Coping With Disaster: How Media Audiences Process Grief

Preface

On December 21, 1988, individuals converged on Kennedy Airport in New York City to welcome family members home for the holidays who were en route from London on Pan Am Flight 103.

Later, at the airport, families learned with horror that the airplane had exploded over the tiny village of Lockerbie, in Scotland. Two hundred and seventy people died in the disaster, including eleven people on the ground in Lockerbie.

Thirty five of the Pan Am 103 victims were students from Syracuse University returning from S. U.'s semester-abroad program.

As media swooped down on families at JFK Airport and on grieving students at the university, trauma was piled upon trauma.

Within a month of this disaster, the author proposed to colleagues at the S. I. Newhouse School of Public Communications that they join her in a systematic analysis of media disaster coverage. This research project was initiated by the Pan Am pain, but it is not limited to this one "media event."

Research team members have visited Lockerbie and built bridges to its citizens and to media and psychological professionals in the United Kingdom. At least seven individual research projects have been undertaken dealing with topics ranging from the preparation of reporters, to the variations among survivors in responding to media presence at the time of a crisis and after it.

The concepts reported in this paper -- one of the projects instigated by the Pan Am disaster -- represent the author's attempt to probe the impact, upon general audiences, of constant media disaster viewing, rather than focusing on victim's families.

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In every age man faces a pervasive theme which defies his engagement and yet must be engaged. In Freud's day it was sexuality and moralism. Now it is unlimited technological violence and absurd death. We do well to name the threat and to analyze its components. But our need is to go further, to create new psychic and social forms to enable us to reclaim not only our technologies, but our very imaginations, in the service of the continuity of life.

 

The psychiatrist, Robert Jay Lifton, quoted above, has systematically researched survivors of Hiroshima and Vietnam and other similar tragic events. (Lifton, 1967, p. 541) Lifton once made the dramatic statement that we are all survivors of Hiroshima. We might also be able to say that we are all survivors of the Pan Am 103 airline disaster, and that we "survive" the many other tragedies we are exposed to with painful regularity on global media.

My research question is: What, if anything, is actually happening to us -- members of the media audience -- as we view and "survive" so many disasters through media?

I wanted to address this question in connection with media coverage of Pan Am 103 and other disasters for several reasons. First, having walked through a spouse-bereavement process, I was personally familiar with aspects of the experience and could, therefore, call upon this experience in my analysis. secondly there are compelling new concepts in the communication and popular culture literature reflecting on media as myth, symbol, story telling and ritual'. The connection between these concepts and the audience impact of disaster news coverage seemed important to me.

And finally... thirty five Syracuse University students lost their very young lives in the terrorist bombing of Pan Am 103. These youth have become a tragic, but treasured, part of our university's history. This research effort is an on-going memorial, dedicated to them and to their surviving families.

I am attempting to explore disaster media coverage as text, as process, as mediator of reality.

Three issues are explored here. First we review existing and emerging theories of communication. This theoretical development began with the study of media effects in early communication studies. Research emphases later addressed the uses of media by audiences to gratify their needs (usually referred to as "uses and gratifications research").

Now communication scholars have integrated insights from the fields of anthropology and cultural studies and are conscious of the significance of myth, symbol, story telling and ritual in media/audience analysis.

The second issue discussed is the work of Robert Jay Lifton as a special subset of psychology literature dealing with death and survival. In this connection I will review highlights of personal conversation with Lifton. We jointly explore the possibility that "survivor syndrome" is possible in media audiences who remain alive after coming very, very close to disasters reported graphically in news coverage almost daily.

Thirdly, as I begin to construct a research design and explore these ideas further, I report on focus group results and additional research planning underway.

Communication Theory

We are becoming more and more aware, as communication media theorists, that television, for example, plays a major role in the study of American culture or in popular culture globally. TV is a set of entertainment stories, news stories and advertising stories. These stories create experiences we all have in common, a sort of "public thought" or forum that engages us.

It is not just a question of the impact of this viewing upon us, but our involvement -- sharing the same experience globallv and processing or mediating our reality through the media texts.

Stories are the organizing principle of television as a medium and these stories seem to represent a purposeful grasp at meaning f or all of us in the global audience. Media stories help us process our life choices. We are now including these insights in our communication theories. Key theorists are James Carey and Horace Newcomb.

Until now we have had what Carey refers to as a transportation model of communication: you have a source for a message, you have the message, and you have receivers. Theorists noted that the message was transmitted or transported from the source to the receivers.

We are now reflecting on a ritual model of communication: reality is maintained and transformed f or us by the stories and the symbols and the myths we see (and process) on TV and other shared media.

Victor Turner speaks of ritual as a commentator on society; today television, to some extent, articulates our culture. Ritual is participatory, so it is not just a question of receiving messages. Rather, it is a matter of being deeply engaged in a ritualistic process as we participate in TV and other media stories. There is a certain amount of imaginative freedom in all of this, similar to the role of art (and religion) throughout history.

Media and Cognitive Theory

 

In Social Foundations of Thought and Action, Albert Bandura notes:

Most psychological theories were cast long before the advent of enormous advances in the technology of communications. As a result, they give insufficient attention to the increasingly powerful role that the symbolic environment plays in present-day human lives. Indeed, in many aspects of living, televised vicarious influence has dethroned the primacy of direct experience. Whether it be thought patterns, values, attitudes, or styles of behavior, life increasingly models the media.

(emphasis added) p. 20

Bandura later refers to the experience of observers of painful experiences:

People commonly display emotional reactions while undergoing rewarding or painful experiences. observers are easily aroused by such emotional expressions. This capacity for vicarious arousal plays a vital role in the development and modification of emotional reactivity. on the positive side, it enables people to learn what might be pleasurable or distressful, without having to go through the same experiences themselves. In addition to its immediate functional value, vicarious arousal is an integral aspect of human empathy. Empathy with the suffering of others helps to facilitate altruistic acts or to curb interpersonal aggression. These effects are of no small social benefit... p. 307

Bandura notes several criteria that might be useful in assessing the impact of disaster media coverage on viewers. He notes that "past correlated experiences heighten vicarious arousal because they make what happens to others Predictive of what might happen to oneself, (emphasis added). This indicates a potential guideline for studying media (vicarious) viewing.

Bandura notes there is a greater emotional impact if one might face a similar situation in the future:

... seeing models undergo emotional experiences in performance situations that observers themselves are likely to face in the future has much greater emotional impact than if the observed activities have no personal relevance. p. 312

Another significant factor (which might be related to "psychic numbing" among individuals, including media viewers of disasters) is noted:

It is not unusual for people who have shared severe adversity and misery to become indifferent or callous to the suffering of others... Repeated painful experiences may eventually desensitize emotional reactions to pain. p. 313

Bandura adds this significant warning:

The vicarious induction of fears has more profound social consequences than direct experience because the vicarious mode, especially televised modeling, can affect the lives of vast numbers of people.

(emphasis added) p. 318

Clearly Bandura (and later, in conversation, Lifton) sense the deep psychological significance of media upon viewers. Much research has been done trying to assess the impact of TV violence on viewers. It may be just as difficult to monitor the impact of disaster news coverage.

Robert Jay Lifton

Reading bereavement literature, I saw a subset of this literature that was "survival" literature. This led me rather quickly to Robert Jay Lifton, who has studied survivors of Hiroshima, Viet Nam, and Nazi death camps.

It seemed to me that Lifton, after Freud and Erikson, had proposed a paradigm of compelling significance. Freud speaks of instincts, and defenses against these instincts, as the basis of psychological behavior and research. Erikson, of course, speaks of identity and life crisis as a model to work out of.

Lifton's model is death and life continuity. From this paradigm comes his current focus on nuclearism; he sees the potential of nuclear holocaust as pervasive in our psyche, our society and our public policy.

In his work The Broken Connection, Lifton opens with this sentence: "We live on images and to grasp our humanity, we need to structure these images into metaphors and models." This sounds very much like what communication theorists have been saying about media image and metaphor and story. And it relates to Bandurals recent reflections on the impact of media on the social foundations of our thought and action.

In Lifton's conceptual model of death and continuity of life, he speaks of a "death imprint" a heightened sense of vulnerability we all feel, partially because our science and technology make it so easy to destroy ourselves.

I began to be aware that Lifton's concepts may well be related to audiences in a mediated world where disasters are graphically reported with regularity each evening. Perhaps the result is a heightened sense of vulnerability among us as media disaster "survivors." When we view disasters are we thinking, with stark reality, of our own death? And what is the result if we have to think about this every night of the week as we have dinner?

I contacted Lifton and suggested that I meet with him to discuss these ideas. We have spent time reflecting together and certain conceptual frameworks have emerged from this dialogue.

Lifton agreed that there is an intensification of simultaneous worldwide sharing going on. He noted that probably all of this is occurring at a psychological level of severe intensity for most of us and, to some extent, viewers do become survivors and may model "survivors' syndrome" and other behaviors he has identified in his writings.

Lifton also agreed that there is the possibility of media audience psychic numbing, along with withdrawal and/or repression. And, of course, if something is repressed it does not disappear; it is still there to be dealt with later.

An interesting thing occurred as Lifton and I spoke. We became aware that there are significant differences in the way individuals relate to tragedies. He shared with me that one of the most serious disasters for him was the death and media coverage of John Kennedy. He noted that he was not an uncritical f an of Kennedy, but added "I was enormously impacted by his death and the media events."

I posed the question: "Do you suppose this was due to your commitment to Camelot?" He replied: "Yes, that is probably true."

I shared with Lifton that I was deeply moved by the death of the Montreal women. This was probably the result of the fact that these women were shot randomly in a college classroom by someone simply because they were f emale. Like the Syracuse University students on Pan Am 103, these students were random victims of a terrorist.

I guess, on reflection, I was also affected by the fact that the Montreal women were university students and I work with similar students daily. Another factor was that the Canadian broadcasting radio coverage of the Montreal tragedy was exquisitely sensitive. All of this made that particular tragedy one of the most significant for me.

There is obviously a methodological concept here that needs f urther research: what components of a tragedy and its media coverage speak to each of us uniquely? How can this be investigated?

Death and Life Continuity

There are many threads in the tapestry of Lifton's thought. A number of them seem appropriate f or analysis in a research design that probes whether and/or how the death imprint may be communicated globally through media.

Lifton speaks of the "broken connection" in the tissues of our mental life -- the image of extinction. His paradigm explores "the place of death in the human imagination, and its bearing on our sense of endings, changes, and beginnings. He ref ers to the Adam/Eve story and their opting for knowledge. "Knowledge is the capacity of the symbolizing imagination to explore the idea of death and relate it to the principle of lif e-continuity -- that is, the capacity for culture."

Instead of Freud's instinctual expression, Lifton sees symbolization as "the essence of human mentation." He notes that "the most fundamental symbolizations -- from which motivation derives -- have to do with image and inner forms around life, being alive and the maintenance of life continuity... the self's participation in ongoing collective life... ties to human community, to nature, to self-renewal."

It will be helpful to reflect further on Lifton' s commentaries concerning death and then examine underlying themes that emerged during his interviews and analysis of a specific event -- the Buffalo Creek, West Virginia flood disaster. These latter themes might serve as focal points in interviews and surveys concerning disasters covered by the media.

Lifton comments, in "Death and the Continuity of Life" (1974) that Freud says in the unconscious, each of us is convinced of his own immortality. Freud viewed sex and death as "the great instinctual adversaries." Jung states that all mythologies of the world contain beliefs about life after death, speaking of the "modern therapeutic ethos and the premodern Christian hope."

Lifton agrees: "To be sure, aggression and destructiveness and even guilt derive from the 'death instinct."' But he adds: "We need a different perspective."

Death has two meanings, says Lifton. The first is the act of dying (including suffering and loss). The second is the state of non-life -- the nonexistence of self. Death is the end of life, the loss of vitality, a disaster, holocaust, absurdity -- the feeling the whole world is dying. He notes that death is present for us in some way (death-equivalents) at all times. He comments: "Preoccupation with death, then, becomes the means of transcending it.

In the Buffalo Creek flood disaster 43 interviews were conducted including 22 flood survivors. In this 1972 event, 125 people were killed and over 5000 homeless were flood victims. This massive psychic trauma included a second trauma -- the fact that a community was destroyed. (Lifton, 1976)

One significant factor was the totality of the disaster. The suddenness of the event was made worse by the callousness and irresponsibility -of some human beings, leaving survivors feeling that their life was not valued in any way. The isolation of the area added to the suffering.

Human relationships were impaired. Lifton speaks of "counterfeit nurturing" and "unfocused rage" among survivor families. Psychic numbing, the diminished capacity for feeling was obvious (apathy, withdrawal, depression). Both survivors and observers evidence this disaster syndrome.

Death guilt is felt by individuals who survive, a sense that they should have been able to do something to prevent the loss of loved ones.

Death anxiety persists in dreams and in f ear of crowds. Death imprint consists of memories, images of massive destruction.

Hiroshima as Disaster

Moving back in history, from Buffalo Creek to Hiroshima, we see five major themes in Lifton's analysis of Hiroshima survivors: death imprint, death guilt, psychic numbing, nurturance/contagion, and formulation (the need to rebuild).

The death imprint is a sense of heightened vulnerability, along with a reinforced invulnerability ("I survived!"), the experience of a jarring awareness of the fact of death, and a sense of breakdown in the larger human matrix. A spellbinding fascination with scenes of death appeared, along with a loss of innocence of death and impaired mourning. Lifton notes (1967):

... the survivor of any death immersion feels his relationship to the ultimate forces of death and rebirth to be seriously threatened. p. 481

Death guilt is often described, Lifton says, as "a turning inward of anger." The sense is that one's survival is purchased at the price of another's as though there were a competition for survival. Funeral ceremonies speed the dead away from us.

A survivor's rage is also suppressed in psychic numbing "like wandering in a half world -- a state of "death in life." (This latter phrase provides the title of Lifton's Hiroshima book.) He notes that a psychic closing off can serve a highly adaptive function; it protects survivors from feeling helpless and is our defense against death anxiety and death guilt.

