the continued presence of God, who is a helper, counselor, motivator, sustainer, and strengthener and so on.87

The power of woman lies in her weakness and the capacity to endure. Power -‘Sakti’ is a feminine term according to the Indian concept. ‘Stree-Sakti’ is the positive power that belongs to women. Weakness, humility and obedience are feminine virtues. But it is not mere weakness, cowardice or helplessness. The same virtues were attributed to Jesus, so also to Moses. Both of them were powerful leaders. But these are the virtues that enable a person to endure suffering, a unique experience of Christ on the cross.88

Some Important Women in the Canonical Gospels

The following women outbursted their ‘power’ for the common good and played important roles in the salvation history.

Mary, the Mother of Jesus

In the gospels, Mary appears most prominently in the birth narratives of Matthew and Luke. She also appears in the stories of Jesus’ ceremonial purification (Lk. 2:22-38). flight to Egypt (Mt. 2:13-15), return to Nazareth at the age of twelve (Lk. 2:41-50), and the wedding at Cana in Galilee (Jn. 2:1-11). We also find her being concerned for Jesus’ safety (Mk. 3:21, 31f.), present at the cross (Jn. 19:25f.), and waiting in the upper room along with the brothers of Jesus and the disciples (Acts. 1:14).89 Leelamma Athyal observes, "it is difficult to regard Mary as a ‘Virgin for ever’, the ‘Sinless Madonna’, or the lofty ‘Queen of Heaven’ on the basis of normal Biblical interpretation."90 In any case, the Mary of the traditional Mariology is not of much significance for a theology of human kind.

The traditional Mariology has elevated Mary to the heavenly sphere. It has deified her and has given her the status of a super-human being.91 The basic affirmation of Mariology is that Mary is the mother of Jesus Christ. To be the mother of Jesus is the greatest privilege and honor a woman could ever have. Because of this the angel Gabriel addresses her as the "favored one" of God (Lk. 1:28). It is important to realize that when the Council of Ephesus called Mary "Theotokos",92 it was not their intention to picture her as the "Mother of God". Leelamma Athyal says, ". . . Mary could be called the ‘God-bearing Mary’ or ‘Mary who gave birth to God’ in time."93

The Credal phrase, ‘Born of the Virgin Mary’, rightly emphasizes that Mary’s importance in the New Testament is due to her relationship to her son who is the focus of the Gospels.94 Jesus’ mother was called to participate in his work of redemption (Lk. 1:26f. Jesus listened and accepted the suggestions from his mother at the wedding feast (In. 2:1-l1)95Mary’s faith in Jesus as the one who is able to fulfil the needs of the people by means of a sign and her faithfulness to follow him till the cross, sharing the bitter anguish and pain, make her an ideal disciple of Jesus. She followed Jesus loyally till the cross bearing its pain.96

Mary Daly pictures Mary, the mother of Jesus: the Divided self: Christ - Mary. The psychological acrobatics of Christians surrounding the symbolization of Christ and Mary have little to do with the historical Jesus. They have even less to do with the historical person Mary, the mother of Jesus, and are devastating to the fifty percent of the human race whose lot she shared.97

Melanie A. May sees ‘Mary - Power’ in the following occasions: firstly. Mary, woman of power, gave birth to Jesus, accomplished the work God had asked her to do; secondly, As a woman of power, she breast-fed God. Undertaking nurturance as power, she called for care of the poor, the oppressed, the downtrodden; thirdly, Mary, woman of power, sang-at once crying and celebrating. Her expression of emotion evidences the power of emotional energy. Tears of compassion, righteous anger, shared joy - all are sources of power; fourthly, Mary, woman of power, pondered God’s actions in her life, taking account of her son, her kinfolk, and her community. She can teach us about the power of deep reflection on the human relationships that are part of our world; lastly, she spoke God’s justice when she saw the depths of human misery and need. She can teach us about the power of reciprocal talk.98 From the above mentioned points it is clear that, Mary’s model of partnership and mutual empowerment embodies both an ethic of caring and an ethic of justice. In this model, reason and emotion are balanced; wholeness and connectedness are central values. These, along with the elements of empowerment, enable the shift from power exercised from a dominant-subordinate posture to power exercised in partnership.

Martha - Mary

Though a bachelor, Jesus had close friends among women, as is clear from the story of Martha and Mary (Lk. 10:38-42)99 Both Martha and Mary are the paradigms for ideal discipleship and hence for effective leadership in the Church, because they exhibited the qualities of devotion, sacrifice, submission, service, faith, boldness and of apostolic witness. They were closely bound with Christ and to his mission of accomplishing God’s redemptive plan.100

Samaritan Woman

Jesus’ ministry among the Samaritans, those who were outside the fold of Judaism, began with the leadership role played, by a woman, the women of Samaria (Jn. 4:3-42).101 Contrary to the accepted social norms Jesus freely engaged in conversation with her casually by a well-side, something that amazed even his disciples (Jn. 4:27).102 The woman, who had been confined to her own house, realized a sense of freedom after her encounter with Christ to face her own people and introduce Jesus to them. The initiative taken by the Samaritan woman was the fulfillment of Jesus’ own missionary agenda of accomplishing the work of the father (Jn. 4:34). Definitely the fourth Evangelist exalts a despised Samaritan woman to the rank of a theologian, apostle and missionary, while he pictures the male disciples mostly as inactive, timid and slow in understanding.103 She is the one to whom Jesus reveals first that he is the expected ‘Messiah’.104

Mary Magdalene

Jesus healed Mary Magdalene who was possessed by evil spirits. She became his faithful disciple and ministered to him out of her own sources (Lk. 3: l-3).105 She played supportive roles during Jesus’ hour (hora), the crucial moment of Jesus’ ministry that made God’s love and salvation a reality to the world.106

Significantly, on the third day, the first Easter Sunday, the women, especially Mary Magdalene, discover the empty tomb. Both in the Synoptics and in John the women continue their place in the resurrection story. Whereas the men are the commanded, the women are the mourners, observers and messengers at the death, burial and resurrection of Jesus. When Jesus appeared to Mary Magdalene outside the tomb where he addressed her as "woman" (gunai),107 a term of endearment or respect when used in address (Jn. 20: l6).108

John singles out Mary Magdalene as the only woman who first discovered the empty tomb (Jn.20: 1-2) and who received the first Easter Christophany as well as the apostolic commission to announce the goodnews of Jesus’ resurrection (Jn. 20:11-18). Barrette comments that, in John 20:1-18, John has skillfully combined two traditions of Jesus’ resurrection, resurrection appearance, and the discovery of empty tomb, is correct, then Mary Magdalene is the unifying figure of the two traditions.109 She saw the risen Christ first and bore witness to him (cf. Mk. 16:9-10). Mary’s proclamation to the male disciples saying. "I have seen the Lord" (Jn. 20:18), has apostolic significance.110

Other Women

Among the Gospel women, Anna and Elizabeth played vital roles in Jesus’ birth narratives. Anna, the prophetess mentioned only in Lk. 2:36-38. She spoke in the Temple of the infant Jesus to all that were waiting for the redemption of Jerusalem. Elizabeth, mentioned only in Lk. 1, who was filled with the Holy Spirit and greeted Mary as the mother of her Lord. Some other women are mentioned in the Gospels like Joanna (Lk. 8:3 and 24:10), Mary the wife of Clopas (Jn. 19:25), ‘the other Mary’ (Mt. 27:61 and 28:1), Susanna (Lk. 8:3) etc.111 played important roles in the Jesus Movement. Thus women were empowered by Jesus during his earthly life and ministry and in return women contributed galore for the growth of Christianity at its incipient stages.

Concluding Remarks

In recapitulation, Jesus of the canonical Gospels uses the ‘intrinsic power’ of women for molding up an egalitarian society in which men and women are responsible citizens. Jesus’ attack on the traditional Jewish attitudes against women and his action for them is a remarkable paradigm for all who are trying for equal status of both men and women. Jesus’ movement was a ‘counter culture’ movement, attempting for a ‘New Humanity’. In all the Canonical Gospels, Jesus endeavors for the empowerment of women through an attitude of non-violent struggle for justice.

Through our discussion on the teachings and activities of Jesus from the Canonical Gospels, we have seen what a vital role it can play for the peaceful co-existence of both men and women. The message of ‘sexual equality’ and ‘woman power’ is absolutely a message for the universe and has more relevance in the patriarchal and androcentric context of India to make a paradigm society. The acceptance of such a message by the people can lead our nation to an abode of wholeness and perfection, and which in turn helps our country to enjoy prosperity, peace and tolerance.

 

End Notes

1. Ekkehard W. Stegemann and Wolfgang Stegemann, The Jesus Movement: A Social History of its First Century, tran. O.C. Dean (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1999), 361.