In response to these psychic dynamics is the need to rebuild, the "reparative process following any significant psychic disruption."

Awareness and Renewal

As he concludes his 1983 volume on death and the continuity of life paradigm, Lifton speaks of

hope:

Throughout this book I have assumed that awareness matters, that something is gained through understanding potential threats and possibilities. p. 391

He continues:

Awareness... includes the ability to anticipate and realize danger on the one hand and the capacity for knowledge and transcendent feeling on the other. My argument is that the two are inseparable. Imaginative access to death in its various psychic manifestations is necessary for vitality and vision. p. 392

In a thought that seems especially appropriate to media audiences, Lifton states: "I became convinced that anxious immersion in death imagery is important for psychotherapy or any other important Personal change. In that sense renewal involves a survivor experience... 11 (emphasis added).

His study of death and the continuity of life ends with a recurring Lifton theme::

We live on images and the images shift. our increasing capacity for awareness gives direction to our life-symbolizing process and we find a way to begin to understand. p. 394

Media Images

It is an awesome challenge to probe the connection between a mediated world audience being exposed to disaster news coverage, and Lifton's paradigm of death and the continuity of life. Here I propose, and report on, some beginnings.

Clearly, as both Bandura and Lifton acknowledge, psychology needs to address media impact systematically. One way f or the conceptualizing to begin is for media theorists and practitioners to reflect upon their own psychological traumas (like bereavement) in the light of what they know about evolving communication theory. I began there. (Lifton, too, speaks of "articulated subjectivity" -- the use of the self as an investigative instrument.)

Another aspect of the study requires much more collaboration between psychology scholars and communication theorists. I am trying to do this with my Lifton dialogues. As research progresses we will, hopefully, enlarge the discussion, including other individuals from both sides of the scientific fence.

Before discussing methodology, let me review many of the conceptual constructs that have surfaced in my research in the Lifton literature to date:

* the place of death in the human imagination

* its relationship to the principle of life-continuity

* this paradigmatic impact on the capacity for culture

* the self's ties to human community and self-renewal

* the death instinct and its relationship to aggression, destructiveness and guilt

* death as suffering, loss, the state of non-life, the loss of vitality, disaster, holocaust, absurdity, the feeling the whole world is dying

* the sense of totality in disaster situations callousness, irresponsibility of some humans in disaster situations

* psychic numbing as a diminished capacity for feeling death quilt felt by survivors death imprint as heightened vulnerability fascination with scenes of death a turning inward of anger in death/disaster renewal emerging from awareness of threats

Many communication-research concepts seem to relate to these:

* media as a force for enculturation

* media setting the news agenda

* symbolic violence on TV as a demonstration of power and an instrument of social control

* media usurping the role of religion as "authority" the homogenizing factor of media

* media message codes

* the narcotizing function of media

* media and technology as icon (ritual, shared belief)

* media as "purposeful grasp at meaning"

In discussing "uses and gratification" theory-building, one writer noted:

Not all investigations should follow the hypothetico-deductive model. There is always a need ... for exploratory studies of a descriptive nature. (Rosengren, 1985, p. 33-4)

This kind of careful conceptualization seems required here as we reflect upon both the psychological and the media realities listed above.

There are interesting questions. Is television truly dethroning the primacy of the direct experience? How does vicarious arousal facilitate altruism? What components of media disasters speak to individuals differently, and how, and why? Do repeated painful experiences desensitize us? Should this research methodology mirror studies of TV violence? How much are we repressing as we view media?

I have gathered focus group data, reported below. A colleague at the Newhouse School of Public Communications is assisting me in developing a research design which will include extensive interviews, survey and experimental data. Dr. Abby Mehta has done research in social psychology and advertising both in India and in the United States. Her expertise will be of great importance as we continue.

Focus groups to date have indicated that individuals identify with family members when they see disasters on media. Many individuals resent the questions that media personnel direct to family members. Some people report they are "kept awake" by this coverage, that they have nightmares, that they have stopped watching TV news as a result. Age diff erences seem to emerge, with some older individuals being quite practical in thinking that death is not far from them anyway. Many people speak of shock and disbelief when they first hear of a major disaster through the media. They then think about themselves: "That could have been me."

There seems to be differences between the way one views crime and one's reaction to major disasters. People speak of "small" and "large" disasters. Viewers seem aware that modern media technologies make it possible for coverage that is more graphic, more gruesome. Some viewers note, however, that when illness or death touches someone they know, it seems more tragic than what they see on TV.

I have made some assumptions here. It seems true that disaster coverage on media are having an effect (perhaps a disquieting effect) on vast numbers of individuals around the world and, therefore, leaving some kind of imprint on our humanity and modern culture. The connectedness of media consumers in some kind of public forum is probably of some significance. The total reach of this coverage may well have profound social consequences because vast numbers of people are deeply involved, leading, perhaps, to death anxiety and psychic numbing.

It may also be true that by being aware of these issues, and studying them further, we can exhibit the "vitality and vision" Lifton speaks of -- leading to "a capacity for knowledge and transcendent feeling."

Let us begin.

 

REFERENCES

 

Bandura, Albert (1986). Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social'coqnitive Theory. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.

Carey, James and Kreiling, Albert L. (1974) "Popular Culture and Uses and Gratifications: Notes Toward An Accommodation," in The Uses of Mass Communications: Current Perspectives in Gratif ications Research, eds. J. Blumler and E. Katz. Beverly Hills: Sage.

Horowitz, Mardi J. MD, (et. al.) (1980) "Signs and Symptoms of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder," Archives of General Psychiatry, 37, 85-92.

Jung, Carl G., (et. al.) (1964) Man and His Symbols. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday.

Lifton, Robert Jay (1982). "Beyond Psychic Numbing: A Call to Awareness, 11 American Journal of OrthoDsvchiatrv. 52 (4) , 619-629.

----- (1967). Death in--Life: Survivors of Hiroshima. N.Y.:

Random House.

----- (1970). History and Human Survival. N.Y.: Random House.

----- (1973). Home From the War: Vietnam Veterans - Neither

victims nor Executioners. N.Y.: Simon and Schuster.

----- (1983). The Life of the Self: Toward a New Psychology.

N.Y.: Basic Books.

----- (1974). "On Death and the Continuity of Life: A 'New' Paradigm," History of Childhood Ouarterly, 1 (4), 681-696.

----- (1983). The Broken--Connection: On Death and the Continuity of Life. N.Y.: Basic Books

----- (1976). "The Human Meaning of Total Disaster: The Buffalo Creek Experience," Psychiatry, 39, 1-18.

Newcomb, Horace and Alley, Robert S. (1983) The Producer's Medium. N.Y.: Oxford University Press.

Nimmo, Dan and Combs, James E. (1985). Nightly Horror_of Crisis Coverage by Television Network News. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press.

Rosengren, Karl Erik (et. al.) (1985) Media Gratifications Research:- Current Perspectives. Beverly Hills: Sage.

Walters, Lynne Masel, Wilkins, Lee, Walters, Tim. (1989). Bad Tidings: Communication And Catastrophe. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

 

A New Era in Catholic Church Communication

A communication era ended in the U.S. Catholic Church recently; American bishops voted at their Chicago meeting to close down the church's satellite system and to begin a strategic planning effort to discern current telecommunications needs and how to respond to them.

It is probably appropriate for the church to "re-engineer" its communication efforts, similar to the reinvention occurring in corporate and government sectors. Many things have changed since the bishops established the Catholic Telecommunications Network of America (CTNA) in the early eighties. Within the telecommunications field itself many new technologies and players are converging to offer varied options to institutions and consumers. The spread of the personal computer, for example, forces a new configuration in the church's communication planning.

And at the diocesan and local levels, individual American Catholics are more savvy about various communication tools: E-mail; fax machines; Internet; cellular phones; compact discs; direct broadcast satellite, and personal computers, to mention a few. In addition, changing government policies (cutbacks for lower-income programs) should prompt a study of how technologies can service our "option for the poor."

How can the church utilize these dazzling new technologies to respond to human need? I suggest a few principles as guidelines for our telecommunications strategic planning.

I . Although mass media tools like TV and radio will continue to remain vital, we must re-structure our thinking to include interactive and non-broadcast technologies. Two-way cable, telephones, computers, fax systems, and local area networks are emerging as key components of any telecommunications system. Two-way or dialogic tools offer human response as part of the communication process. Too much communication to date has been centrally dominated by networks and fed to somewhat-passive audiences.

2. The growth of Internet reflects a desire among people to interconnect. This concept must be the basis of a communication vision for the American Catholic Church. New technologies can facilitate interconnection among church leadership and can also help an individual bond with others. The Church already has institutional caring systems (parishes, schools, hospitals, charitable bureaus) and communication technologies offer special economies to these struggling programs. People of vision can articulate practical ways to integrate technologies into these already-existing systems of information and interconnection. Many state legislatures, for example, are funding computer networks to link public schools throughout America.

3. The church already has many communication resources throughout the country and these need more support. There are pastoral communication programs (like the one at the University of Dayton) that have trained church leaders well. There are independent audio and video producers turning out good programs, but they struggle to survive. Diocesan communication directors, like other church agencies, have dwindling budgets yet they face challenging communication tasks. Ecumenical efforts like the Faith and Values Cable Channel deserve vigorous support.

4. The interconnection of church communication efforts will be vital, but these networks will probably grow up from the local and regional levels, rather than be administered nationally. For more than two decades up to twenty dioceses have operated microwave video channels in closed circuit or non-broadcast areas of the communication spectrum allocated by the federal government. These communication systems provide programs for diocesan agencies, primarily schools. This network currently reaches over ten million Americans in their homes. They have developed a method of sharing their communication channels with commercial entities, thus earning large amounts of income to support further church communication efforts. This is a successful model of how the church can make the interconnection concept fiscally viable. Indeed, this network is now uniquely capable of becoming a bridge to all other channels of communication for the church: broadcast TV, cable, and computers.

5. It is vital that telecommunications discernment in the American church be a collaborative vision and not be co-opted by one interest group or another. As strategic planning begins, various constituents will be visible to lobby for their interests. However, Washington DC serves as an example of the gridlock that occurs when the lobbyists usurp the voices of American citizens. The new vision for Catholic telecommunications will probably be more decentralized in its design, again reflecting other models like Internet, and the "reinventing government" and communitarian movements.

6. One could fault Catholic communicators and Catholic educators for not articulating a clear vision and plan to date for the American bishops. The Wall Street Journal (3/20/95) predicts the global telecommunications market will expand at double-digit annual rates through the end of this decade to 1. I trillion dollars in the year 2000. We see parental school choice (even vouchers) emerging as real possibilities as Americans see a moral vacuum in public education. Where are the articulate leaders in Catholic communications and Catholic education putting forth a practical and visionary plan that will help the church provide leadership in the public square as our nation staggers toward the millenium? One effort in process is the articulation of a National Pastoral Communication Plan underway among Catholic broadcasters in their professional association known as UNDA.

Many magazines currently feature cover stories of an "information superhighway. Like the canals and railroads of previous eras, the telecommunications infrastructure under development today will be the key to economic (and religious) development for us and for our children. These optical fiber roadways will transmit video, but they will also carry voice (telephone calls) and data (computer information).

In the history of communications media in the U.S. it has been important for churches to have their own communication channels; expecting commercial operators to dole out some of their programming time has resulted in almost total exclusion of religious programming (unless you "buy time" as the evangelicals do).

Even as we prepare to plan, the church needs a national-support office to aid all Catholic communication efforts by monitoring communication action in the corporate and government regulatory arenas. This staff could keep dioceses informed, offer engineering assistance and coordinate appropriate lobbying efforts in Washington.

Churches need to be participants in the policy process to guarantee that the human spirit is not short-circuited in an electronic age. We must insure that we do not become a nation or a global village of information-rich and information-poor. And we can conceptualize how new communication patterns and technologies can help us link with one another and build communities of faith.

Interactive Communications in the Church

On a foggy morning in Berlin a taxi dropped me at the Brandenburg Gate. Tears came to my eyes as I felt communion with people who had struggled to participate, to unite. I had been part of it through the mass media.

For many, the fall of the Berlin Wall remains a symbol of hope and enormous challenge. If this happened so quickly and dramatically -- in Berlin and, later, in Moscow and the Middle East-then barriers can be minimized between local, regional, national, and global communities.

Unity in diversity is a challenge for churches and society in a postmodern world.

In Lumen gentium, the Second Vatican Council referred to a multiplicity of "the abilities, the resources, and customs of peoples," saying "each part contributes its own gifts to other parts and to the whole Church."' At the historical moment of the Council, we were called to communion and community,

The ideas that follow are an attempt to reflect on aspects of communications and the theology of communio. Specific questions guide our study:

1. What forms of participatory communications are emerging in churches? What is the role of authority in such forums?

2. How do we encourage collaboration called "animating forms of cooperation" by the theologian Hermann Pottmeyer?( 2)

3. Must participatory freedom lead to polarization and, in reaction, central control?

4. Can new communication and collaborative theories help churches become vital communities, to reanimate an apparent diminution of faith in some modem societies?

I. Conceptual Framework

It is helpful to make some comments about the analytical perspective employed here. This is clearly an interdisciplinary investigation. Theology, specifically ecclesiology, and communications are involved in this inquiry, and the communication ideas will involve both theoretical reflections and practical guidelines.

Applicable too are insights from social theory and from the field of organizational communication since it is a challenge to coordinate dialogical responses within Church structures. Much study is required concerning the process and interrelatedness of those communicating.

Two theologians have noted that Vatican 11 should be considered "transitional" -- a work in progress. Pottmeyer called the Council "an act of setting out . . . not as a single, once-and-for all step, but as an example of a passage to be made over and over again, in every moment, the signs of which must be read in the light of the Gospel. (3) In a similar vein, Walter Kasper noted that "today there is not yet any way which leads fundamentally beyond the Council. . . . It is not only that we do not have the presuppositions and the preliminary work. We have not as yet nearly exhausted the potentialities of the last Council. (4)

I will draw substantially here from my own research on collaborative systems theory-reflections on cooperative strategies in a media/information world. These ideas supply a framework for analysis which can aid us in our understanding of emerging realities of communication and Church. Hopefully, such a framework will enable others to offer additional organizing principles, thus encouraging both unity and diversity.

We need to explore specific topics:

· participatory components of communio ecclesiology

· emerging communication theories of discourse

· how these two areas converge and interact in participatory communications

· practical applications and case study examples: collaborative communications; the implications of freedom and autonomy; new roles for laity

· specific suggestions and goals for the future

Lonergan reminds us in Method in Theology that "A community ... is an achievement of common meaning." (5) And we must recall the practical advice of Dulles, in 1971, in a prophetic document: "The Church cannot wall itself up in a cultural ghetto at a time when humanity as a whole is passing into the electronic age. (6)

 

II. Participatory Components of Communio Ecclesiology

There is a distinction, of course, between ecclesiology-the aspect of theology that examines the nature and mission of the Church-and what the Church is in practice. It is clear that historical diversity and the development of ecclesiology permit a richness in the Church's own self-understanding.

In the last century the Church was presented as a full and perfect society, on the same level as the state; at the same time, emphasis was placed on the hierarchical and juridical aspects of the Church as institution. Later the theme of the Mystical Body was stressed, integrating previous concepts of Church.

Various aspects of the Church's nature and mission have been made more understandable by the models of Church proposed by Avery Dulles. (7) The first model mentioned, the Church as institution, places exclusive emphasis on the hierarchical structure. This model notes that the Church descends from God through its hierarchy to others. The faithful are asked to assent to this and subordinate themselves. The hierarchy represent authoritative teachers (ecclesia docens), and the people are learners (ecclesia discens). This was the view of Church emphasized when the Second Vatican Council began.

Dulles identifies and explores other images of Church, including the Church as Herald (to proclaim its message), as Sacrament (Church as sign, personal witness) and the secular-dialogic metaphor.(8) In another work Dulles speaks of Discipleship as an appropriate image of Church. (9)

A clearly distinct model is the Church as communio-a fellowship animated by the Spirit, No one metaphor contains the totality of the Church's nature and each contributes to our understanding. Obviously different individuals will tend toward various aspects of Church. We should note that each model of Church has a different image and seems to have its own style of communication appropriate to it.

In the document Lumen gentium the Council sets forth the Church's revised understanding of her own nature. Dulles notes that Lumen gentium, "because of its central importance and its wealth of doctrine, probably deserves to be called the most imposing achievement of Vatican II." (10) Indeed, the very process of developing Lumen gentium is an example of a participatory forum. As Dulles notes: "The successive drafts of the Constitution, compared with one another, strikingly reveal the tremendous development in self-understanding of the Church which resulted from the dialogue within the Council." (11) (Emphasis added) The institutional and communio models of Church had supporters within the Council. Some tension between these diverse ecclesiologies continues as a result of Council compromises.

Several participatory concepts emerge in this document, including a creative view of laity roles and the principle of bishops' collegiality. Both provide a balance to the earlier heavy emphasis on papal power and authority. The new self-understanding was based upon biblical scholarship and a reconnection with early Church history and practice.

Most consider graced the bold new direction in the Church's self-understanding and participatory vision. On the practical level, however, it did require compromise as the dialogue at the Council proceeded. As a result, several ecclesiologies exist side by side in Council documents; this has made subsequent application of Council teaching somewhat complicated and even contentious.

Pottmeyer notes: "The active reception of the Council's first steps toward a new ecclesial self-understanding is . . . a task that will take decades. . . . Would it not have been inherently contradictory to give a fixed legal formulation to what was in fact the expression of a desire for transition and mobility? (12) Much participatory development has occurred since the Council; understandably, it has not been easy.

Shared Responsibility

The Council challenged all Church members to accept responsibility as a community specifically called-participating actively in the Church's life and mission by virtue of their sacramental entrance into the community. Kasper notes that this marked the end of a pattern of a welfare Church.

In hardly any sector since the Council have things moved so much as here. . . . Stimulated by the Council, bodies of common responsibility have come into being on all levels of the church's life: parish councils, diocesan councils, diocesan synods, episcopal synods. Lay interest, and the preparedness of lay people to take a share of responsibility, is perhaps the most valuable and most important contribution of the post-conciliar period. (13)

It is helpful to look briefly at the issue of "democracy" in the Church. Rahner notes:

. . . many structures and institutions may be built into the Church which give the people of the Church a more active role than that which they have previously had in the life of the Church itself. In other words . . . these new structures and institutions may signify 'democratic' rights within the Church. In fact many changes in this direction have in practice already been achieved within the Church, even though we may hold the opinion that still more changes of the same kind will have to take place in the future. (14)

 

Schillebeeckx, in a recent book, gives extensive treatment to this issue in a chapter entitled "Towards Democratic Rule of the Church as a Community of God." (15) This work explores the impact of various historical developments: bishops as feudal princes; the Enlightenment; the French Revolution; bourgeois religion; and the Council's final "break with its feudal past. (16)

The co-responsibility of all believers for the church . . . essentially includes the participation of all believers in decisions relating to church government (however this may be organized in practice). Vatican 11 also gave at least some institutional encouragement towards making this universal participation possible: the Roman synods, the national councils, the episcopal conferences, the councils of priests, the diocesan and parish councils of lay believers and the frameworks of many organizations. (17)

Schillebeeckx notes the danger of overemphasizing "our one-sidedly technological consumer society" and urges "the interplay of official teaching authority and the teaching authority of believers and their theologians (always in some tension)." (18)

Obviously, the Church is not free to disregard Scripture and tradition; and it retains divine guidance. Kasper also notes that the term " 'People of God' does not mean a political association of people or 'ordinary, simple people,' as distinct from the establishment. . . . It means the organic and structured whole of the church, the people gathered round their bishop, and attached to their shepherd, as Cyprian put it. (19)

 

III. An "Open Systems" View of Church

Many would agree on the concept of shared responsibility in the Church. The tensions arise when it is worked out in practice. Much of the difficulty relates to communication patterns and practices.

Another issue is the need to develop and build a theory of subsidiarity; it is not just a question of Rome implementing it. What is required is the institutionalization of subsidiarity. This needs to be developed from the bottom up, not from the top down, or one contradicts the principle of subsidiarity. These are some of the specific tasks when integrating practical applications of authority and co-responsibility in churches today.

Many of these issues are worked out at the local level. Thus, the Church at the parish and diocesan level is the focus of much current ecclesial inquiry and theological reflection. Joseph Komonchak notes reasons for the shift to the local Church. These include ". . . the revalidation of the bishop's role; the importance of regional episcopal collegiality; ecumenical reflection on the differences compatible with unity; challenges of inculturation; . . . (the need for) genuine community in a world of increased anonymity and bureaucracy . . ." (20)

The Church also exists in a society of advancing scientific inquiry. From an organizational or institutional viewpoint, it is helpful to examine the impact of one scientific perspective-systems theory.

Everett and Rekha Rogers have analyzed organizational communication. One can trace the history of organizational behavior studies from early "scientific management" days through the discovery of "human relations. Rogers notes the emergence of "a more eclectic and encompassing viewpoint" in the 1960's and 1970's-"the systems school." (21) Based on general systems theory, this work "conceptualizes an organization as a system of interrelated components, and stresses the orchestration of these parts as the key to maximizing performance. . . . This intellectual viewpoint has been the single most influential theory in contemporary scientific thought, especially in the social sciences." (22)

These theorists conceive of a system as a set of interdependent parts. Communication is one essential element of any system-linking the parts (subsystems) and facilitating their interdependence. The focus on interaction is very significant; the increasing interactivity of communication technologies, discussed below, parallels the emphasis on interactivity in systems theory. This theme of interdependence is reflected also, of course, in the ecclesiology of communio.

In describing an "open system" approach Rogers explains:

A system is a set of units that has some degree of structure, and that is differentiated from the environment by a boundary. The system's boundary is defined by communication flows ... any system that does no' input matter, energy, and information from its environment will soon run down and eventually cease to exist... an open system continuously exchanges information with its environment. (23)

Research within organizations indicates that "the more turbulent environments require a more differentiated and decentralized organizational structure." (24) This may have interesting ramifications for churches today.

I have seen two interesting applications of systems concepts to ecclesiology and church governance. The first is a study of ecclesial cybernetics by Patrick Granfield. (25) This author uses case study analysis (of slavery, birth control, ecumenism, and celibacy) to examine concepts of democratic (interactive) communication, noting implications for ecclesiology.

In citing institutional conditions for improved church communication and responsive decision-making, Granfield lists:

· small communities fostering religious commitment;

· the principle of pluralism;

· greater local autonomy and flexibility;

· credible study commissions; and

· broad participation in the selection of leadership

Another study uses a systems approach to analyze shared responsibility in the educational system of the Church. (26) Olin J. Murdick has designed a systems approach "reality grid." In the Murdick dialectic, specific operational components-such as goals, programs, and governance --- move through systematic stages. This significant study provided much of the theoretical foundation for the development of participatory school boards for Catholic schools in the United States.

The challenge is to respect the role of authority while facilitating dialogue. The sensitive leader knows that participation permits both information-sharing and human affirmation. We have reviewed the ecclesiology of communio and the significance of systems theory in the institutional Church. It is important to understand that-in parallel with these dynamic developments have occurred in the field of communications.

IV. The Role of the Message and Stories in Our Lives

When we review human history and communication roles within it, we move back before the time of complex structures when oral cultures were smaller and communal. Linking these groups required communication channels, both oral and written. These patterns were present in both Judaic and early Christian communities or churches. Leaders emerged but much interaction occurred among local people because there were not complex infrastructures above them nor easy access to other groups. The storyteller represented data storage-like computer memory of today.

When the technology of print emerged in medieval Europe an upheaval occurred that eventually fractured the local and regional loyalties of feudal society. Other factors include the Reformation, the ascendancy of the arts, the Enlightenment, and the concept of absolutism-the idea that power could be centralized in a king or a state. Meanwhile, trade routes provided financial and communications infrastructures; later the Industrial Revolution and nation-state concept added complexities making communication channels more difficult to analyze.

This brings us quickly to modern history, but it is here that we must function. And it is in this context that the Church must discern how communication theory and tools can infuse its unique mission and service to others.

Complicating and enriching this modern context is the growth of natural sciences and social sciences. Included are varied specifics such as: economic theory; psychiatry; systems analysis; the growth of bureaucracies; the science of management; the development of the democratic ideal; striving for universal education; personalism (fulfilling the earlier promise of the Enlightenment); the rise and fall of colonialism; and modem liberation movements. No wonder all this seems impossible to control or understand! The fact is that "control"-at least "centralized control" is much more difficult, if not completely impossible, in the light of the above developments and the advances of mass communication systems.

Two additional factors should be mentioned. At least in the United States, pressure groups have focused enormous energies, funds, and communication manipulation into special-interest arenas, causing the noted consultant Peter Drucker and others to speak of "gridlock" when describing it. In addition, communication/information overload is tending to induce fear and anxiety; this breeds conflict.

Where does hope reside? How can one trust in "animating forms of cooperation," as Pottmeyer uses the term above? Advances in communication theories help somewhat. Specialists in communication are more sophisticated in tracking information flows between individuals, among groups, and within organizations and societal structures. New communication theories arise, like the "public sphere" model discussed below. And information technologies can provide enabling infrastructures-electronic highways which parallel the trade routes, railroads, and canals of previous ages.

In a 1989 conference of theologians and communication scholars held in Rome, some efforts were made to link the ecclesial concept of communio with communication sciences. One participant, Ricardo Antoncich, noted that theology, (as reflection about the faith of the Church), should enter into dialogue with other forms of thought that rationally explain the life of the human being in the world. He noted: "Methodologically, the contribution of communication to ecclesiology does not refer exclusively to the analysis of how the Church lives its internal or external communication; rather it refers to the total contribution that communication sciences offer to the understanding of the human person, the world, and history. (27)

A corresponding communication/communio model was offered by Pottmeyer. He spoke of communio as a leitmotif-a norm or criterion-for the Church, her structures and relations. Rather than a concrete single concept, it has a theological and anthropological meaning. Pottmeyer noted that communio has three corresponding communications dimensions:

1. communication within the church (communio fidelium, communio ecclesiarum);

2. extra-ecclesial communication (Church as sacrament of the Kingdom within the unity of mankind); and

3. the self-communication of God (history of salvation).

All Church communication converges within the framework of divine self-communication, thus the Church's role as sign or witness. (28)

V. Communication Forums

In speaking of the emerging models of communication we need to move toward the concept of participative communication forums. Our first guide toward this path is Bernard Haring's thoughtful essay entitled "Ethics of Communication" in his volume on moral theology for priests and laity. Haring speaks in this work about mass media (TV, films, advertising), but we also see here the early traces of a sensitive awareness of communication as interactive and dialogic. He speaks of The Word as "listener;" he says the "Spirit is sharing;" (his emphasis). He notes: "A teaching Church that is not, above all, a learning, listening Church, is not on the wavelength of divine communication." (29)

In this work, written almost two decades ago, Haring says that a new dimension of today's communication is its "public forum" role. "The public forum in which information and opinions are exchanged is not something static ... it is the sum of various 'worlds'," and he reminds us: "Vatican II considers the awareness of this changing world as fundamental for understanding our task." (30)

Haring moves then to a rich appreciation of pluralism.

Pluralism is not at all anarchy of ideas and a structureless society. Democracy needs mutual respect and agreement on basic values. But tolerance does not imply neutrality of thought ... a legitimate pluralism is never a threat but rather an indispensable condition for catholicity in truth and truth in catholicity....