2. Ibid.. 362.

3. Ibid., 365.

4. Ben Witherington. "Women (NT)", The ABD, Vol. 6, 957.

5. Ibid.. 958.

6. D.M. Scholer, "Women", Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels, eds. Joel B. Green, Scot McKnight. et al. (Illinois: Inter Varsity Press, 1992), 880.

7. Sir. 42:14, NRSV.

8. D.M. Scholer, "Women", Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels. 881. Also see, Phyllis A. Bird. "Women (OT)", The ARD, ed. David Noel Freedman, Vol.6 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 95 1.

9. Phyllis A. Bird, "Women (OT)", The ABD, Vol. 6, 956.

10. cf. Joseph Abraham, An Examination of the Issues Raised by Contemporary Feminist Interpretations of Gen.2 and 3, Unpublished M. Th Thesis. Senate of Serampore College. 1989. 19.

11. Phyllis A. Bird, "Women (OT)". The ABD, Vol. 6, 95 1f.

12. Katharine Doob Sakenfeld, "Feminist Reading of the Bible: Problems and Promises". BTF, Bangalore, UTC (Dec., 2000), Vol. XXXII, No. 2, 18.

13. Ibid., 18f.

14. Sebastian Kappen. Jesus and Freedom (New York: Orbis Book. 1977), 4.

15. Jey J. Kanagaraj, "The Profiles of Women in John: House-Bound or Christ Bound", BTF, Bangalore, UTC (Dec., 2001), Vol. XXXIII, No. 2, 60.

16. David Augustine, "Reconciliation: An Exposition of Gal. 3:28", Reconciliation: Gurukul Jyothi-2002 (Chennai: GLTC, 2000). 19-21.

17. Leela Manesseh, "Emancipation of Women and Nation Building: A Christian Perspective", TBT Journal, eds. Ken Gnanakan, Paul Mohan Raj, et al., Bangalore, TBT (Nov., 2001), Vol. 3, 75.

18. R. L. Hnuni, ed.. Transforming Theology for Empowering Women. Theological and Hermeneutical Reflection in the Context of North-East India, Tribal Study Series No.4 (Jorhat: Women’s Studies, ETC. 1999), 6f.

19. J. Plaskow, Sex, Sin and Grace (Washington: University Press, 1980), 11.

20. R.L. Hnuni, ed., Transforming Theology. . . , 30.

21. Elizabeth Schussler Fiorenza, Bread Not Stone, The Challenge of Feminist Biblical Interpretation (Boston: Beacon. 1984), 14.

22. Gerd Theissen, The First Followers of Jesus: A Sociological Analysis of the Earliest Christianity (London: SCM Press. 1978), 1.

23. R.L Hnuni, ed., Transforming Theology. . . , 139.

24. Ibid., 136.

25. Barbara Brown Zikmund, "Biblical Arguments and Women’s Place in the Church", The Bible and Social Reform, ed. Ernest R. Sandeen (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1982), 85.

26. The first Hellenistic Christianity developed predominantly outside Palestine, whereas the Jesus Movement was a Palestinian phenomenon which spilled over into the neighboring regions of Syria. Jesus Movement is the renewal Movement within Judaism brought into being through Jesus and existing in the area of Syria and Palestine between about 30 CE and 70 CE. See, Theissen, The First Followers of Jesus, 1ff.

27. Gabriele Dietrich, A New Thing On Earth (Delhi: ISPCK, 2001), 39f. Also see, Aruna Gnanadason, ed., Towards a Theology of Humanhood: Women’s Perspective (Delhi: ISPCK, 1986), 39.

28. Ibid., 43.

29. Ibid., 44.

30. Ibid., 44f.

31. D. M. Scholer, "Women". Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels, 886.

32. Stegemann, The Jesus Movement, 379.

33. Ibid.. 397.

34. Elizabeth Schussler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins (London: SCM Press. 1983), xv.

35. Stegemann, The Jesus Movement. 397.

36. Ibid., 387f.

37. Edwin D. Freed, ‘The Women in Matthew’s Genealogy", JSNT, ed. Ernst Bammel, Birger Gerhardsson, et. al., (Feb., 1987), Issue 29. 3-19.

38. Ibid., 4.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid., 17.

41. D. M. Scholer, "Women", Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels, 886.

42. Leela Manasseh, "Emancipation of Women and Nation Building", TBT Journal, 75.

43. D. M. Scholer, "Women", Dictionary of Jesus. . . , 886.

44. Robert W. Wall, "Martha and Mary (Lk. 10:38-42) in the Context of a Christian Deuteronomy", JSNT, ed. Ernst Bammel, Birger Gerhardsson, et al., (Feb., 1989), Issue 35, 19-35.

45. Ben Witherington, "Women (NT)", The ABD, Vol. 6, 959.

46. H. Flender, St. Luke-Theologian of Redemptive History (London: 1967), 10.

47. Ben Witherington. "Women (NT)". The ARD, Vol. 6, 959f.

48. D.M. Scholer, "Women", Dictionary of Jesus. . . , 886.

49. Jey J. Kanagaraj, "The Profiles of Women in John: House-Bound or Christ-Bound", Bangalore Theological Forum (Dec., 2001), Vol. XXXIII, No. 2, 75.

50. Ibid.

51. D.M. Scholer, "Women", Dictionary of Jesus. . . , 882.

52. H. Volander. "Women", The New International Dictionary of NT Theology, ed. Collin Brown (Exeter: The Paternoster Press, 1971), Vol. 3, 1058.

53. Ibid. 1059f.

54. D. M. Scholer, Dictionary of Jesus . . . , 886f.

55. H. Volander, The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology, 1059.

56. "Conceiving a New Creation: Grassroots Women’s Leadership Formation, 13-19 October 1990, Penang, YMCA, Malaysia" (Urban Rural Mission. Christian Conference of Asia), 36.

57. Ben Witherington III, Women in the Ministry of Jesus: A Study of Jesus’ Attitudes to Women and their Roles as Reflected in His Earthly Life, Society for NT Studies: Monograph Series, 51 (Cambridge: University Press, 1984), 77.

58. Ibid., 78f.

59. Ibid., 78.

60. Judith M. Lieu, "The ‘Attraction of Women’ in /to Early Judaism and Christianity: Gender and the Politics of Conversion", JSNT, ed. Stephen D. Moore, Issue 72, Dec.. 1998, 5.

61. Leonard Swidler, "Jesus was a Feminist", The Catholic World (January 1971), 177-83.

62. Cf. Judith M. Lieu, "The ‘Attraction of Women’. . ." , 5.

63. Ben Witherington, "Women (NT)", The ABD, Vol. 6, 957.

64. Ibid., 958f.

65. Ibid.

66. Sebastian Kappen, Jesus and Freedom (New York: Orbis Books, 1977), 104.

67. Ben Witherington, The ABD, Vol. 6. 958f.

68. Kappen. Jesus and Freedom, 104.

69. Ben Witherington III, Women in the Ministry of Jesus, 52.

70. Kappen, Jesus and Freedom, 104.

71. Somen Das, Christian Ethics and Indian Ethos (Delhi: ISPCK, 2001), 166f.

72. Prameela Rani, "Empowerment of Women: Challenging Mission", Sandhya-2002, 51.

73. Somen Das, Christian Ethics and Indian Ethos. 166f.

74. Kappen, Jesus and Freedom, 103f.

75. D. M. Scholer, "Women", Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels, 881.

76. Kappen, Jesus and Freedom,27.

77. Ibid.

78. Kappen, Jesus and Freedom, 55.

79. Ibid., 25.

80. R.L. Hnuni, ed. Transforming Theology for Empowering Women, 139.

81. Ibid.

82. Kappen, Jesus and Freedom, 103f.

83. R. L. Hnuni, ed. Transforming Theology, 139.

84. M. Amaladoss, "Listen to the Spirit: Women and Peace", VJTR, ed. S. Arokiasamy, Delhi, Vidyajyoti (May 2000), Vol. 66, No.5, 385.

85. Ibid.

86. Rachel Mathew, "Pneumatology and Women", Towards a Theology of Humanhood: Women’s Perspectives, ed. Aruna Gnanadason (Delhi: ISPCK, 1986), 62f.

87. Ibid. 66.

88. Ibid.

89. Leelamma Athyal, "Mariology: A Feminist Perspective", Towards a Theology of Humanhood: Women’s Perspective, ed. Aruna Gnanadason (Delhi: ISPCK, 1986), 50.

90. Ibid., 49.

91. Ibid.

92. The patristic controversies surrounding the use of the terms "Theotokos" and "Christotokos" for Mary are literally mean "God-bearing" and "Christ-bearing" respectively. The Council of Ephesus in 431CE discussed the question as to which of these titles would be the more suitable for Mary, and they decided in favor of "Theotokos". How ever, later in the history of the Church we find a change taking place in the use of this designation to Mary. This happened in the Latin tradition. The Latin equivalent of "Theotokos" is actually "Dei Genitrix" (She who gives birth to God). But this was often replaced by "Mater Dei" (the Mother of God).

93. Leelamma Athyal, "Mariology: A Feminist Perspective", Towards a Theology of Humanhood, 55.

94. Ben Witherington III, Women in the Ministry of Jesus, 80.

95. Prameela Rani. "Empowerment of Women", Sandhya- 2002, 51.

96. Kanagaraj. "The Profiles of Women in John: House-Bound or Christ-Bound", BTF, 61f.

97. Mary Daly, Beyond God the Father: Toward a Philosophy of Women’s Liberation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1973), 81.

98. Melanie A. May, Women and Church: The Challenge of Ecumenical Solidarity in an Age of Alienation (Grand Rapids: WB. Erdmans. 1991), 9Sf.

99. Kappen, Jesus and Freedom, 103f.

100. Kanagaraj, "The Profiles of Women in John", BTF 70.

101. Ibid., 63.

102. Kappen, Jesus and freedom, 103f.

103. Kanagaraj, "The Profiles of Women in John", BTF, 63f

104. Katharine Doob Sakenfeld, "Feminist Reading of the Bible: Problems and Promises", Bangalore Theological Forum, Bangalore, UTC (Dec., 2000), Vol. XXXII, No.2, 19.

105. Prameela Rani, "Empowerment of Women: Challenging Mission", Sandhya-2002, 51.

106. Kanagaraj, BTF, 37.

107. In other earlier and significant events Jesus addresses his mother as " woman" at Cana (Jn. 2:4), and at the cross (Jn.19:26); the Samaritan Woman as "woman" (Jn. 4:21), and later at Jerusalem the adulteress also as "woman" (Jn. 8:10).

108. Walter Reinsdorf. "The Gospel Resurrection Accounts", Bible Bhashyam: An Indian Biblical Quarterly, (Dec., 2001), Vol. XXVII, No.4, 251.

109. C. K. Barrett, The Gospel According to St. John (Philadelphia: Westminster Press. 2 edn., 1978), 560.

110. Kanagaraj, BTF, 37.

111. D.M. Scholer, "Women", Dictionary of Jesus, 884f.

Important Issues in the Translation of the Bible in the Indian Context

Introduction

The message of the Bible has been distorted through human intervention during the long period of its transmission and translations. This issue of the presence of errors is proved by the historical, theological, linguistic, and critical analyses of different versions. In the modern age, several of the translations are being done without proper analyses of the textual evidences. The translators use translations of the Greek/Hebrew Bible as primary sources rather than the original language texts.

Most of the Indian translations are distorted due to the total dependence on the English versions, which provide messages different from the original sources. Thus there happens double and even more alienation from the original text. The different principles, colonial infiltration of English culture and language have created the tendency for Indians to rely on English versions as the primary sources. In the postcolonial period the Biblical message was corrupted extensively due to the strategies of decolonization of English language. and the attempts to make intertextuality between different religious traditions and scriptures. In such a context, this paper enables the translators, interpreters and the general public to give primary emphasis for the reliable Greek and Hebrew sources for translation and interpretation. It again gives suggestions for every translator to use appropriate principles and methods to bring the message closer to the original.

A. Translation of the Bible in the Indian Context

Modern Indian translators confront some of the major issues in the processes of translation. They are the following:

1. Linguistics and Translation 1

Language is one of the primary media of communication. The majority of the world population received the New Testament in their own language through its translations from the Greek language as well as translations of translations. A translator cannot neglect the role of language in the process of translation, especially in a pluralistic society like India, which includes different religious and political ideologies, languages and culture. Here, we will deal with some of the aspects of language in relation to translation.

a. Linguistic Barriers in Bible Translation

The plurality of languages in India presents many barriers in making the message of the Bible available for all in the same substance. Another important problem is the limitations of Indian languages to represent the Biblical Greek/Hebrew. The languages in which the early translations were made had several limitations to represent Greek language. For example, Syriac belongs to a completely different group of language, translations into it from Greek imposed considerable problems. There were syntactical, grammatical, phonetical. morphological and yet other problems which differentiated Greek New Testament from other early versions.2 In the same way Benjamin Jowett has found various Contrasts between Greek and English.3

In India, the languages mostly stemmed from Sanskrit, a language which is totally different from the Biblical Hebrew and Greek. The interrelation between the hegemonic, Sanskrit and the humble regional languages, or ‘vulgar tongues’ as the European Orientalists used to call them, is complex and intimate. Indian languages are not self-contained categories. There is much fluidity among them and they continue to interact with one another 4. Haug observes yet another problem in the usage of the language. He says, ‘the language barriers in relation to those who are outside the confines of theology and Christianity have consequently not been removed 5 Thus, the linguistic barrier is a problem not only between nations, but also a problem of a multilinguistic society like Indian. It affects the translations of the Bible in several ways.

b. Language and Culture

In dealing with the languages of India, especially tribal languages, social, political. cultural, and religious considerations come into play6 Hooper says. "rapid social changes are affecting the development of languages . . . political changes have affected the status of Certain languages."7 As James Barr observes:

There is long standing cultural conflict between American and Britain8 between us today and the men of the Bible, and between the men of the New Testament and the Old Testament, there was a problem not only of translation but of transculturation.9

Christianity began in a Jewish cultural environment, with a Hebrew or Aramaic vocabulary and a background of Semitic hopes and longings. When the first Christian laymen and missionaries began their proclamation to people of Greek cultural background in Antioch and later in Europe they had to use a different vocabulary.10 The interaction of culture in the language of the translated Bible creates the problem of different understanding of the message from the original. Modern Indian translators in the North Eastern and other parts of India are influenced by the tribal culture to bring different cultural languages in translations than the original.11 As Nida says, "there is every reason to believe that the revision (of the translated Bible) will be greatly welcomed by non-Christians with a Hindu cultural background."12 Thus the use of different cultural backgrounds with linguistic flavor in translations will provide a different worldview than the original text.

c. The Use of Linguistic Style in Translation

‘Style’ is notoriously difficult to define. It is used as a term to depict virtually anything related to language and language usage.13 During the transmission of the text the scribes intentionally made some corrections in spelling, grammar, and style. Frequent Semiticisms and solecisms afforded many temptations to style conscious scribes and in the later versions like ‘Diatessaron’ and others, style and structure were matters of importance in the translations.14

Rhetorical expressions with literary flavor, the rhythm, the variations of meter etc. of the literature in the original language are not regained in the later translations.15 The translation of the opening formulas in the Gospels gives divergent renderings through modem translations.16 Almost all early Eastern and Western languages were lagging behind in interpreting Greek language. The syntax, vocabulary and style are most wholly borrowed by King James Version from predecessors.

The later translators have imposed their own linguistic and stylistic renderings in accordance with the time and context. In the Indian translations, the style and structure of colonial period have drastically changed during the post-colonial era.17 The recent emergence of post-colonial literature has given birth to English with distinctive flavor. Rather than mimicking or appropriating the metropolitan model, commonwealth writers such as Salman Rushdie, Arundhati Roy, Vikram Seth. Chinna Achebe and others have not only decolonized English but have re-created it, in fusing native perceptions, metaphors, similes, experiences, and speech patterns.18 K. Satchidanandan. the Indian literary critic, writer of the post-colonized English says, "English, in this context is decolonized through a nativization of theme, space and time, a change of canon from the Western to the Indian. . ."19 These stylistic changes in language influence the modern-biblical translation, especially in the Indian context.

d. Linguistics and Semantics 20

The meaning of words from the source language to the receptor language makes another problem in translation. In the Early Eastern and Western versions as well as the English versions of the New Testament, the meaning of most of the terms have not given the implied meaning of the original language text.21 The use of the Indian term avatara for the Biblical concept incarnation creates some kind of complications in meaning. Appasamy and Chakkarai are in favor of using the term avatara for incarnation.22 But Keshub Chandra Sen and Upadhyaya felt that to call Jesus an avatara was to reduce him to the level of one of many avatars of popular Hinduism.23 Upadhyaya, from his standpoint on the side of Sankara, rejected the use of the word avatara for Christ. Sen, standing within the Brahmo Samaj tradition was vehemently opposed to the custom of referring to Jesus an avatara.