As one of the outstanding "signs of the times," pluralism invites a courageous and generous ecumenical spirit and action. (31) He concludes:

. . . the full recognition of pluralism and methods of dialogue, the common search for truth, and reciprocal communication not only do not threaten the consistency and unity of a united Christianity but can greatly help to strengthen and deepen them. (32)

Haring confronts realistically the pathologies of modem communication, the dark side. He bemoans technology-for-its-own-sake, the lack of access, the manipulation.

One of the most serious threats to human integrity is the constant exposure to scenes of excessive cruelty. This abuse of mass media, which suggests that the normal solution of human conflict is violence and even cruelty, is called by Haseldon "the most monstrous obscenity of our time." Particularly dangerous to humankind is the glorification of war and "the glamorizing of the military tradition. (33)

In an overview of Church documents on media, Haring concludes that evangelization through mass media should involve a prudent limitation of any media that make dialogue difficult. "Churches have to develop a dialogical style that invites everyone to participate trustfully." (34)

Culture and the Public Sphere

The concept of communication as forum (thereby dialogical) is a bold move in a field that has tended to focus on the model of a message moving from a source to a receiver (with much passivity). Under the influence of studies in cultural anthropology and linguistics, scholars now realize the significant interaction between communication and popular culture. We know that the common currency of any culture is deeply integrated into the communication channels existing within that culture.

A significant analysis of this, applied to developing nations, has been done by Robert White at The Gregorian University. White uses a concept stressed by other scholars -- "the public sphere."

Descriptively, the public sphere refers to that aspect of social action, cultural institutions, and collective decision-making that affects all people in the society and engages the interests of all people in the national body. . . . a nation may be said to exist insofar as it has a core of social interaction that is truly common and public. (35)

White explains the need to move away from emphasis on mass media to "the way that different groups construct discourses of meaning." The issue of a participatory conception of the public sphere leads communication experts to study group media instead of focusing on mass media only. We note once again the significance of community in public culture and participative media.

My own conviction is that we need to expand our communication horizon beyond group media (generally understood as audio and video "programs") to include what I would term interconnecting or interactive or link communication technologies. This interaction is participatory and connects quite naturally with the theology of communio.

Interactivity: An Epistemological Turning Point

Driving an epistemological revolution is the interactivity of new communication technologies. To date much social science research in communication has focused on either the message content or media effects-linear models. We are now facing a totally new direction in our analytical focus, moving to "communication-as-exchange," to the process of interaction.

This new direction is analyzed by the communications scholar Everett Rogers who has researched how innovation is diffused. His own personal story shows an early anti technology attitude. However, through the influence of Ed Parker, a Stanford colleague, Rogers began to realize the significance of the diffusion and social impacts of new communication technologies. (36)

My own growing commitment to the study of interactive technologies involved a trip to Stanford to talk with Parker; this resulted in an awareness of the emerging impact of communication satellites, telephony, and computer technologies, and the integration of communications and computers. After this "conversion," I moved from work in TV production to doctoral studies in telecommunications at Harvard and MIT

Communication and computer technologies are now so integrated that it is impossible to distinguish between them in many media. I have developed a model to clarify relationships among components of information technologies. (Figure 1) This model disinguishes between design, storage, distribution, and interactive technologies.

Figure I

INFORMATION TECHNOLOGIES

Design--- Storage--------, Distribution

Development of Creative or Film Broadcast Radio (AM, FM)

Informational Concepts Audio Tapes, Cassettes, Broadcast TV (UHF, VHF)

Design of Mediated Materials Compact Discs Cable Systems

by Technology Professionals Videocassettes Microwave Technology

and Content Creators Computor Software Satellites

(Informational and/or Telephone Answering Telephone Technology

Entertainment Materials) Systems (including Mobile

Videodiscs and CD Roms Phones, Paging, Cellular)

  

Interactive (These modes involve Design, Storage, and Distribution technologies)

Teleferencing Teletext, Videotext

Video Stores Interactive Cable Mechanisms

Computer-Based Interactive Off-Site Audio/Video Feeds

Systems

Source: Syracuse Scholar 10 (1990): (36)

It has always seemed necessary to me to separate the components or roles of communication/information technologies. Some are obviously storage technologies and some involve distribution. In fact, most of our attention is focused on only a few of the components: film, audio and video tapes/cassettes (storage technologies); and broadcast radio and TV and cable (distribution technologies).

New types of technologies have emerged in each of these areas. Newer storage tools include computer software, telephone answering systems, videodiscs, and CD-ROM, for example. Newer distribution technologies include microwave improvements, satellites, optical fiber, and technologies such as paging and cellular telephony. Facsimile messages also represent an exploding use of a practical too].

Our conceptual analysis and management of the current terrain is enriched, I think, if we pay more attention than we have in the past to both design technologies and interactive technologies. As Figure I indicates, the design and development of content to be stored and distributed is a technology all its own. I suppose most of us call this "writing."

And then there is interactively. This category actually involves or integrates all of the other groups-design, storage, and distribution. As these technologies converge we are reminded of Shakespeare's description of a "brave new world that has such creatures in it": video stores (allowing us to interact with program choice more vigorously), facsimile, conferencing, varied computer-based interactive systems, and off-site audio-video feeds, which permit the aggressive interactivity of world-wide news broadcasts.

Technological tools challenge both individuals and institutions to reach for new ideas, for exploratory skills, for higher-order thinking. A strategic tool needed for this task is collaboration.

VI. Institutionalizing Collaboration

The intellectual marketplace has become more of a challenge due to the increasing amounts of information (data) and the complexity of the technological systems for processing the data. When you add the factor of decreasing resources, it seems as if the only way to respond to the converging pressures is through fierce competition-often resulting in polarization within institutions.

Another way to view the situation, however, is that working smarter, not harder, can often involve working with others. Computer technology itself provides a metaphor for this approach in time sharing, a procedure allowing many people to use computer technology virtually simultaneously.

Other metaphors for this situation include the destruction of the Berlin Wall, the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the growing peace accord between Israel and her Arab neighbors. It is possible that we are approaching the end of the concept and the reality of the nation-state. Part of the defining nature of the nation-state is that it has been the source, inspirer and container of information. Now, however, media images and computer networks override geographical boundaries. Regulatory mechanisms, like parliaments of the nation-state, no longer rule exclusively.

Today global economic challenges, while making people aware of the need for competitive advantage, also seem to be the direct cause of bold new collaboratives like the European Community-emerging with certainty albeit with difficulty. Even a noted authority like Peter Drucker states that we are in need of new economic models; the old theories are feeling the weight of increasing complexities, most of them technological. It may be that the new theoretical constructs will reflect a more conjoined world.

Technologies seem to be having a decentralizing effect on the bureaucracies of modern culture-the system or "technique" that the French philosopher, Jacques Ellul, critiqued in his writings. Drucker sees a new kind of organization emerging-one with more horizontal operational structures. Replacing most of the mid-level management will be task-force teams that are fluid and comprised of experts from various areas collaborating on tasks.

On the factory floor and in major corporate offices the team is already being institutionalized; Fortune magazine, in a cover story, said "the (team) phenomenon is spreading. It may be the productivity breakthrough of the 1990s. (37) The challenge is to use technological tools that facilitate interactivity and collaboration, thus leading to greater productivity (and community).

Communication forums mean we plug in to tools such as computer based messaging systems. The studies of California analyst Jacques Vallee demonstrate that technological forums are productive. Such forums substitute for many face-to-face meetings and allow quick response when emergency changes are required.

After the Three Mile Island nuclear accident in the United States, messages were continually available on computer bulletin boards like "emergency hotline," "emergency planner information," and "operations and maintenance information," and many others. (38)

Mundane messages are integral to our daily planning and often the message provides greater information precision and thus improves decision making. This also keeps us connected as individuals, as community.

Our marketplace of ideas is more complex; information and machinery keep changing. The pace of change is staggering and this requires new tools; many of these enabling technologies involve the telephone and computer, often linked by satellites. More important than the technology is the institutionalization of collaboration in utilizing the tools in effective ways. In an Aspen Institute study, David Bollier notes:

The concept of information sharing is what characterizes the current situation.... That is the most noteworthy trend in the dissemination of information technologies. It's the nature of information as a resource that it's going to be shared. (39)

I have undertaken a series of research projects in communication and collaboration, constructing a theory and related case study analysis in the telecommunications sector.

My hypothesis is that:

1. Communication/computer technologies are changing rapidly;

2. Entrepreneurial opportunities in this market sector are vast; and

3. To keep pace with the technological changes and market forces, we need new strategic planning and operational tools.

I have formulated a theoretical perspective which emphasizes the role of collaboration or cooperative efforts in meeting telecommunications needs and pressures. I call this concept Interactive Strategic Planning (ISP). Case studies under analysis from this theoretical perspective include: direct broadcast satellite development; teleconferencing for meetings; international negotiations for satellite use by many nations; the cooperative communications efforts among European Community nations; and others.

One dramatic forum has emerged in the increasing demand for liberation politically throughout the world. Viewers connected by mass media globally have watched "people power" emerge in Manila, in Poland, and on the streets of Moscow. Behind the television coverage, however, large numbers of people on the street are nodes in a communication network, using telephones, computers, and fax machines, where messages cannot be controlled. This communication pattern empowers individuals and groups; authority, whether legitimate or not, seems to move from "the top" to "the grass roots." Pyramid organizational and authority structures are under seige (both in Moscow and in centralized church structures in Rome); this happens, to a large degree, because people communicate easily in new and interactive ways. There are many aspects of interactive communications and collaborative structures that require more analysis and more fieldwork, both in political societies and in churches.

One interesting question concerns gender differences. Are women socialized to be more collaborative than men? (40) Is there a connection between the competitive nature of society and the fact that women have limited leadership roles to date within that society? We may begin to see the collaborative model employed more by males, thus enabling joint ownership, with increased societal effectiveness because of a greater commitment to this mutuality by both the female and the male.

We need to study patterns of collaborative activity within groups and institutions and the regional economic collaboratives emerging throughout the world. We must identify the barriers to collaboration that will be troublesome in this decade when large empires will have disappeared but regional and ethnic strife will have probably continued.

More information is needed on economies of scale within collaboratives. We need current analysis of the uses of power and its impact on cooperatives (the concept of power-with instead of power-over). We must ask how we can design incentives for cooperative action, but we must also learn how to communicate through adversarial positions honestly arrived at. Mary Parker Follett, an organizational specialist involved in establishing the Harvard Business School early in this century, noted: "We should never allow ourselves to be bullied by an 'either-or.' There is often the possibility of something better than either of two given altematives." (41)

A Collaborative and Mediated Church

It is a challenge that our struggle to clarify models of Church is occurring at a time of enormous technological change. It is a challenge, but it is perhaps also a grace. A sign of this grace for me is the fact that a leading theologian like Avery Dulles began saying several decades ago that "the Church is communication." (42) As more members of the Church community throughout the world use and understand the varied technologies of information-sharing and interconnecting we may well empower new cornmunities -- i.e., new forms of conununio.

A major theme of this document has been that interactively inevitably and effectively removes passivity-in communications, in society, in churches. One-way structures are crumbling. Hopefully, the participatory communio ecclesiology of Vatican II documents will become more evident, instead of a pyramidal structure; otherwise, the Church will have difficulty communicating credibly in a collaborative, mediated world.

Our metaphor for this communion has been the reality that, even at great cost, people have taken down a Wall in Berlin. Perhaps it is appropriate, therefore, to conclude with reflections by two German theologians.

Bishop Walter Kasper has written in Theology and Church:

To understand the church in a new way as a communion, to live it better, and to realize it more profoundly is . . . more than a programme for church reform. The church as a communion is a message and a promise for the people and the world of today. (43)

And Hermann Pottmeyer adds:

The task that must be faced ... is to incorporate what is still binding in preconciliar theology into the newly acquired foundation ... into a communio ecclesiology and a Christian anthropology that calls for commitment to human dignity. . . . The decisive question . . . is whether we are giving the Spirit of God enough freedom to lead the church along new paths. (44)

 

 

NOTES

 

1. Lumen gentium 13.

2. Hermann J. Pottmeyer, "The Church: Its Self-Understanding and Structures." Unpublished manuscript.

3. Hermann J. Pottmeyer, "A New Phase in the Reception of Vatican II: Twenty Years of Interpretation of the Council," in G. Alberigo, J. P. Jossua, and J. A. Komonchak, eds., The Reception of Vatican H (Washington: The Catholic University of America Press, 1987), p. 29.

4. Walter Kasper, Theology and Church (New York: Crossroad, 1989), p. 165.

5. Bernard J. F. Lonergan, Method in Theology (New York: Herder and Herder, 1972), p. 79.

6. Avery Dulles, "The Church Is Communications," Catholic Mind 69 (1971): p. 13

7. Avery Dulles, Models ofthe Church (Garden City, N.Y.: Image Books, 1987).

8. Ibid.

9. Avery Dulles, A Church to Believe In (New York: Crossroad, 1982).

10. Avery Dulles, "Introduction" in W. M. Abbott and J. Gallagher, The Documents of Vatican II (New York: America Press, 1966), p. 13.

11. Ibid., p. I0.

12. Pottmeyer, "A New Phase," p. 29.

13. Kasper, Theology and Church, p. 162.

14. Karl Rahner, "Basic Observations on the Subject of Changeable and Unchangeable Factors in the Church," in Theological Investigations (New York: Seabury Press, 1976), XIV: p. 19.

15. Edward Schillebeeckx, Church: The Human Story of God (New York: Crossroad, 1990).

16. Ibid., p. 206.

17. Ibid., p. 209.

18. Ibid., p. 233.

19. Kasper, Theology and Church, p. 162.

20. Joseph A. Komonchak, "The Local Church," Chicago Studies 28 (1989): p. 320.

21. Everett M. Rogers and Rekha Agarwala-Rogers, Communication in Organizations (New York: Free Press, 1976).

22. Ibid., p. 48.

23. Ibid., pp. 50-51.

24. Ibid., p. 63.

25. Patrick Granfield, Ecclesial Cybernetics: A Study of Democracy in the Church (New York: Macmillan, 1973).

26. Olin J. Murdick, "A Study of the Policy Process as it Relates to the Catholic Educational Mission at the Local Level." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation from The Catholic University of America, Washington, 1975.

27. Ricardo Antoncich. From unpublished paper given at the Cavalletti Seminar in 1989.

 

28. Hermann J. Pottmeyer. From unpublished paper given at the Cavalletti Seminar in 1989.

29. Bernard Haring, Free and Faithful in Christ (New York: Seabury Press, 1979), 11: p. 155.

30. Ibid., p. 158.

31. Ibid., pp. 161-62.

32. Ibid., p. 163.

33. Ibid., p. 181.

34. Ibid., p. 196.

35. Robert A. White, "Cultural Analysis in Communication for Development." Unpublished manuscript.

36. Everett M. Rogers, Communication Technology (New York: Free Press, 1986).

37. Fortune, May 7, 1990.

38. Jacques Vallee, Computer Message Systems (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1984).

39. David Bollier, The Social Impact of Widespread Computer Use (Aspen, Colorado: Aspen Institute), p. 7.

40. Mary Field Belenky et al., Women's Ways of Knowing (New York: Basic Books, 1986).

41. Mary Parker Follett, Dynamic Administration, edited by Elliot M. Fox (London:Pitman, 1973), p. 20.

42. Avery Dulles, "The Church Is Communication," p. 6.

43. Kasper, Theology and Church, p. 164.

44. Pottmeyer, "A New Phase," p. 34.

 

 

 

 

Forums for Dialogue: Teleconferencing and the American Catholic Church

An essential component of human organization, from religious communities to constitutional democracies, public opinion depends on public expression and public assembly. Today we speak and assemble in ways unknown to past generations of theologians, political leaders, and social theorists. Our forums have changed: Some have disappeared; others have arisen. Our small Town Hall debates and even our faith communities have given way to TV and radio talk shows, world-wide news analysis, satellite and telephone hookups, and the Internet.

I offer the ideas proposed here -- about the value of form is for dialogue-with the hope that new, interactive, technological modes of speech and assembly will enrich public discourse. Such forums, I believe, increase in importance as churches, nations, and communities of all kinds, attempt to move beyond serious divisions toward collaborative solutions. We have seen, in Bosnia for example, the cost of such division.

Here I examine one specific kind of technological forum-the teleconference-reflecting on its history and its future potential as a mode of "assembly" within the Catholic Church. These concepts have new meaning as use of the Internet and the World Wide Web explodes.

For more than a decade we heard predictions of an imminent burst of growth in teleconferencing but it didn't happen. In spite of this track record, I begin here with a prediction that the boom is beginning to happen now and teleconferencing will see remarkable growth in this decade.

This chapter treats three aspects of teleconferencing: (1) its current status, along with examples; (2) the special fit with church goals and needs; and (3) the deeper contextual issues raised by such dialogue.

Essentials of the Technological Forum

The three main types of technical conferences differ according to their links: computer links, audio links, and audiovisual links, i.e., videoconferencing. Each one constitutes a forum --a technical bridge by satellite or telephone lines-which enables people in different places to "be" together. Teleconferences are meetings. Although people tend to think of videoconferences as TV programs, they are essentially meetings. The key factor differentiating teleconferencing from television is its interactive nature: People can "talk back."

In computer conferencing people interact with others through their computers. Much of the time this occurs not in "real" time but in a delayed manner. In other words, people can sign on to the conference whenever they like, retrieve existing messages or text, and then leave a response for the other conference participants to pick up at their convenience. Most electronic mail (e-mail) works like this. Of course, one can also link up to ongoing conversations.

Audio conferences "bridge" or connect people from varied sites so they can talk together. Such meetings have a feel about them that "the meter is ticking" so organizers plan them well ahead of time, with materials distributed in advance. This format requires a certain amount of courtesy and verbal name-tags throughout the meeting so people can identify correctly among themselves the individual speaking; this helps because one has only audio cues to sort out individual input.

In both of the above conferences, interaction obviously occurs. When we turn to videoconferences, we will similarly assume a forum with feedback. (A conference isn't really a conference without interaction.) Conferences differ from satellite-connected video programs hooking various sites together simply for information distribution, such as a corporate show to unveil a new product. Instead, here we speak only of video meetings with two-way interaction. Up to now feedback to the distribution site usually takes place from the field via telephone calls because of the expense of two-way video. However, one can now predict the long-expected growth in videoconferencing because prices have dropped dramatically due to technological breakthroughs. A recent invention allows people at computers to be seen at other sites, using a small video camera the size of a golf ball.

In the past all three conferencing modes utilized analog (electromagnetic wave form) message transmission but now digital (computer bit pattern) transmission has replaced much of it. Once this change occurred it became possible to speed up the transmissions through time-sharing, compression, and other techniques. A concomitant technological change, the switch from copper wires to optical fibers, has allowed "space" for more messages. More and more information travels over these fiber highways, with satellites helping to make global distances irrelevant.

Since the demand exists for so much information transfer, developed nations are racing to construct the global interconnected networks to carry the data load. The European Union (EU) nations have made this a key priority and predict that 12% of the gross national product of the EU will be in this telecom sector. Similarly, Congress has proposed the development of an "information highway" as part of the plan to update America's infrastructure. Even without government help, telephone and cable companies are major players in this growth. And in an unregulated market, major corporate and institutional groups have built their own local area networks (LANs), providing even more highways for messages.

Vidcoconferences will become more economical because of several specific changes:

* signals can now utilize public-switched telephone networks instead of dedicated lines

· technical standardization emerges as public and private networks and various long-distance carriers develop compatibilities for easier interface

· engineers have improved compression techniques so video no longer needs as much transmission space (bandwidth)

· the manufacture of desktop video communication systems simplifies interaction which has required large TV studio settings in the past

· the development of new video processor chips has meant cost savings and allows the insertion of computer graphics into video conferencing

This decade thus offers mobile (or desktop) videoconferencing units which can be wheeled from room to room, making video forums possible-an easy technical "freedom of assembly" at much less cost. These may become as common as fax machines for interaction.

 

Teleconferencing and Church Goals and Needs

Pioneers in Catholic Church teleconferencing

Much creative conferencing already occurs within the American Catholic Church. Historically, the San Francisco Archdiocese pioneered teleconferencing techniques for the entire nation, using a NASA satellite in their early experiments. For this overview, though, I have selected three types of current teleconferences as examples: one forming a university-family community (Notre Dame); one linking a prayerful community (Contemplative Outreach); and one building a pastoral community (the National Pastoral Life Center). All three types utilized the facilities of the Catholic Telecommunications Network of America (CTNA). For many years this satellite network provided the infrastructure for helpful forums within the American Catholic community.

When its planners first conceptualized CTNA, they saw it as a significant intra-institutional communications system; the satellite system could facilitate internal communications through lower-cost telephone transmission, fax transmission, and intra-messaging of all kinds-internal meetings/briefings and training conferences, for example.

About a decade ago, having recently completed doctoral studies at Harvard and MIT, I accepted a consultancy to travel to many Catholic universities throughout America and confer with them about how a satellite system could service their needs. Monsignor Michael J. Dempsey, a telecommunications pioneer, coordinated this research phase for CTNA. I remember arriving in South Bend to suggest that Notre Dame might find it helpful to interconnect with their Alumni Clubs through CTNA satellite facilities. I suggested to then President, Father Ted Hesburgh, that he could speak to Notre Dame graduates throughout America with a satellite hookup.

And Notre Dame had the vision to do both. When Father Hesburgh retired as President of Notre Dame he gave a farewell address to graduates throughout America on a satellite teleconference. Dr. Kathleen M. Sullivan, Director of Alumni Continuing Education at the university, told me recently that with 200 Alumni Clubs in this country, they have a university community just waiting to be linked.

After consulting their alumni, Notre Dame decided to focus their teleconferences on family life-a continuing challenge to their graduates and to the nation-at-large. One live-interactive teleconference, for example, helped parents (and grandparents!) understand preschooler needs. A panel of experts from Notre Dame and St. Mary's College offered ideas and answered questions.

One of the most significant decisions made by the university was to link up with diocesan family life offices throughout the country in the teleconference planning and marketing. Notre Dame also distributes special guidebooks for local facilitators and provides information packets for all audience participants. The packets contain promotional ideas and locales participating, materials well planned to aid local networking.

For example, a teleconference on elementary education had links to Catholic school personnel; through the use of area zip codes tags, the Catholic school principals in every locale with an alumni club received notification of the broadcast. This local networking is vital to interactive televised meetings.

Part of the on-going celebration of Notre Dame's Sesquicentennial year involved a satellite teleconference. Alumni clubs were urged to participate in community service outreach in their areas-giving back to society what the university gave to them. The celebratory satellite teleconference highlighted some of the local community service projects and allowed a forum for the university to share its past history and its future mission.

I don't believe any other university in America has the systematic educational outreach to its alumni that Notre Dame has. The fact that a significant part of this community-building and service occurs through satellite teleconference forums provides a rich model of dialogic enrichment for churches and other institutions in America.

The support offered to modern contemplatives by satellite interconnection exemplifies another valuable forum. Trappist monk Thomas Keating founded Contemplative Outreach, Ltd. as a national service organization to facilitate the growth of centering prayer. The many works of Basil Pennington, a member of the same religious order, have popularized this contemplative approach to prayer. Hundreds of prayer groups meet regularly throughout the country and many participants attend centering prayer retreats or conduct workshops in how to pray in a contemplative manner.

The organization linked these scattered groups through a teleconference with two goals: (1) to facilitate a sense of national support among the communities, and (2) to permit various local groups to hear a talk by Abbot Keating and enter a dialogue with him. Most locates either began or concluded the satellite meeting with a 20-minute period of centering prayer-thus providing a technologically-linked prayer group throughout the country. 'ne organization conducted an extensive evaluation process, with participants giving reactions; these suggestions were distributed widely so the organizers could make improvements in subsequent televised meetings. This studied evaluative procedure is a significant aspect of successful teleconferences.

In addition to interactive prayer gatherings, other pastoral practice benefits from special interactive training in televised meetings. The expert in this field is Father Phil Murnion, Director of the National Pastoral Life Center in New York City. When I asked him whether this forum represents a participatory church he said: "Absolutely! When I was first asked to do TV programs, I said no because that's not what we do. But when I was told it would be a forum, with dialogue, a meeting-on-the-air, then I said sure, we will do that."

These teleconferences have focused on a range of topics: the drug crisis; the Church as seen through media; teaching sexual morality; what's really working in adult religious education; the Church and rural communities; dwindling priests and church finances; and many other topics. Some people may say this panders to the trendy. However, Murnion senses from his feedback in the field that the topics are "timely."

Assembling a live audience in many locales represents a major challenge for these meetings. Father Murnion and his staff distribute press releases and fliers to local affiliates and specific constituencies for each teleconference topic. The sessionis were videotaped and many requested taped copies; for example the teleconference discussion on the parish council continues to be requested. The number of telephone calls received by the teleconference can sometimes act as a barometer of how many people are out there. Sometimes no calls come in.

The fact that many folks prefer to view programs later (on tape) indicates that we still tend to think of these conferences as video programs instead of meetings. Teleconferencing best occurs as an extension of the telephone, however, rather than a form of television show; it is a dialogic forum.

The Church in the modern (telecommunications) world

During the Second Vatican Council the Church re-cycled its view of interaction with the world. In the Church in the Modern World document we see the recognition of the value of dialogue with the world (while retaining the obligation to critique it in terms of higher-gospel-values).

If the theology of Church now endorses dialogue (with other churches, with laity, with women, with modern society), then systematic forums to facilitate this dialogue will aid the work of the Spirit in a postmodern world. We use automobiles in this work; we use modern medical science in this work; we can also use communication technologies in this same work. One of the first things required is that we stop thinking of all media as programs. Many media are simply tools, connecting links-just like letters, like telephone calls, like mediated meetings.

Many factors should assure a comfortable fit between teleconferencing and the Church. In fact, an institutional infrastructure in the American Catholic Church already, exists in its system of schools, diocesan structures, parish communities-all awaiting linkages or networking that communication systems provide.

The American Catholic Church first developed a communications network in connection with its system of schools. The Catholic Television Network consists of more than a dozen dioceses with closed circuit microwave broadcast systems to service their schools. This network still exists, and many affiliates now lease some channel space, thus earning income to support their work. In one of these dioceses, San Francisco, they have recently celebrated the 20th anniversary of the establishment of their closed circuit system. Here the earliest satellite teleconferencing experiments began, under the direction of the man who is now Bishop of the San Jose (Silicon Valley) diocese: Bishop Pierre DuMaine.

In their educational television studios located in St. Patrick's Seminary in Menlo Park, a user-controlled teleconference studio was constructed before 1980. Marika Ruumet, the creative woman who directed that studio operation, later convinced the heads of the Hewlett Packard Corporation to develop one of the corporate world's most innovative satellite teleconferencing operations.

Another early staff member in this teleconferencing history was a Sister of Notre Dame, Jeanette Braun. Jeanette later organized many international teleconferences for corporate clients.

Jeanette served a staff role in an historic early satellite project in San Francisco called "Project Interchange." This teleconference permitted teachers in public and private schools in northern and southern California to ..meet" regularly to discuss their individualized instruction curricular work.

The project utilized the Canadian/American Communications Technology Satellite (CTS), under the direction of NASA engineers.

Over 20 years ago, Bishop Pierre DuMaine wrote in an unpublished document entitled "Notes on an Electronic Information/Communications System to Support Individualized Instruction":

The "economy" of computer - supported information systems depends, of course, upon a sufficiently large number of users to optimize the capacity of the computer and to achieve economy of scale necessary .... This is possible if remote users can be linked to the information source by telephone line, cable, or communications system. (1972, p. 1)

 

Conceptual Communications Issues

As I struggle to delineate the larger contextual issues emerging in a tele-connected Church (and world), many, many things come to mind. In these remaining paragraphs I can only point readers and practitioners toward some of the basic questions and hint at ways to seek answers to these questions. I will reflect here on (a) broad context questions, (b) selected concepts in relation to the Church, and (c) emerging needs.