Another term which makes the complications is Isvara for Christ. In Hinduism, Isvara, a lower manifestation of the Supreme Brahman, the personal God.24 We cannot equate the Biblical Father-Son relationship with the Hindu Brahman-Isvara relation, because of the differences in concepts.25

Most of the Indian Christian theologians pay more attention to equate biblical terms and concepts with the Indian. These attempts are reflected in many of the Indian translations. But Peter Cotterell and Max Turner comments, "One of Barr’s most important emphases was that it is not words which provide the basic unit of the meaning, but the larger elements of discourse, sentences and paragraphs".26 The attempt of using terminology and concepts without analyzing the text as a whole, will bring the literal translation of the text. This is the problem with most of the Indian translations as in the case of early Eastern and Western versions.

e. Some other Issues

Descriptive linguistics covers the study of all branches of language study: (1) phonology (sounds), (2) morphology (the words), (3) syntax (the arrangement of words), (A) Lexicon (The meaning of parts of words, words, and combinations of words). The translator cannot neglect any part of descriptive linguistic studies if he/she is to make an adequate translation.27 But because of the unsatisfactory knowledge of the source language (i.e., Gk.) most of the Indian translators are unable to take the descriptive linguistic studies into consideration.

A special feature of the current work of revising the Hindi New Testament is the use of ‘honorific’ forms of address. The Hindi language is sensitive to the status of the person addressed in conversation. It is also sensitive to the status of the third party about whom one may speak.28 New Hindi idioms, style, including honorific forms in the current versions of Hindi New Testament introduce a different linguistic approach, which take receptor language more seriously than the source language.

Since Greek and Hebrew have only simple ‘thou’ and ‘you’ without any complications in the second person pronouns, Marathi has 3: ‘tu’, ‘tumhi’, and ‘apan’. The problem for the translator is whether to use ‘tu’ always for the second person singular or sometimes also ‘tumhi’ and ‘apan’ depending on the occasion.29 In the case of the Bengali language also the personal pronoun ‘you’ has three forms (i.e., ‘tui’, ‘tum’ and ‘apni’), each having its own inflections for number and case.30 Therefore, in most cases the exact representation of the source language is difficult.31

A study of the linguistic principles of India in connection with Bible translation make clear that the New Testament Greek and the Indian languages stemmed from Sanskrit are two different kinds of languages. Moreover, the use of different stylistic, semantic and cultural factors, along with the barriers of language manufacture a different text, i.e., more distant from the intent of the authors of the original sources.

2. The Use of Source Text for Translation

The first duty of every translator is to adopt the most accurate and reliable text of the work before him unless he/she to translate an autograph, i.e. manuscripts in the author’s own handwriting.32 Some translations are perverted due to the incorrect choice of text type, and it does not fit with the style, context and theology of the author.33 In the case of the early versions, while Palestinian Syriac and Georgian used Caesarean text type, Gothic and Old Church Slavonic used different Byzantine text types (i.e., Gothic used early Byzantine and old Church Slavonic, imperial Byzantine). Some others used Western type of texts. But the most reliable and early Alexandrian mss. were used by versions like Coptic and so on.34 But later, due to the lack of knowledge of Greek, translations have begun to translate from English and other language versions.

In spite of the great influence of the King James Version at the time when the first Indian versions were made, later versions have been made chiefly under the influence of the English revisers of the Bible which was published in 1885.35 The two Malayalam translations, the Bible Society of India Version and Hosanna version, are from the English translation.36 The use of translations other than the original source for translations created distorted meaning of the text. In today’s Indian context, most of the translators use English translations,37 which are not free from errors.38

3. The Use of Principles in Translation

There are certain general principles which apply to all translations of ancient books into modern languages. Some of these principles are particularly relevant to the translation of the Bible of ancient Hebrew and Greek into other languages.39 In a linguistically pluralistic country like India, various principles play vital role in different translations.

Most of the early versions, and even some of the major English versions of 20th century follow the method of literal renderings40 in translation. These translations actually distort the facts of a language rather than reveal them. As Nida says, "early Latin translations of the LXX and of Greek texts of the New Testament were for the most part quite literal.41 As such they were not in accordance with principles of translation."42 Until 19th century, the Christian Church of Kerala has used the literal translations like Syriac and Latin.43 Later, in the translation of the Bible into Malayalam, the translators used the literal Latin and Syriac versions along with the English translations. This is the case with most of the major translations in Indian languages.

Some translators have adopted as a basic principle a formula which may be stated as follows: ‘What would the author have said if he/she had been using the receptor language instead of Greek?’ This type of translation is very valuable at times, but it has some serious handicaps. Such a translation is likely to be based on the translator’s idea of a ‘gist’ of the text and consequently reflects his personal interpretation of it.44 The early translations for the newly converted believers keep this principle.45 In India, most of the translations among the tribals have a tendency of translating with a ‘general idea’.

The principle of closest equivalence is designed to avoid awkward literalness on the one hand and adjustified interpretations on the other. These translations are in the regular idiomatic form of the language. This principle also implies the avoidance of interpretive renderings.46 To obtain the closest equivalence in translation, it is necessary to consider three basic requirements (I) the translation must represent the customary usage of the receptor language, (2) the translation must make sense, and (3) the translation must conform to the meaning of the original.47 These type of translations are appropriate for every situations, especially in the context of India.

4. Postcolonial Strategy of Translation

Translation in a postcolonial context is not merely seeking dynamic equivalence or aiming for linguistic exactness, but desires to rewrite and retranslate the texts, as well as concepts against the grain. Sugirtharajah says, "rewriting and retranslating are not a simple dependence upon the past, but a radical remolding of the text to meet new situations and demands".48The translators of this period seek for a wider intertextuality49 which links Biblical texts with Asian scriptural texts. George Soares-Prabhu, the Indian Biblical scholar, has attempted to compare Buddhist and Christian texts despite the fact that both emerge from two different chronological, literary, and theological contexts.50 These receptor oriented translation strategies reduce Biblical terminologies, style, theological concepts, and the intent of the author in an extensive manner.51

B. The Problem for Interpretation of the Text in the Indian Context

In the above discussion we have dealt with various issues in relation to the translation of the text in the Indian context. Here, we will see problems of interpretation on the basis of our former discussions. For analyzing the problem, the Malayalam (i.e. a translation by the Bible Society of India) will be taken as the sample text.

1.During the colonial period52 Anglicist interpreters were vigorous in propagating English language, Western education and values. Most of the translators have used English versions as the source text for translation, and the majority of Indians received New Testament in their mother-tongue with more differences from the original. For example, Malayalam versions (BSI) translates, "one who sits in heaven" instead of one who is in heaven" in John 3:13.53 In Mk. 1:41 it takes "compassion", as incorrect reading of KJV for "indignation".54 Here, due to use of the secondary sources, the translator is hesitant to reflect the real intent of the author. This is one of the primary problems for an interpreter with Indian versions in hand.

2. With regard to the use of the Old Testament quotations in the New, most Indian translators have used distant texts (i.e., English and other translations), without consulting the original Hebrew sources, its Greek renderings in the LXX, and the usage in the Greek New Testament. For example, the syntactical usage with force in both Hebrew and Greek Testaments (Ex. 21:17; cf. Mk. 7:10b) has the meaning "let him surely die". i.e., ‘a death of murder’. But in some of the English translations it implies a natural death.55 In the Malayalam versions also the construction is not forceful as it is in original sources. In most cases, Indian translations keep these types of distinction from the original sources in representing Old Testament quotations. Here, the interpreter confronts severe problems. If he/she neglects the original sources, the interpretation will be distorted one.

3. The English versions like KJV and ‘Living Bible’ have created severe problems for the interpretation of Jn. 20:17. These versions have translated the negation of Jesus without analyzing the grammatical construction. Here, the Malayalam version also has the incorrect translation, which implies a wrong interpretation and theology. In Eph. 4:9, the Malayalam version does not decipher the cosmological understanding of the original text.56 Thus, the theological understanding of the Indian translations differs from the original source, due to incorrect translation approaches.

4. The inclusion of the ‘Longer Ending’ of Mark is yet another problem for the interpretation of Indian versions. The textual critical analysis (of both internal and external) reveal the fact that Mk. 16:9-20 is not part of the Gospel.57 Following the English versions, majority of the Indian versions include the ‘Longer Ending’ in the text.58 These types of inclusions may affect the larger context of the Gospel as a whole as well as its interpretation.

5. The English versions have not retained the rhythm, the variation of meter, the stylistic flavor, grammatical constructions, the rhetorical expressions, the use of alliterations and other kinds of linguistic renderings in the Greek New Testament.59 In the Malayalam Bible, the rhetorical expression in Heb. 1:1-4 is translated with simple constructions. For the use of opening formulas and connecting particles by the Gospel writers in the Greek New Testament, there is no consistent renderings in any of the English as well as in most of the Indian versions.60 Therefore, the Indian versions, which are translated from English, lag behind to reflect the artistic mind of the author as well as the literary character of the narratives in the original source.

6. The limitations of Indian language to represent Hebrew, Greek as well as English create the problem of a distorted text. There are drastic changes in the text due to the use of Hindu terminology for Christian renderings without analyzing the implied meanings. Moreover, the various factors such as cultural, political, social and religious impact upon languages necessitate the need for innovative translations and revisions. These translations reflect the worldview of the translator or the receptor rather than the author’s. Thus the Indian translations present a totally different worldview and interpretations on that basis.61

7. The use of divergent theological and theoretical concerns in translations introduce yet another obstacle for interpretation of the text in India. For instance, in the context of Kerala the Catholic Hosanna Version (like ‘Jerusalem Bible’ and ‘New Jerusalem Bible’ in English) has emerged with different theological outlook rather than the Bible Society of India Version. The principles of translation62 also differ from version to version. These differences in versions divide the Christian community on the basis of divergent theologies and interpretations.

8. The postcolonial translation strategies63 such as rewriting, retranslating and textual interweaving discard the identity of Christian scriptures in a certain extent. As a receptor-oriented strategy, it stands in contrast with the equivalence theory.64 Through this, the receivers get interpretations with distorted ideas, i.e., other than the original.

9. The translations into the tribal languages (i.e., languages without scripts) use improper tools and methods to equate Biblical terms, concepts and figures with the cultural patterns of the tribe. As the initial effort, the newly converted people grasp the message as it is without wider understanding of the text and its context. Thus, the whole community receives a wrong interpretation away from the intent of the author.

10. In recapitulation, various other factors such as the existence of different kinds of people on the basis of caste, color and sex, the pluralistic nature of the country, the modern developments of the society, the lifestyle of the people, personal interests etc. may influence and compel the translators to think and reflect differently. In certain cases the translator has to consider the demand of the higher authorities (e.g., the prescriptions from the church authorities etc.) and the presuppositions about the community. Thus, the Indian translations have more complexity in nature than any other translations of the world. It reflects through various interpretations of the text.

C. Some Suggestions for Translators

The foregoing study make clear that for a closer equivalent translation, the translators of New Testament must consider the following suggestions.

1. The first and foremost obvious requirement of any translator is that he/she should have a satisfactory knowledge of the source languages (i.e., the Greek and the Hebrew).

2. He/she must consider the original sources as the primary tool for translation.

3. A translator should be an expert in the textual critical approach to the sources (i.e., to accumulate, distribute, and evaluate the evidences, and to analyze the transcriptional and intrinsic probabilities).

4. A wider theological understanding of the Bible is expected from the translator to evaluate the variant readings with internal evidences (i.e., the vocabulary, style and theology of the author).

5. He/she must be trained in linguistics, anthropology and the principles and procedures of translation.

6. In translation, he/she can use the following criteria: prefer the reading supported in widely separated geographical areas; prefer the reading attested by oldest manuscripts; and prefer the reading supported by the greatest number of text types.

7. A translation should reflect the author’s intention (i.e., the vocabulary, style, theology etc.); a receptor-oriented translation brings cultural, theological and linguistic bias.

8. The theology and interpretation of the original text should be reflected exactly through translations.

9. The translator should not neglect any part of descriptive linguistic studies (i.e., phonology, morphology, syntax, and lexicon), if she/he is to make an adequate translation.

10. Before the act of translation, a translator must take the issue of omissions, additions, transposition of words, substitutions etc. seriously.

These suggestions may be helpful for a translator to make the translation meaningful for the community, to whom he/she endeavors for a good task. Here it is worthy to quote from Norlie: "the good translator is a rare man, patient and industrious, painstaking to the last degree, willing to give his life to a task."65

Concluding Remarks

In recapitulation, the texts of the Bible and their interpretations in the Indian context are with much-complexity than any other translations in other parts of the world. It is because of the plurality of cultures, religions and languages which make impact upon the text. As a result, alterations and perverted interpretations occur. The Indian translations are further corrupted due to the incorrect selection of text types (i.e., the use of English and other vernacular translations as the basic tools). The use of different kinds of principles, the colonial and postcolonial strategies, the adoption of Indian terms and concepts for the extremely different Biblical terms etc. created more changes in translation approaches in the present day context. Due to these various reasons Indian people get more distorted interpretations of the Bible.

Modern Indian translators do not pay careful attention for the right selection of text types for Old Testament quotations in the New. The negligence of important aspects such as, the grammatical constructions, rhythm, meter, stylistic flavor, rhetorical expressions etc. create problems for an interpreter of Indian versions of the Bible and it is more evident in tribal languages. Moreover, the improper use of connecting particles, the use of receptor-oriented principles, and the third world strategies (i.e., intertextuality etc.) bring a message different from author’s worldview. In such a situation, the translator as well as the interpreter must go back to the original and most acceptable sources for proof. The mere dependence upon the vernacular versions may lead us to distant conclusions, different from the original sources. Therefore, translations and interpretations at anytime should be on the basis of textual critical approaches and must be centered on the reliable Greek/Hebrew sources.

 

End Notes

1. For more details with regard to language and science of translation, see Eugene A. Nida, Towards a Science of Translating (Leiden: E .J. Brill, 1964).

2. Cf. T. Johnson, Errors in New Testament Translations and the Problem for interpretation: A Comparative Study of a Few Selected Passages in Different Versions". Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, Reg. No. 507/99, Senate of Serampore College, Serampore, 2001, 11ff.

3. The structure, formation of sentences and paragraphs, the use of genders, representation in various parts of sentence, style, use of idioms etc differentiate English language from Greek. Cf. F.C. Grant, Translating the Bible (Connecticut: The Seaburg Press, 1961), 139-141.

4. R.S. Sugirtharajah, "Thinking About Vernacular Hermeneutics Sitting in a Metropolitan Study", Vernacular Hermeneutics. The Bible and Postcolonialism, 2 (Sheftield: Academic Press, 1999), 95.

5. Hellmut Haus, "The New Testament in Today’s German Version", The Bible Translator Vol. 19, No. I (Jan., 1968), 171f.

6. Geoffrey E. Marrison, "Tribal Language and Christian Usage", The Bible Translator Vol. 16, No. 1 (Jan., 1968), 21.

7. J.S.M. Hooper, The Bible Translation in India, Pakistan. and Ceylon (Oxford: University Press, 1963), 8f.

8. T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, 34ff.

9. James Barr, The Semantics of Biblical Language (Oxford: University Press, 1961), 4.

10. Robin Boyd, An Introduction to Indian Christian Theology (New Delhi: ISPCK, 1989), 255.

11. Eugene A. Nida, "Diglot Scriptures", The Bible Translator Vol. 13, No. 1 (Jan., 1962), 3.

12. Ibid.

13. J. Eugene Botha, "Style in the NT: Need for Serious Reconsideration", in NT Text and Language: A Sheffield Reader, eds. Stanley E. Porter and Craig A. Evans (Sheffield: Academic Press, 1977), 114.

14. The Style and Structure of ‘Persian Harmony’ differ from Diatessaron, see T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, 12f..

15. Ibid., 72ff.

16. Ibid., 75ff.

17. See, for more details, R.S. Sugirtharajah, Asian Biblical Hermeneutics and Postcolonialism: Contesting the Interpretations (Sheffield: Academic Press, 1999).

18. Ibid., 93.

19. Ibid., 95, quoting K. Satchidanandan, "On Indian Writing in English", in Indian Literature 38 (1995), 6.

20. The aspect of linguistics which deals with meaning in language.

21. Cf. the discussions about the early Eastern and Western versions as well as the English Versions in Chs. 1 and 2, T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis.

22. Boyd, Indian Christian Theology, 127, 167-72.

23. Ibid., 127.

24. Ibid.

25. There are some other concepts, like ‘Satchidananda’, ‘Prajapati’ etc. are equated by some Indian Christian Theologians with Biblical ‘Trinity’, ‘Jesus’ and so on. For more See J.S.M. Hooper, Greek New Testament Terms in Indian Languages (Bangalore : The Bible Society of India and Ceylon, 1957).

26. Peter Cotterell and Max Turner, Linguistics and Biblical Interpretation (London: SPCK, 1987), 28.

27. Eugene A. Nida, Bible Translation: An Analysis of Principles and Procedures, With Special Reference to Aboriginal Language (London: UBS, 1961), 62.

28. C.S. Thoburn, "In Revised Hindi NT", The Bible Translator, Vol. 14, No. 4 (Oct., 1963), 180.

29. F.W. Schelander, "In the Marathi NT", The Bible Translator Vol. 14, No. 4 (Oct., 1963), 178ff.

30. A. M. Agnus, "In the Bengali NT", The Bible Translator, Vol. 14, No.4 (Oct., 1963), 183ff.

31. It was one of the major problems with the early versions too; See T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, Ch. 1, Sec. B.