As background, we should reflect upon certain facts. For one thing, we regularly see, even hear, teleconferencing in our evening news. Satellite linkages regularly interconnect various geographic sites into a program like the evening network news or Ted Koppel's Nightline. So, in a sense, our news/analysis TV programs are already forums. The MacNeil-Lehrer Newshour on PBS developed into one of the most substantive and in-depth news forums in America. This is a model for the dialogic approach to problem solving; sometimes it works better than others.

Another background factor for our reflection is that infrastructures in America (the "information superhighway") require planning and development if we are to keep pace with telecommunications growth in Japan and Europe. A $2.9 billion High-Performance Computing Act, passed in Congress, will provide funding for systems to link government, university, and library computers in a National Research and Education Network (NREN). Such networks will provide the infrastructure supplied by roads, railroads, and canals of previous eras. Moreover, the news media document almost daily that Internet use is spreading to citizens everywhere; it is no longer just for researchers.

Broad context questions

We have already become aware that interactive communications technologies have altered the process of decision-making. In Computer Message Systems, Jacques Vallee states, "In conferencing, the messages themselves are not as important as the group process which they support" (1984, p. 70). Vallee adds that interactive message systems have many benefits in strategic planning, in group dynamics for better tactical decisions, and in the faster resolution of routine issues. We have consultants like Peter Drucker warning us that the intra-group interactive tools will drive structural changes within organizations. Major effects include decentralization and a flattening out of hierarchical structures, with fewer mid-management staff.

In an essay entitled "The Churchification of Christianity," German theologian Hermann J. Pottmeyer examines the Church in the light of modern societal change and reflects on the "structural differentiation" of society identified by the theorist Talcott Parsons.

[This] consists of the disintegration of the old multifunctional forms of life in[tol "social partial systems" which then take on functional specialization and tend toward autonomy. Examples of such partial systems are the economy, transportation systems, politics, the state, the nuclear family, and the Church. (1990)

I would add the partial system of telecommunicationss to this list. Pottmeyer cites the difficulty:

The tendency of these partial systems toward autonomy creates many problems. Since each individual is seen only as a participant in the operation of those partial systems, it becomes more difficult for the individual to find his own identity .... The connecting horizon of a consensus of values which links all members of the society continues to disappear. (1990)

This sociological phenomenon contributes to our discord; it calls for new modes of linking and overlapping partial systems if we are to dialogue and collaborate effectively on today's (and tomorrow's) challenging issues. Interactive forums will serve such challenges if we thoughtfully create the forums in our strategic planning and include telecom-infrastructure planning and use.

Two final broad dynamics: technologies are converging while communities are dispersing. Communication and computer technologies have become so integrated that one cannot see boundaries any longer. Telephones are computers; and computers communicate with each other. However, as these technologies integrate, communal groups disintegrate. Individuals seek hookups with each other through phones, computers, electronic churches, and want ad personals. We must conceptualize and implement new forms of forums for a postmodern world where traditional borders have disappeared.

Selected concepts in relation to the Church

Obviously churches have an interest in communal groups. Christian churches are supposed to be communities of faith linked to one other. Today we see examples of walls coming down throughout the world-between nations, occasionally between religious groups, sometimes among ethnic enclaves. Dialogic tools and forums can facilitate these unions if we learn how

to use them; they require new kinds of interactive communication habits with a lot of listening to one another. When we are used to thinking that we have the right answers, it requires communication re-learning to listen more and to work through legitimate differences.

The Church, along with the rest of society, faces enormous training and retraining needs. According to Via Satellite magazine (November, 1991, p. 32), business teleconferencing to reach and train members was a $195 million business by 1990. The training task is a major focus of teleconferencing in American corporations. The American Catholic Church already uses teleconferencing for training, but needs to plan and coordinate much, much more in this area. Part of the goal, ultimately, is to provide means for people to have on-demand access to the information they need to develop themselves.

The question of access is another major church-related issue. As communication/information technologies become the coin of commerce in the decades ahead, those who do not have access to the tools and the content (software) will find themselves closed out. Access has clearly become a justice policy issue for today's Church. The accompanying training question learning to use modern communication technologies connects to the access question. This involves encouraging local initiative, creating incentives, and fostering other human development strategies.

Distribution of resources will also continue to play a vital role in modern society. As emergency-aid needs arise throughout the world, people see that systems of distribution often hold the key to getting help through to the right people quickly. Communication systems will help to meet this need more and more. And within the institutional Church, the allocation of resources (people, funds, etc.) will continue to be a challenge. We need to become expert in using technologies to achieve economies.

For the American Catholic Church, the focus for most families remains the local parish community. Our infrastructures should serve and support this local community, not dislodge it. One of the most interesting new communication tools in this arena-the parish video library (PVL)-benefitled from research by the Center for Religious Telecommunications at the University of Dayton. The Center also studies models of collaborative planning among church organizations, so such collaborative models can be duplicated elsewhere.

Emerging needs

No one doubts that modern telecommunications present challenges to churches. We have long realized the need for media literacy. We know, without being told by experts, that our communication habits are changing us. Similarly, we are learning more about the impact of mass media. We are now aware that people identify with the stories they see on TV-fictional stories, news stories, and human interest (witness) stories, as well as advertising stories. This bonding with oral and visual narrative creates a whole new hearth for humanity to gather around and to evaluate.

Now we need to focus more on the intra-group communication mechanisms and the role of telecommunications tools in these interactive forums.

We need a long-term and systematic strategy over this decade so we can approach the millennium with confidence. I propose a two-lane highway approach.

On the one hand we need to bring theologians and communication scholars together for continue] "think-tank" interaction-doing tile communications research and development work for the Church. Existing professional organizations should have structures (special sections) to accommodate this thinking-together at their organizational conventions. The Catholic Theological Society of America (CTSA) does this annually in a forum on communication theology. The national offices in Washington (for schools, the bishops' conference) should all facilitate such forums.. Many, many week-long conferences need to be scheduled over the decade, so these thinkers can spend time together sharing ideas, stimulating the development of new conceptual models. Universities should link their theology and communication faculty in systematic planning forums.

Alongside of this work, however, in the second lane, should be much, much collaborative strategic planning among practitioners, the communications personnel in tile trenches, who meet the daily, continual challenges (and crises) where Church and society interface and "reach out and touch" each other. This on-going practical planning needs to utilize teleconferencing arid other tools to get the day-by-day jobs done. There needs to be much interconnection and collaboration. And both groups -- the think tank types and the daily practitioners -- need to sustain and enrich each other as the decade progresses.

It is right there on the horizon. Karl Rahner called it our "global epoch."

The eminent scholar Everett Rogers has commented that we are at an "epistemological turning point" in communication analysis. He adds: "Driving this epistemological revolution in communication science is the interactivity of the new communication technologies. (2)

The major practical impact we see immediately is that many technologies now enable and encourage communication between individuals, rather than communication from a source. This development fosters lateral patterns of interaction, with consequent weakening of hierarchies-a democratization of communication, since these lateral messages are harder to control.

This article uses technological interactivity as a framework for analysis. How does the variable of communication interactivity offer potential changes to relationships among individuals, small groups, and nations at large? Changes may foster human solidarity in local and global networks and thus must be a part of our ethics-in-communication reflections.

Interactive networks could offer a communication process empowering individuals and groups to deal with many ethical dilemmas of the "Information Age" such as: how to provide more equitable access to information technologies information overload; privacy; and unemployment caused by technology. After some reflections concerning interactivity as a framework for analysis and research, these and other ethical issues are explored below.

COMPUTERS AND OTHER INTERACTIVE TOOLS

Rogers calls computers "the printing presses of the twenty-first century." This definition is especially appropriate when one reflects upon the bulletin-board and electronic messaging capacity of computers. Instead, we often tend to focus on the data transfer role computers play.

Modern telecommunications began with two-way messages as a major goal; the telegraph and telephone introduced interactivity and played a key role in economic development throughout the world. In developing nations, probably the most significant communications technology is still the telephone, a key to economic development.

With the development of radio and television, which became mass media in a one-way mode, the message interaction on telephones became overshadowed in the mind of the public by the scintillation of media focusing largely on entertainment for mass audiences. This function continues, of course, as the audiences become global and increasingly homogenized.

The popular spread of the videocassette recorder, however, clearly shows the latent desire among peoples to do their own programming at a time of their own choice. VCRs have penetrated more than 50 percent of the homes in Australia, 40 percent in Canada, 52 percent in Japan, 25 percent in Sweden, 46 percent in the United Kingdom, 44 percent in Thailand, and 36 percent in Indonesia. In the Soviet Union "the machines are in great demand and cassette rental shops are open in major cities. (3) In nations where VCRs are not available in homes, the recorders do provide a technology for small group interaction.

Other technological tools for interaction include telephone-recorded messages, audio cassettes, videodiscs, satellite and telephone and computer conferencing, videotext, teletext, interactive cable, and mobile radiotelephony. All these technologies offer "talk-back" capability to the user, permitting dialogue as a basis of communication.

Communication tools such as newspapers and television may have a mechanism allowing feedback (for example, letters to the editor), but these communication modes are not essentially dialogic.

Some of the above interactive technologies are widespread, some are under development, and some, like the telegraph and telephone, have been in use for a century. However, the growth of computer technology has focused our attention on interactivity as a key component in communication.

The high cost of mainframe computer power forced owners to create networks so that the mainframe data could be shared. As technology permitted "time-sharing" (wiring mainframes so that they could perform more than one task simultaneously), users could share computer time. Networks linking computers and their users have become a kind of "public commons, allowing user interaction. Miniaturization, decreased costs, and the growth of the microcomputer market have made computers the "special medium of interactive communication. (4)

As various communications tools become miniaturized and mobile, many kinds of technologies take on an interactive aspect. Satellite news gathering, for example, permits more live interaction with the field in news broadcasts. And electronic meetings have forced researchers to study how human interaction in groups is altered when satellite, telephone, or computer conferencing replaces face-to-face meetings.

 AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK

Technological interactivity or linkages are usually called "networks," and tile activity is defined as "networking." These terms offer a framework for analysis, with a focus on the interaction and the effects of this process on communication between individuals or among small or large groups. Communication analysis in the past has often focused on the effects of communication on the user, rather than on the communication process itself. Years ago Wilbur Schramm predicted: "Of all the potential contributions of information theory to mass communication, perhaps the most promising is the study of communication networks. (5)

Rogers describes the importance of interactive communications in the social structure.

The essence of human behavior is the interaction through which one individual exchanges information with one or more other individuals.. .. As inter-personal communication flows become patterned over time, a communication structure (or network) emerges, which is relatively stable and predictive of future human behavior (6)

In Communication Networks: Toward a New Paradigm for Research, Rogers and Kincaid speak of their convergence model of communication:

One can only know how well someone else understands a situation if the other person also shares information, and vice versa. After several cycles of information-exchange, the participants may shift to a new topic of discussion. [This] model of the communication process . . . reflects the convergent nature of mutual understanding and the cyclical nature of information exchange. (7)

They further state:

The convergence model represents human communication as a dynamic, cyclical process over time, characterized by (1) mutual causation rather than one-way mechanistic causation, and emphasizing (2) the interdependent relationship of the participants, rather than a bias toward either the gisource" or the "receiver" of "messages." Mutual understanding and mutual agreement are the primary goals of the communication process. (8)

Communication network analysis, according to Rogers and Kincaid, "describes the component linkages and their interrelationships in the interpersonal communication structure. A communication network consists of interconnected individuals who are linked by patterned flows of information." (9)

Rogers and Kincaid's analysis of empirical data from a highly successful grass-roots development program in the Republic of Korea's village of Oryu Li is of special significance to our discussion on global communication ethics. This project was based on "a strategy of mobilizing interpersonal networks through 28,000 mothers' clubs enrolling 750,000 members." (10) These groups, originally conceived as village-level organizations established to encourage family planning, later "ranged far beyond family planning into community development, money-making, and female equality."(11)

The authors note that "the capacity to develop and manage communication networks is an important prerequisite for self-sustaining socioeconomic development over time." (12) Such grass-roots, interactive communication and development is especially significant for women.

If the poorest of the poor in the world were to be identified, the majority would certainly be women. They constitute one-half of the world population and one-third of the official labor force, perform nearly tw6-thirds of the hours worked, and receive only one-tenth of the world income and own less than one-hundredth of the world property. Out of 800 million people enumerated as illiterate in the world, two-thirds are women. (13)

The analysis of the village of Oryu Li leads one to reflect on how technological innovations are diffused through networks. Typically, innovations are disseminated by diffusion agencies, like the U.S. Department of Agriculture extension services, which research and develop innovations and then dispense the technologies "down" to the public. Donald Schon of MIT has criticized this model of vertical diffusion and urges the government instead to support horizontal networks for information exchange about innovations.(14) Orya Li demonstrates such a horizontal network.

THEORY AND APPLICATIONS OF INTERACTIVE TECHNOLOGIES

Whereas radio, television, and film are usually linear, many aspects of network interactivity find expression in new media technologies that are two way. This circumstance seems to call forth a new focus for communication analysts. Our thoughts need to focus on "communication-as-exchange." (15)

Rogers reminds us:

Audience research by communication scholars shows that most individuals

do not really pay much attention to the mass media, they do not learn much from them, and they do not know much about the news of tile world. In fact, most people just let the mass media sort of wash over them. Television has become a kind of video wallpaper; a large percentage of Americans passively watch their "least objectionable program," absorbing little of the message content. When asked to recall certain salient facts from a TV news broadcast within a few hours of viewing it, few can do so." (16)

If  Rogers is right, interactive technologies, which demand individual involvement, may be the antidote. Teleconferences, for example, use interactive technologies to link three or more people in two or more separate locations. Video teleconferences provide video to a specially equipped conference room, simulating a face-to-face meeting. Audio conferencing connects a number of participants by telephone. Computer teleconferencing uses a computer system as a place where people may exchange messages. People are free to drop off and receive messages at their own convenience. Rogers reports that the electronic messaging system of the Hewlett-Packard Company carries 25 million messages per year among its 45,000 employees in many distant locations. (17)

Interactive technologies like these require new research theories and methodologies, according to Rogers.(18) Emphasis can now be placed upon information-exchange relationships, rather than individuals as the unit of research analysis.

Our definition of communication as convergence implies that the sharing of information creates and defines a relationship between two or more individuals. Thus, communication behavior itself should be studied as the dependent variable in communications research. Here a main research question is "Who is linked to whom?" (19)

In this convergence model, "Communication is the process in which participants create and share information with one another in order to reach a mutual understanding". (20) It may be that focusing on such shared information is a key component of negotiated cooperation.

Rogers and Kincaid cite a major advantage of the convergence model:

Network analysis can display the communication structure of a system, a bigger picture of patterned flows of information-exchange.. . . This more macro-level research is consistent with a convergence view of communication, with the long-prevailing view of communication as process. (21)

ETHICAL REFLECTIONS

Many writers consider existing or emerging ethical issues in the mass media, including the press, television, and radio. They deal often with the responsibility to tell the truth and other ethical dilemmas.

New telecommunications technologies, in addition, force one to view information as a product, a factor in the economies of nations in an "Information Age." This economic dimension of new communication technologies ushers in an array of additional ethical questions. Listed below are several that need to be considered.

· Should one ensure equal access to information technologies, rattler than encourage information elites?

· Should all potential technological wonders be developed)

- Should our public policies prepare for the unemployment and deskilling of jobs that may result from new technologies?

· How can individual privacy be protected?

· Should new technologies empower broad populations rather than being controlled by gatekeepers?

Writing recently in The New York Times, the economist Lester Thurow noted: "Ethical questions arise because we live in communities that function according to rules and laws that promote the long-run interests of the community. Ethics ... functions to allow a group of human beings to successfully live with each other." (22)

Anne Van der Meiden uses the term "responsism," saying that "human beings in their ethical behavior respond to the appeals sent to them by other human beings. (21)

Clifford Christians mentions that two ethical imperatives of social justice are particularly relevant to home information utilities: "to each according to his essential needs and similar treatment for similar cases. (24)

Robert White suggests several guidelines:

. . . viewing morality not simply as individual perfection but as part of a social context ... tile concept of universal human values which are valid through history and across national, cultural lines respecting different political and cultural possibilities, but at the same time acknowledge some common goals. (25)

It is certainly true that there are gaps in equal access to communication technologies, and not exclusively gaps between First and Third World nations. It was reported recently that over 4 million households in Britain are currently without a telephone. (26)

Just as technologies interact, so do economies. The global economies intrude upon attempts to negotiate equal access to information tools. Financial factors playing major roles are the following:

- The impact of transnational corporations-large economic players with huge appetites for electronic technologies to meet their own communication-connection needs. (27)

- Trade imbalances which put pressures on some nations to seek technology markets abroad-sometimes selling inappropriate hardware to developing nations.

- Economic turmoil as privatization occurs in communication/information groups, with resulting deregulation of information utilities.

- The tendency, economically, for developed nations (and their banks) to sponsor megaprojects in developing countries rather than grassroots efforts that may be less spectacular but more effective.

In a volume entitled The Myth of the Information Revolution, Michael Traber notes:

It has been estimated that about 90 percent of all data flow via satellite systems is intra-corporate, and about 50 percent of all trans-border data flow takes place within the communication networks of individual transnational corporations. Add to this the trans-border information flow of the military, and of diplomats, and you have a "closed sky," an "information implosion" rather than explosion. (28)

Traber adds that more than 80 percent of the world's international telephone traffic is conducted by Western industrialized countries. He concludes: "There is a need for a genuine rather than a phony revolution, a communication revolution from below." (29)

Another aspect of the information ethical dilemma is voiced by the French social philosopher Jacques Ellul, who has warned us that we are cc so beguiled by machine productivity that we almost unconsciously reconstruct all our social institutions on this model. (30) Ellul urges, instead, emphasis on individuals, "humans [who would] combine into new patterns not under 'la technique's' tutelage, [a] reordered consciousness [which] would begin choking out today's monolithic structure-within communications as elsewhere." (31)

Part of our entrapment by new technologies is due to the information overload problem. Information flows have been studied extensively in Japan and by Ithiel de Sola Pool in the United States. The Japanese public consumed 40 percent of information available in 1960, but in 1975 they absorbed only 10 percent. The information supply had increased by 400 percent in the decade from 1960 to 1970. More than 70 percent of the information growth was traced to new technologies, including computers, television, and telephones. (32) Rogers notes that "the average information ratio of a nation seems to be highly related to how far a nation has progressed in becoming an "Information Society." (33)

Pool found similar overload problems in the United States:

From 1960 to 1977, the number of words made available to Americans (over the age of ten) through seventeen public media of communication grew at the rate of 8.9 percent per year, more than double the growth rate of the gross domestic product. Words actually attended to from these media grew at just 2.9 percent, and per capita consumption of words grew only 1.2 percent per year. (34)

Pool notes: "More and more material exists, but limitations on time and energy are a controlling barrier to people's consumption of words." (35)

Ethical concerns relative to invasion of privacy are increased as computer data banks, computer banking, and shopping make it possible for others to retrieve private information which has been stored. Computers can be used to reinforce existing authority patterns, while they can also decentralize and create independence of action.

If one steps back from specific ethical dilemmas to attempt a broader view of principles and guidelines, a number of issues emerge for further reflection:

The lack of a systematic theory of communications/technology ethics, or an understanding of media in society.

The obstacle provided by the multiplicity of ethical and philosophical traditions within nations and among the international community.

The control of media by powerful economic and political interests.

The tendency of some nations to establish ethical codes while other organizations (like the BBC) avoid them, developing, instead, a tradition of personal responsibility among communicators.

The commercial, for-profit basis of much communication technology, which may dilute a focus on public responsibility, and the fact that many nations are recycling to commercialized systems rather than staying with the model of public communications.

In the face of growing interactivity in information technologies and the widening gap between "haves" and "have nots," along with the ethical dilemma this poses, the decentralized model of group communications provides some interesting alternatives.

The term "group communications" refers to a process of mediated communication among people "when -a group uses a -media- experience to uncover new insights about themselves and their relationship-to one another, to the social, political or economic condition." (36) Examples of this decentralized, local media include the rural press in Africa and India, community radio, the use of audio cassettes and xerography in Iran, even "thinline" communications. These communication tools reflect earlier principles of group dynamics and the human potential movement.

Both group communication processes and tools "target" an audience, unlike mass communication. They are used "to stimulate expression in face-to-face encounters, to facilitate discussion, to expedite information sharing and group decision-making, to develop social consciousness." (37) In contrast, as White reminds us, some technologies, such as satellites, can "centralize information processes and social power." (38)

These reflections on the ethical challenges in an Information Age are certainly not exhaustive, nor do they propose gigantic solutions. Instead, they plead for a different perspective, one that utilizes the interactive potential of new technologies in order to deal with these challenges:

- providing widespread access to technologies

- dealing with economic imbalances and deskilling caused by technology

- encouraging more authentic communication by allowing feedback-to promote progress in understanding and in the communication process

- providing modes of public communication to offset the diluted sense of public responsibility which may be found in for-profit telecommunication entities

In all of these challenges, and in our communication research in the coming decade, interactive/dialogic communication tools and processes will provide a worthy forum for our efforts.

 

Communications Technologies and the Ethics of Access

The ministry of communications in Prague is located in an oppressive building that, until an uncomfortably short time ago, housed the chief bureaucrats of the Czechoslovakian Communist party. Communications minister Frantisek Hesoun moved into an office there, and during our recent meeting about the possibilities of collaborative development of new communication technologies, he handed me a copy of his nation's major planning document.

The irony was striking: In what used to be a bastion of government secrecy, I was casually being shown a document central to the economic structure of the republic. Moreover, the project was being pursued with an unexpected sense of enthusiasm: "I wish I were twenty years younger," Hesoun said. 'I could devote more energy to this project, and to yours. They will be very helpful in solving many of the problems we are facing."

Collaboration, Communications, and Ethics

The problems to which he referred were more than just economic issues. Hesoun recognized that he and other forward-thinking officials are on the cutting edge of a revolution that is both technological and social: a communications revolution that will have profound economic, social, and ethical impact, particularly in the creation of new opportunities for collaborative progress. Solving problems through collaborative effort is more than just a strategic method of implementing new communication networks. It is a process with profound ethical import. As one example, consider that access to communications is now recognized as essential to the growth and welfare of societies and individuals. The 'right to information," for example, has been defined as a fundamental human right in the United Nations Charter.

Why is access to communications a basic right? Remember that when we discuss communications, we are not restricting the definition to media such as television programming. Information is the key word. In an information society, access to information equals empowerment. Empowerment through information access can be as basic a matter as a farmer in a developing nation being able to call and find out the current prices for his crops, or as large-scale as an educational satellite video network designed to span the vast territory of India.

A Philosophy of Collaboration

But the very nature of an underdeveloped nation undermines the ability to put information in the hands of

people who need it most-which is why collaborative efforts are proving so beneficial. When collaborative technological ventures are managed correctly, everyone wins. In the example of India's educational network, India and the United States joined forces to produce a system that benefited both parties. India, a huge nation with a scattered population, desperately needed a way to reach people with information on birth control, basic education, and farming. Satellite transmission was the only logical choice, but launching a satellite was beyond the capabilities of India's technology.

The solution: India and the United States entered into a joint agreement under which NASA would contribute much of the resources necessary to orbit the satellite and establish the network. NASA had use of the satellite for scientific experiments while India was gearing up its educational network. By the time the network was established, India had developed the technology to continue operation of the network on its own.

Almost any nation that is in some way deprived counts improved information technology as part of the solution. That solution, many believe, must be viewed as part of a global effort. It is the only way that the have nots can become haves.

Revising the Competitive Spirit

In the United States, we are accustomed to the competitive view of doing business: "We made it on our own; why can't they?" It is becoming clear, though, that this is now a global economy, a global market, and no one can do business in an international vacuum. Many members of the global village feel we must reevaluate our thinking about the nature of communications.

Leaders of virtually every nation recognize this trend. In Dublin, for example, there is a science and technology agency that, as part of its mission, attracts new business to Ireland. Tony McDonald, the agency's telecommunications project director, was candid in his assessment. "If businesses can't communicate," McDonald said, 'why would they come to Ireland?" The result: Ireland is entering into a collaborative venture with European Community nations to develop the type of infrastructure needed to sustain business communications-satellite access, telephone and computer transmission, fax service, and video conferencing.

Communications: Planning for An Electronic Tidal Wave

European Community leaders leave little doubt as to the importance of the communications revolution on an economic and social level. EC members estimate that the new media-the web of technologies that includes telephones, laser discs, satellites, mobile phones, fax machines, and computers-will supply 12 percent of the EC's GNP and employ over 60 percent of its workers.

While the economic impact of advancing communications technology is staggering, the future social impact will be something of an electronic tidal wave. Information technologies are tools-new ways of solving problems. The product "manufactured" by these tools, the information itself, becomes a new kind of commodity. And ownership of this product brings with it a new kind of economic and political power. Ethical issues arise when information technologies are designed without reference to social responsibility guidelines.

In recent years, central political control has been under attack; Prague, Moscow, the Philippines, and Thailand are prominent examples. Ironically, the communications monopolies that were once instruments of control have been broken by new technologies that enable citizens to interact on local and regional levels: fax machines, beepers, videocassettes, and high-tech telephones.

We remember, for example, the flow of information from mainland China during the Tiananmen Square uprising. The communist government tried mightily to stanch communications from the dissidents, but the fax machine made political barriers hopelessly porous. Newsletters, posters, and news reports were able to reach the West; printed documents transmitted literally at the speed of light were powerful tools to stir opinion overseas. Satellite video transmission brought instant video into Western living rooms, and the image of a lone Chinese blocking the path of a tank became a symbol of resistance.

When scholar George Kennan was asked why the power of the people on the streets erupted in Moscow, the first reason he cited was "the communications revolution." Note that he did not say 'mass media." He said "the communications revolution." This term goes way beyond reference to CNN broadcasts. It is more inclusive and addresses deep and significant communication dynamics.

Observers have noted that telephones, fax machines, newsletters, and Mikhail Gorbachev's BBC broadcasts were the tools used to chip away the former Soviet Union.

The point? When large numbers of people are nodes in a communication network, the messages cannot be controlled. This communication pattern empowers groups. Authority, whether legitimate or not, seems to move from the top to the "grass roots." Pyramid-type organizations of all types are under siege to a large degree because people communicate easily in new and interactive ways. Technology, politics, and economics are now becoming integrated in bold ways to provide multiple electronic highways over which these interactive and powerful messages travel.

Again, the power of these messages raises the ethical issue of access. Analysts are already using the terms "information-rich" and "information-poor." To return to a previous example, a farmer in a remote area of India needs to know prices in a regional marketplace in order to negotiate the best price for his product. A village telephone is a practical information technology in such a case. Millions of such scenarios around the globe demonstrate the practical need for a new public philosophy of access. This is a subtle component of the dynamics of universal solidarity.

Dynamic communication-driven changes affect the power structure of businesses as well. Management consultant Peter Drucker predicts that business structures will evolve to accommodate the computer-distributed messages. To be effective, the current pyramid structure of the corporation will be recycled into fewer management layers, with many mid management slots disappearing altogether. The new leader, Drucker maintains, will be like a symphony conductor, coordinating employees grouped around tasks, rather than a general passing down orders to personnel arranged within strict hierarchies.

Communications, Rights, and Reasoning

Given the inevitability of the communications-connected global village, the crucial importance of access, and the change in "top-down" lines of authority, what role will ethical and moral reasoning play? Many observers believe that we must change our thinking about the very nature of our rights and responsibilities in business and society. In particular, we must be willing to share the wealth of information available. International coalitions must link the information-rich and information-poor of the globe. This is more than an ethical consideration, it is a first - level economic imperative, since healthy and well-educated citizens enrich our global environment and our markets.