32. Grant, Translating the Bible, 116

33. See Mk. 1:41; Jn 3:13; and Rev. 1:5 in different texts and translations.

34. Cf. T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, Ch. 1, Sec. B.

35. Hooper, Bible Translation in India, Pakistan, and Ceylon, 6.

36. Cf. K.G. Jose, "A Study of the Words Used for Salvation in Deutero-Isaiah and Their Equivalence in Malayalam Translations of the Bible", Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, Reg. No. 487/89, Senate of Serampore College, Serampore, 1991, 11. Also see M.J. Joseph, "Malayala Vedapustakatinte Charitram" (Mal.), in Vedapustaka Bhashyam, revised edition, ed. E.C. John (Tiruvalla: Daivasastra Sahitya Samiti, 1983), 24ff.

37. The conclusion is made on the basis of personal interviews with Varghees John and Mathews M. Kurian, who are Bible Translators working among the tribal groups in states of Orissa, and Bihar.

38. See the issue in the whole of Ch. 2, T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis.

39. Grant, Translating the Bible, 130.

40. It is the use of the same Hebrew or Greek word by the same word in the receptor language, and similarly for many types of grammatical constructions.

41. Cf. T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, 20ff.

42. Nida. "Theories of Translation", in Anchor Bible Dictionary, 513.

43. Cf. M.J. Joseph, "Malayala Vedapustakatinte Charitram" (Mal.), in Vedapustaka Bhashyam,, 24ff.

44. Nida, Bible Translating, 12.

45. Cf. Armenian Version, T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, 17f.

46. The closest principle, avoids the renderings, ‘made different by holiness’ for ‘transfigured’, and ‘I should take sin away from them’ for ‘I should heal them’ etc. See Nida, Bible Translating,

47. Nida calls this method of translations, ‘dynamic equivalence’ or ‘functional equivalence’. See Nida, Towards a Science of Translating, 159.

48. Sugirtharajah, Asian Biblical Hermeneutics and Postcolonialism, 96f.

49. Also called ‘textual interweaving’.

50. Cf. George M. Soares-Prabhu, "Two Mission Commands: An Interpretation of Matthew 28:16-20 in the Light of the Buddhist Text", Biblical Interpretation. A Journal of Contemporary Approach 2, Vol. 3 (1994), 264-82.

51. Also see Sec. A, 3.

52. Most of the major Indian translations were completed during colonial period.

53. Cf. T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, Ch. 2, Sec. B, 1, b.

54. Ibid., Ch. 2, See. B. 1a and compare Mk. 1:41 with the Indian versions.

55. Ibid., Ch. 2. Sec. B, 2b.

56. Compare the discussion with: T. Johnson, Unpublished M. Th. Thesis, Ch. 2, Sec. B, 3.

57. Ibid., Ch. 2, Sec. B, 4a.

58. The Malayalam Bible also includes this section in the text, but uses parentheses.

59. For example, see the translation of Heb. 1:1-4 in different English versions.

60. See, T. Johnson, Unpublished M.Th. Thesis, Ch. 2, Sec. B, 5b.

61. Compare with Sec. A, 1 of this article.

62. Cf. Sec. A, 3 of this article.

63. See, Sec. A, 4 of this article.

64. Ibid., Sec. A, 3.

65. O.M. Norlie (ed.), The Translated Bible 1534-1934 (Philadelphia: The United Lutheran Publication House, 1934), 43.

Listen to the Voices: Re-Examining the Creation of Mission Goals

A. Introduction

Mission theory is an important, yet neglected sphere in the Modern Missionary Movement. Intentional reflection on the "foundation, motives and aim, and the nature of mission" has not been an integral component of modern missions.1 Now, at the turn of the twenty-first century, we are aware of the need to navigate a complex missiological maze that includes questions of conflicting God concepts, search for personal and group identities, and the role of the church in this changing world. In 1987 James Scherer noted, "Since Willingen 1952, both the ‘why?’ of mission -- can it be fundamentally justified? -- and the ‘what?’ of mission -- what after all, is mission today? -- have continued until now as burning issues."2 Yet, because of the lack of intentional reflection throughout the history of the Modern Missionary Movement, we have few resources to help us find our way through this current crisis of emphasis and direction. A major component lacking in this discernment of historical and current mission goals as they actually operated in practical situations is the consideration of the voices and actions of local people who came into contact with missionaries in each place.

This paper is an attempt to address some of this deficiency. It focuses on a particular mission in southern India, the American Madura Mission (AMM), started and funded by the first mission sending organization in North America, the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) with its headquarters in Boston, Massachusetts of the United States of America. It is an attempt to sift through written documents available from this mission and its sending organization to identify ways in which the local people in Madura (now Madurai) influenced the emphasis, direction, and shape of mission activities and goals in the AMM.

This paper is an outgrowth of my Ph.D. dissertation that focused on the interaction between the ABCFM’s Boston Board and the AMM missionaries in the creation of mission goals. In that dissertation, I identified the explicitly stated goals of the administrators and missionaries, as well as goals implied in stories they told to illustrate the "success" of the work. I discovered that in the ABCFM and its missions no single party ever arbitrarily formulated mission goals. Instead, those goals emerged out of a formal and informal interactive process during which a variety of players analyzed and reflected on mission goals. Those players either affirmed current directions or articulated new content of goals appropriate for different or changing contexts. The administrators and missionaries often used the same rhetoric to articulate those goals, but the methods and content of the results they envisioned were so different that the actual goals were not the same. Through correspondence and occasional meetings the administrators and missionaries shared their goals, influenced one another, and thus formulated operative goals for the AMM as well as general goals articulated to other missions through official ABCFM policy.3

In the midst of that research, however, I realized that the variety of voices integral to the creation of mission goals is much broader than even these two parties. The administrators were highly influenced by theologies and local church priorities among Christians in the United States. At the same time, the people of Madura, among whom and with whom the missionaries lived and worked, helped shape the goals articulated by the AMM. Dana Robert, in her 1994 article "From Missions to Mission to Beyond Missions: The Historiography of American Protestant Foreign Missions since World War II," laments that the historical study of Protestant mission theory tends "not to be grounded in study of actual mission practice."4 I try to take seriously this critique by examining mission goals in their context. I believe that considering Indian voices in the shaping of mission goals in India is an important way to ground theory in practice. This paper provides examples of how South Indians during the mid-nineteenth century influenced the operative goals of missionaries in Madura, even as those missionaries simultaneously influenced official ABCFM policy.

B. Identifying Various Voices in the Beginning of the AMM

The American Madura Mission began in 1834 in the city and surrounding areas of Madura, India. From the beginning, its purpose and direction was influenced by a variety of groups of people. The beginning of the AMM corresponded directly with the 1933 act of the British Parliament establishing a new charter for the East India Company. In the past, the East India Company had discouraged mission because of the fear of upsetting people and discouraging trade. This 1833 Charter now permitted and encouraged the Company to extend their realm of influence in India from commercial transactions to promoting also the moral and educational "civilization" of India. To better facilitate this influence, the Parliament granted non-British missionaries permission to reside in East India Company territories, requiring that the Company provide "sufficient facilities. . . . to persons desirous of going to, and remaining in India for the purpose of accomplishing those benevolent designs, i.e. the introduction among the inhabitants of India of useful knowledge and religious and moral improvements."5 This gave American missionaries permission to legally enter India and establish institutions.6

At the same time, the British Governor of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) lifted restrictions on new missionaries allowed into Ceylon that had been in place since 1818. This allowed the ABCFM to send addition missionaries to Ceylon and for some of the missionaries in Ceylon to go to a Tamil speaking area of India -- Madura. In 1834, seven workers from the ABCFM Ceylon Mission went Madurai to begin the AMM.7 Among the five North American missionaries, only the Rev. Levi Spaulding knew enough Tamil to begin work immediately. The two in the group from Ceylon, Edward Warren I and Edward Warren II, who were graduates of the ABCFM Batticotta seminary in Ceylon, were prepared to begin teaching in schools that the mission soon established.

C. Official Mission Goals Articulated by ABCFM Administrator, Rufus Anderson

Missiologists often refer to Rufus Anderson to describe nineteenth century ABCFM mission theory and goals -- for good reason. Rufus Anderson served as the Foreign Corresponding Secretary of the ABCFM for thirty-four years and remained a member of the governing Prudential Committee and the official Board historian for another eleven years. The mere length of time Anderson worked with the ARCEM assured his influence. Yet he not only served a long tenure, but also possessed skills as a creative thinker and strong administrator. R. Pierce Beaver calls Anderson the "Grand Strategist of American Missions."8 Secretary Anderson formulated most of his theory in the decades between 1834 and 1854. In 1854, prompted by concerns over the role of education in mission work, Anderson and another member of the Prudential Committee, Augustus Thompson, traveled to India and Western Asia (Syria). They met with individual missionaries and with mission bodies to prompt them to intentionally consider and articulate their goals of mission. When a controversy erupted in the United States over Anderson’s ecclesiology and his administrative style during this Deputation, the ABCFM appointed a "Select Committee" to obtain written comments from each missionary and from Secretary Anderson concerning the Deputation meetings. The Prudential Committee later adopted Anderson’s written response, called "Outline of Missionary Policy," as their official goals. In this "Outline" Anderson asked his basic mission question, "How shall missionary societies establish a living, out-working Christianity in the dark places of the earth?" 9 He then outlined four constitutive parts to this "end" of mission: " (I) the conversion of lost men, (2) organizing them into churches, (3) giving those churches a competent native ministry, and (4) conducting them to the stage of independence and (in most cases) of self-propagation."10 In other writings Secretary Anderson named this the establishment of "self-governing, self-sustaining, and self-propagating churches."

D. Experiences in Madura Shape AMM Goals

1. Conversion and Church Membership

AMM missionaries accepted the basic articulation of these goals as their own. But the goals received their content for the Madura context through their interaction with the experiences of Indian people. Secretary Anderson’s first goals included the conversion of individuals and gathering them into churches. This goal remained constant in the AMM, but defining the meaning of that goal in specific situations was a bit more complex than Anderson’s "Outline" portrayed it. Secretary Anderson called for a "simple spiritual mission of proclamation of the gospel so as to win souls, gather them into churches, and enlist them in the same mission."11 Yet, beneath his rhetoric, Anderson assumed that New England civilization "is the highest and best, in a religious point of view, the world has yet seen." 12 Anderson believed that Christian faith, as a by-product of mission, eventually would transform any society into one similar to that of his generation’s New England.

Indian society, however, was organized along much different lines than that of nineteenth century New England. Dharma shaped Indian society. John Koller loosely defines dharma as "whatever is right to do." Koller explains, "The various senses of dharma all refer to what must be done to maintain and support the individual, the family, social class, and the whole society." 13 Dharma includes that social classification of people the missionaries identified as caste. Even though Secretary Anderson envisioned conversion and church membership in so-called spiritual terms, in India this goal necessitated a break with an entire social system effecting family, vocation, and physical well being through the threat of persecution.

Indian people reacted in various ways to this goal of conversion and public church membership. Some Indians refused to separate themselves from their social system. Missionary, William Capron, wrote about the head-mason of early mission building projects. Capron said that this man knew of Christianity, but "for fear of persecution he never renounced caste he never became a church member."14 In 1847, the AMM Seminary at Pasumalai almost closed because teachers and students refused to ignore social distinctions by eating food prepared by a low caste cook. When the missionaries insisted on the renunciation of caste observances many students, and all but one of the teachers left the school.

The reluctance of some people to separate themselves from their social system and this crisis at the Seminary influenced missionary goals by making missionaries more determined to remove caste distinctions as a prerequisite for becoming Christian. In fact, the missionaries viewed the resulting persecution in the positive light of early Christian martyrs. William Tracy, the missionary in charge of the Seminary, dealt with the 1847 crisis by praising Charley Coit, the first to renounce his affiliation with caste. Tracy directly connected this renunciation of caste with Coit’s conversion. He wrote to Secretary Anderson,

Some time after his connexion [sic] with the Seminary he [Coit] became deeply anxious for the salvation of his soul, and after having given most pleasing evidence of a change of heart, was admitted to the church . . . He has not dared to visit his father’s house since his profession of Christianity, as his life might be in danger from his father’s violence.15

Missionary, John Rendall, also described the persecution of a young man in the village of Smayanalloon, near Madura. This man had attended worship services for six months before his mother came to Rendall in tears. He wrote, "She told me of the persecution of her son and that even she was persecuted on his account. He has been driven from his business and is now a fugitive in one sense, as his own relatives are forbidden to speak with him."16 Rendall considered this young man ready for church membership because of what he endured.

ABCFM missionaries continued to prioritize the removal of caste distinctions, but many Indian Christians still unofficially organized churches along caste lines. B. Sobhanan, a Christian from Kerala, observed in his 1996 book on South Indian missions,

Despite the universal character of the Christian churches, the Christian missions in South India underwent a uniform metamorphosis depending on the social and cultural standards of the South . . . caste differences were further aggravated by denominational and congregational disputes.17

2. Native Ministry

Secretary Anderson’s mission goals also advocated training a competent native ministry. AMM missionaries agreed. This goal assumed some basic characteristics of a minister. Some Indians seemed to exhibit those qualities and reinforced missionary expectations. Tracy’s comments to Secretary Anderson concerning a catechist studying for the ministry betrayed the qualifications they sought for Indian pastors.

He [Mr. Yesadian] has an unassuming character, consistent and earnest piety, knowledge of divine truth, and the promise of much usefulness as a pastor of a native church... May the time be not distant when many others, as well qualified shall come forward as candidates for the native ministry!18

Other Indians though questioned these presupposed qualities of a competent native ministry. Controversy initiated by S. Rayappan Winfred, the first native pastor ordained in the Madura mission, forced the missionaries to reconsider issues of authority and salary. Winfred was born into a Christian family, trained at the Palmacotta Seminary under German missionary C. T. E. Rhenius, and studied at the Batticotta Seminary of the ABCFM Ceylon mission. Before his ordination. Winfred served as a teacher at the newly established Seminary at Pasumalai.19 When Anderson visited the AMM during the 1855 Deputation he encouraged Winfred’s ordination as pastor of the newly established church at Mallinkinaru. The ordination took place before Anderson left so he could participate in the service. Three years later, controversy erupted. The church complained about the distinction Winfred made between his own family and those of the church members. When Winfred refused to address the problem to their satisfaction the congregation sent a petition to missionaries Herrick and Tracy. Winfred expressed resentment over the effect of Herrick’s superintendence over him, saying that it diminished Winfred in the eyes of his congregation.20 On the issue of authority, Tracy admitted, "Mr. Winfred complained also that he did not receive sufficient honor from the missionaries. 21

Issues of self-support also surfaced in this controversy. Winfred at first agreed to receive his entire salary from the church. When the church could not pay a sufficient amount for him to educate his children, he petitioned the AMM for more money. 22 Winfred met with a committee of the mission, but they denied his request for additional salary. As a result, he formally resigned as minister in July of 1858 and moved to Madras where he worked as minister of a church supported by the ABCFM Madras Mission.

At first, AMM missionaries reacted defensively to the Winfred controversy. In matters of authority, Tracy claimed, "We did not receive their petition but advised them to pray over the matter… this was all the interference, if this can be called such, that has ever accrued between Mr. Winfred and his church." 23 In their consideration of salary, the AMM committee referred to the signed call statement stating clearly that Winfred agreed to receive his entire salary from the congregation in order to promote the goal of self-support. Over the years, however, the Winfred controversy and other assertions by Indian pastors, slowly forced the AMM to turn over more authority to Indian pastors and churches. In 1869, the Native Pastors’ Union took responsibility from the mission for examining candidates for ordination. In 1919, missionaries and Indian pastors together formed a decision-making body called the Madura Church Council. The Madura Mission Sangam, composed of Indians and missionaries, church and institutional delegates, took responsibility for all departments of the AMM in 1934. Its enacting resolution began,

Whereas the time has come when, in the interest of the further advancement of the Kingdom of God in the area served by the AMM during the past one hundred years, a larger share of responsibility for and a more determining voice in directing the work begun and at present carried on by the mission, should be given to the Indian church and the Christian community associated therewith.24

3. Self-Propagation

Secretary Anderson. considered his final and primary goal that of fostering independent and self-propagating churches. He began his 1856 report to the "Select Committee" of the ABCFM with the assertion that "missions are instituted for the spread of a scriptural, self-propagating Christianity. This is their only aim."25 Indian Christians reinforced this goal with their agreement. In 1841, Tracy praised boys from the boarding school who went into the streets and bazaars distributing books and conversing with all who would listen, even in the midst of opposition. He wrote to Secretary Anderson,

May the Lord pour out his blessing abundantly upon all our Boarding Schools that a host of pious youth may be raised up, filled with the Holy Spirit and clothed with the whole panoply of God who shall go forth as angels of mercy bearing life and light and peace to this benighted, perishing people.26

Eighteen years later, William Capron related a similar story of self-propagation by students from the Madura Girls Boarding School.

In the class of eight pupils graduated on March 28 (1859) all were members of the church. They gave correct deportment, by pleasing evidence of their being truly children of God. They go back to their villages with a heart to do good, and we are now hearing from them by occasional notes, of their attempts to render themselves useful. Seven of the eight are teaching school, and some of them speak of spending their leisure in teaching the women of the village congregations to read, or in reading to them and holding prayer meetings with them.27

In the early twentieth century, Indian Christians demonstrated this goal of self-propagation through the Madura Church Council’s initial emphasis on every church member as an evangelist; and in the growing leadership of Indian teachers, doctors, nurses, and administrators in Christian institutions like schools and hospitals.

E. Conclusion

The discussion above demonstrates that it is possible to discern the voices and actions of Indian people in the creation of mission goals in the AMM and the ABCFM. but the process is difficult. The available mission records are written from the perspective of the missionaries and mission administrators and the voices of Indian people must be read between the lines. Yet, the active presence of Indian Christians and non-Christians are there in the experiences of the mission. Indian voices and actions definitely influence the shape of mission goals adopted as the operative way in which the AMM and ABCFM engaged in mission work.

The voices and actions of Indians become more obvious in the historical records as the years pass, although the struggle for the AMM to turn over the responsibility and share work with the Indian church has been a slow and on-going process.28 The Madura Church Council was organized in 1916, composed of eighty members, including all the Indian and foreign ministers and a large number of Indian laymen. At the Madura Church Council’s first meeting on January 17, 1917, the AMM reported that the Council was a "thoroughly democratic, ecclesiastical body, organized without reference to lines of race. to which has been entrusted the care and development of a large and growing work."29

In 1934, the AMM celebrated its centenary by creating the Madura Mission Sangam to which the AMM with the approval and urging of the ABCFM handed over its authority.30 The Madura Mission Sangam consisted of missionary, church and institutional delegates: twenty-four Indians, eighteen Americans, twenty-five men and seventeen women.31 It was organized in committees to carry out the work of all departments formerly in the AMM. The only exception was the American College that was governed by its own board. The AMM continued as a body and the ABCFM and its successor bodies in the United States continued to send missionaries to the Madura area to work with churches

and institutions for another half century. 32 Today, the AMM no longer exists as a legal entity. Churches and institutions established during the time of the AMM are now part of the Madurai-Ramnad Diocese of the Church of South India.

Although the churches in the United States and in India are now separate entities with discrete administrative structures, issues with which both churches live and work are similar. Christians gather to faithfully worship. Christians are involved in theological education, trying to discern the best ways to train pastors for the coming century. Christians struggle with how best to share Christ’s message in violent contexts of rising religious nationalism, continuing social and economic stratification, and other situations they considered unjust. No church can address these issues comprehensively by excluding the voices and actions of the other. Goals of mission can be created most authentically only in interdependent relationships through which there is true communication among participants perceived by one another as equals. Discerning mission goals requires that we listen to a variety of voices from the past, as well as take seriously the wide range of voices acting today.

 

End Notes

1. David Bosch includes these components in his definition of mission theory. David J. Bosch, Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shifts in Theology of Mission (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1991), 4: See also Hans-Werner Gensichen. Glaube fur die Welt: Theologische Aspekie der Mission, (Gutersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1971), 27-29.

2. James A. Scherer, "Missiology as a Discipline." New Directions in Mission and Evangelization. Theological Foundations, James A. Scherer and Stephen B. Bevans, vol.2 (Maryknoll. NY: Orbis Books, 1994), 181.

3. Of course, other missions in different parts of the world also were engaged in similar interaction with the ABCFM Secretary at the same time. These interactions also influenced official board policy.

4. Dana Robert, "From Missions to Mission to Beyond Missions: The Historiography of American Protestant Foreign Missions Since World War II," International Bulletin of Missionary Research (October 1994): 150.

5. James Hough, The History of Christianity in India from the Commencement of the Christian Era (London: Seeley, Burnside, and Seeley, Hatchard & Son. Nosbet and Co., 1865), 4, 193; quoted in B. Sobhanan. "The American Madura Mission" in A History of the Christian Missions in South India, ed. B. Sobhanan (Thiruvananthapuram: Kerala Historical Society, 1996), 140.

6. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions was the first foreign mission sending agency in North America. It sent its first missionaries in 1812 to India. Upon reaching India and being denied entry, some in the group went to other locations in the area. Samuel and Harriet Newell tried to start a station outside of British territory on the Isle of France, but Harriet soon died during childbirth. When Samuel tried to re-enter India, he was diverted to Ceylon where he was the initial missionary of the ABCFM Ceylon mission. The first ABCFM missionaries to Madurai came from this Ceylon mission. Samuel and Roxana Nott and Gordon Hall found refuge in Bombay where they started covert mission work. Adoniram and Ann Judson and Luther Rice had decided to become Baptists during the voyage to the East and soon resigned from the service of the ABCFM. Eventually the Judsons made their way to Serampore to work with the Baptist mission. Rice returned to the United States to solicit aid for the establishment and maintenance of a Baptist Mission in India. See Oliver Wendell Elsbree, The Rise of the Missionary Spirit in America 1790-1815 (Williamsport, PA: The Williamsport Printing and Binding Col. 1928), 114-118.

7. The North American missionaries who went to Madura were the Rev. Levi Spaulding, the Rev. William and Mrs. Lucy Brownell Todd. the Rev. Henry Hoisington, and Francis Asbury. Edward Warren I and Edward Warren II, from Ceylon, were also part of the original group.

8. R. Pierce Beaver, introduction to To Advance the Gospel by Rufus Anderson (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1967), 9.

9. American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Report of the Select Committee on the Deputation to India (New York: John A. Gray’s Fire-Proof Printing Office, 1856), 37.

10. Ibid.

11. Beaver, 14.

12. Rufus Anderson, The Theory of Missions to the Heathen, A Sermon at the Ordination of Mr. Edward Webb, as a Missionary to the Heathen. Ware, Mass., Oct. 23, 1845 (Boston: Crocker and Brewster, 1845) Reprinted as The Office and Work of the Missionary to the Heathen (Boston: The Board, n.d.).

13. John M. Koller, The Indian Way, Asian Perspectives Series. ed. Charles Wei-hsun Fu (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., 1982), 62.

14. William Capron, Madura, to Rufus Anderson, Boston, 22 December 1865, Transcript in the hand of William Capron, "Papers of the ABCFM," ABCFM 16.1.9, Houghton Library, Harvard University.

15. William Tracy, Madura, to Rufus Anderson, Boston, 4 April 1848, Transcript in the hand of William Tracy, "Papers of the ABCFM," ABCFM 16.1.9. Houghton Library, Harvard University.

16. John Rendall, Madura, to Rufus Anderson, Boston, 23 December 1859. Transcript in the hand of John Rendall, "Papers of the ABCFM," ABCFM 16.1.9.3, # 245. Houghton Library, Harvard University.

17. B. Sobhanan, ‘Forward," A History of the Christian Missions in South India. ed. B. Sobhanan (Thiruvananthapuram: Kerala Historical Society, 1996), 1

18. William Tracy, Madurai to Rufus Anderson, Boston, 1 December 1856, ABCFM 16.1.9.

19. S. Rayappan Winfred, Madurai, to Rufus Anderson. Boston, 3 July 1853, Transcript in the hand of S. Rayappan Winfred, "Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions," ABCFM 16.1.9.2 #60, Houghton Library, Harvard University.

20. James Herrick, Madurai, to Rufus Anderson, Boston, 18 February 1858, Transcript in the hand of James Herrick. "Papers of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions," ABCFM 16.1.9.2 #354, Houghton Library, Harvard University.

21. Tracy to Anderson, 28 July 1858, ABCFM 16.1.9.

22. Herrick to Anderson. 18 February 1858, ABCFM 16: 1.9.2, #354.

23. Tracy to Anderson, 28 July 1858. ABCFM 16.1.9.

24. "Resolutions Dissolving the Mission and Instituting the Madura Mission Sangam and the College Governing Council," In Centenary Program, 39.

25. ABCFM, Report of the Select Committee, 35. Anderson’s emphasis.

26. Tracy to Anderson, 1 April 1841. ABCFM 16.1.9.

27. Capron to Anderson, 28 March 1859, ABCFM 16.1.9.

28. The technical term for this process is "devolution." Many missionaries and Indian Christians do not feel that devolution transpired quickly enough, thus creating a relationship of paternalism rather than partnership.

29. Gertrude Chandler, America,, Madura Mission Eighty-Third Annual Report (Madura: Lenox Press, 1918), 56.

30. John Banninga, Centenary Celebrations, January 11-14, 1934 (Madura: Lenox Press, 1934), 3

31. Dorothy Lockwood, Glimpses 1929-1980: The Lockwoods, January 1934 (Patton, Michael. David and Merrick, 1991), 33.

32. In 1961, the ABCFM became part of United Church Board for World Ministries (UCBWM) in connection with the church union that formed the United Church of Christ in 1957. This UCBWM merger included the mission and service agencies of the Evangelical and Reformed Church and the Congregational Christian Churches. See David Stowe, Year 175: A Brief History of the United Church Board for World Ministries (New York: UCBWM, 1984). In 1996, the UCBWM covenanted to work in partnership with the Division of Overseas Ministries of the Christian Church/Disciples of Christ. This programmatic and decision-making body is called the Common Global Ministries Board. During the re-structuring process of the United Church of Christ in 2000, the UCBWM became part of the Wider Church Ministries division of church administration.