In addition, we must work to realistically bridge barriers ethnic,-economic, and political. We must ask how we can design incentives for cooperative action, but we must also learn how to communicate through adversarial positions that have been honestly arrived at. Enlightened compromise is the heart of progress. As Mary Parker Follett, an organizational specialist who helped found the Harvard Business School, pointed out, "We should never allow ourselves to be bullied by an 'either-or.' There is often the possibility of something better than either of the two given alternatives."

Finally, it is crucial to keep in mind that communications is not about technology, per se. It is about people. As Sherry Turkle, author of The Second Self: Computers and the Human Spirit, points out: "We cede to the computer the power of reason, but at the same time, in our defense, our sense of identity becomes increasingly focused on the soul and spirit in the human machine."

Christian Conscience and Nuclear Escapism

There are two typical approaches to this conflict, one coming from business and one from the churches. Unfortunately, both reflect what John Gardner, the late novelist, called a kind of fundamentalism, with its "secure closing of doors and permission not to think."

The business approach has been articulated, for example, by Edson Spencer, Honeywell’s chief executive officer, who says that government, not business, makes foreign policy. When government solicits bids on military projects, then Honeywell properly responds as a patriotic corporate citizen. This view is grounded in the argument advanced by Peter Drucker, the management theorist, that business firms should not decide public issues that are beyond their competence. Accordingly, the determination of military requirements should be made not in corporate boardrooms but in government offices by expert officials who are accountable to the public. Corporate employees working on nuclear projects, then, should not concern themselves with the morality of their work.

This argument would have some force if we presumed that government is insulated from the influence of corporate management. This is not the case, however. Writing in Science (January 27, 1984), R. Jeffrey Smith shows that the deployment of the cruise missile, for example, resulted not as much from the Soviets’ previous deployment of the SS20 as it did from commercial and political forces in the West. The cruise missile was boosted in 1972 because the administration thought it might be a good bargaining chip for the next round of arms talks. Boeing, McDonnell Douglas, General Dynamics and Lockheed won contracts to develop it. The Air Force did not like the weapon, however, and the arms control community was appalled by the difficulties it created for treaty verification.

The contractors were undeterred by Washington’s diminished enthusiasm, and proceeded to market the missiles in Europe. Hans Eberhard, who was director of the Armaments Directorate in the German Defense Ministry from 1978 to 1981, says that the "U.S. manufacturers badly wanted a European endorsement for the cruise missile. They even offered the opportunity to cooperate in production, in hopes that certain European nations would then pressure the United States to produce it in larger numbers."

There is scope for corporate conscience here no less than in issues affecting South Africa or equal opportunity. True, individual employees are unlikely to be in a position to influence corporate policy, but they should not delude themselves into believing that their work has some moral sanction from a government which serves only the public interest. Workers should have their own consciences, or else in a nuclear age they infuse with new meaning Samuel Johnson’s old saw about patriotism being the last refuge of a scoundrel.

The question is, how should the conscience of defense workers be shaped? Some church leaders take the view expressed in A Just Peace, a document published by the Office of Church In Society of the United Church of Christ: Because nuclear and biochemical weapons represent such a crime against humanity and because of the urgency of halting production of new systems, we encourage and stand in solidarity with all in our membership and outside who refuse to accept employment with any project related to nuclear and biochemical weapons and warfare" (p. 68).

Behind this statement is a conviction that nor only the use but also the development and manufacture of nuclear weapons is contrary to the gospel of Jesus Christ. The United Church Board for World Ministries has defined guidelines for its portfolio which exclude investments in corporations that are "direct contributors to nuclear weapons research and development, the production of key nuclear components for nuclear warheads, or the management of nuclear weapons facilities owned by the United States government." The board has sold its stock in General Electric and AT&T.

In the same vein, the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility, which is related to the National Council of Churches, advises corporate managers to reject contracts that involve "the research, development, production or testing of weapons capable of mass destruction." At its 1983 Vancouver Assembly the World Council of Churches adopted a report that announces: We believe that the time has come when the churches must unequivocally declare that the production and deployment as well as the use of nuclear weapons are a crime against humanity and that such activities must be condemned on ethical and theological grounds."

While defense contractors say that there is no moral or religious dilemma for their employees, church leaders say that there is a problem, but one that can be solved by refusing to participate in the development or production of nuclear weapons and technology. The churches’ position is that all nuclear weapons development and production is dangerous and must be stopped. This understanding is also the basis of the publicly supported proposal for a nuclear "freeze." If this view is questionable, however, then the churches’ blanket call for Christians to refuse to participate In nuclear projects is also questionable.

At the very least, it is an open question whether a nuclear freeze today would enhance the world’s safety. This is the view taken by the Harvard Nuclear Study Group, which issued Living with Nuclear Weapons. The group includes such dissimilar thinkers as Samuel Huntington, who comes in for criticism from the political left, and Samuel Hoffman. who writes often for the New York Review of Books. Finding their names together on a study is a bit like discovering a paper on Christianity and culture coauthored by Paul Tillich and Karl Barth.

The Harvard group makes a case for pursuing "discriminating restraints on weapons technology rather than a total freeze.’’ They would like to see some development proceed in order to allow more stable weapons to replace existing systems. They observe that a freeze in 1959 would have stopped the deployment of Polaris submarines, which would have made the 1960s less safe. A freeze in 1969. however, would have avoided the introduction of MIRV programs (multiple independently targeted re-entry vehicles) and created greater stability. Today, they say. a freeze would prevent the deployment of some destabilizing systems, but it would also prevent the development of the new, small, single warhead, land-based missiles that would be safer than the MIRVed land-based missiles which increase fears of preemptive strikes.

These writers tend to have harsher words for Caspar Weinberger of the Department of Defense than for Randall Forsberg of the freeze. In Nuclear War, Nuclear Peace, for example, Wieseltier observes that nuclear warheads are not really weapons because they have no political utility. They serve only to deter the other side from using them. He argues, then, that the administration’s earlier talk about limited or controlled nuclear war is inane, and he rejects the notion that one side can or should try to achieve nuclear superiority. Wieseltier thinks that deterrence is "the proper regulating principle for arms control."

If we accept the framework of deterrence, then the moral task of the defense worker becomes complicated. The worker cannot be advised unthinkingly to leave the job. What is the morally compelling reason for refusing to work on a project that contributes to strategic stability and makes the world safer? Workers need to form judgments about whether or not their particular projects contribute to strategic stability. They should decide on that basis whether to stay or leave.

This is an absurdly difficult thing to ask anyone to do. First there is the sheer amount of material concerning nuclear issues and strategies which must be evaluated to attain even a minimal grasp of the matter. Then there is the problem of sorting out disagreements among experts who, while sharing a general strategic outlook, may disagree about whether a particular weapons system is stabilizing. Sometimes, too, a given weapons system has both stabilizing and destabilizing features.

Nonetheless, employees of defense contractors need to do all this evaluation as well as possible, conceding that they may have judged wrongly when all is said and done. At least then the moral enterprise becomes a matter of sweat and agony instead of an automatic response. Alfred North Whitehead criticized theology for shrinking "from facing the moments of bewilderment inherent in any tentative approach to the formulation of ideas." With their gross generalizations about nuclear weaponry, the churches seem to have contracted a severe case of nuclear "theology" which conveniently shields them from the ambiguities and complexities of the nuclear weapons debate.

The process of reflection outlined here will be rejected by some for being timid and insufficiently prophetic. If one rejects the concept of deterrence, my approach must be rejected as well. My stance, then, is more consistent with current Roman Catholic teaching than with Protestant statements. To be sure, the bishops call in their pastoral letter on war and peace for "immediate, bilateral, verifiable agreements to halt the testing, production, and deployment of new nuclear weapons systems." However, they also give a qualified acceptance of the principle of deterrence.

While repudiating the notion that nuclear war in any circumstance can be a just war, the bishops say that they will tolerate for now the possession of nuclear weapons as long as serious efforts are made toward arms control. They acknowledge the dangers in their position. They concede that even their conditional acceptance of nuclear deterrence may reinforce a policy of arms buildup, and they know that historically deterrence has not "set in motion substantial processes of disarmament."

Prominent Protestants say the bishops do not go far enough. Writing in The Christian Century, Robert McAfee Brown asks readers to push even further the bishops’ implicit logic:

They argue that there is no situation in which the use of nuclear weapons could be morally permissible. But if to use such weapons is wrong, it must also be wrong to possess them, since possession tempts powerfully toward use -- whether by deliberate decision, technological accident or human error. And if it is wrong to use nuclear weapons and wrong to possess them, it must also be wrong to manufacture them, since manufacturing inevitably means possession, and possession almost inevitably means use [August 15-22, 1984].

Impeccable logic, however, can have its own kind of glibness, and it is to the bishops’ credit that they refuse to treat ethics as though it were a form of inspired mathematics which can be pushed to some tidy conclusion. Many Protestants, wrestling with the issue of abortion, understand that ethical decision-making often involves the wretched business of choosing among wrongs. The bishops approach the nuclear issue with this same kind of mental suppleness. While they write of their qualified moral acceptance of deterrence, they mean only, as Cardinal John Krol testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, that they consider deterrence to be for now the lesser of competing evils. They want us to moderate our reliance on nuclear deterrence without either denying its lamentable necessity or pretending its morality. Their position satisfies neither those who reject the concept of deterrence nor those who accept the concept without blinking.

When it comes to nuclear deterrence, some Protestants do not consider subtle judgment to be a virtue. For the peace issue, fear has made a comeback in the mainline churches as a tool in the motivators’ kit. This development provides the makings of a sequel to the late Richard Hofstadter’s study of anti-intellectualism in America, a phenomenon he related to Protestant revivalism, with its exaggerated emphasis on feeling. Today, as in the 18th century, people of great passion seek to discredit those who insist on saying: Slow down; let’s think about this.

It is correct to say, as Robert McAfee Brown does, that the possession and manufacture of nuclear weapons are immoral. But if the alternatives are also immoral, as the bishops suggest, it hardly follows that Christians should say an "unequivocal no" to participation in nuclear weapons development. Brown believes that such an unequivocal stance is "risky." Granted, it carries the risks of job loss and accusations of disloyalty. These risks are significant, but they pale before an even greater risk which they reduce. This is the risk of unfettered thinking whereby the human mind, as Augustine said, is stretched and stretched until eventually it encounters something that transcends and judges it, which is Truth. We try to avoid divine judgment and the anxiety it brings by refusing to think, by permitting our prepossessions to prevent the emergence of new insights, as the late Bernard Lonergan wrote.

This is part of the appeal of unequivocal stances. Because they are unambiguous and devoid of irony and paradox, they allow us to suppose that we are righteous. The result is that on the peace issue, we come to sound like those fundamentalist churches that call people out of a sinful world to a holy place of painless. personal salvation. If, however, we resist what Flaubert called "the mania to conclude," we are bound to fathom finally that for the moral problem of deterrence, there is no sanctified ground on which to stand. We learn instead, as London’s G. R. Dunstan writes, that there is only a choice between evils and "everlasting mercy for those who, in good faith, are driven to choose"

At first, Ramsey seems directly opposed to Brown, who rejects deterrence altogether. Actually, Ramsey and Brown are closer to each other than either is to Dunstan or the bishops. Both believe that nuclear morality involves choosing between good and evil. This is what Dunstan and the bishops deny, saying that we choose only between wrongs.

The stark honesty of such a view calls to mind a response to war known as "agonized participation," which is associated with the names of Reinhold Niebuhr and Roger Shinn. and which is described by Edward Long, Jr., in his 1968 book War and Conscience in America (Westminster). This position is not to be confused with statements of just-war theory. The agonized participant believes war is never an act of justice, but that it may sometimes be necessary to prevent an even greater evil. The agonized participant accepts the necessity of war without obscuring its tragedy.

I do not think that a person can have a role in the wartime firing of a nuclear device, or even in the development or production of a destabilizing weapon, as an agonized participant. Those would be acts devoid of conscience. But workers on projects that make the world safer should develop the mind of agonized participants. Their work can be justified, but it provides no cause for patriotic self-congratulation. It is necessary, but it is still immoral. When these defense workers ask how they can resolve the conflict between their religious principles and their participation in nuclear weapons projects, the churches need to tell them that there is no resolution. As Niebuhr said, God’s forgiveness enables us to live with moral dilemmas, but it does not make our deeds righteous.

The churches must speak these things without pointing fingers, as though nuclear defense workers constitute some special, reprehensible class. Their dilemma should be felt acutely by any Christian who lives under the nuclear umbrella and enjoys the prerogatives that come from a military security bought at an awful moral price.

In "Ethics and Tragedy" (Explorations in Theology [SCM, 1979]), D. M. McKinnon recounts a story about the duke of Wellington. An admirer said to the great man: "A victory must be a supremely exhilarating and glorious experience." The duke, by then an old man, replied: A victory, Madam, is the greatest tragedy in the world, only excepting a defeat." Today, living with nuclear deterrence is the greatest tragedy in the world, only excepting what might result from its alternatives. Since there is no handy exit from this tragedy, we may be forced to learn the wisdom of another generation -- that Christian ethics is not a deus ex machina to extricate us from our predicaments. Instead, in the words of neo-orthodoxy’s most systematic thinker, ethics exists "to remind us of our confrontation with God, who is the light illuminating all actions." In a nuclear age, we confront a sorrowful God whose righteous anger boils over in the face of our folly. The miracle is that this weeping, angry God still graces us to hope and to labor for peace. But hoping and peacemaking, we must see, are very different things from indulging in one form or another of nuclear escapism.

Building Communities From the Inside Out

According to articles in the New Yorker and Business Week, churches are leading an urban renaissance. The media have celebrated the churches’ role in prompting economic development in distressed areas as well as the social services that churches offer to low-income residents. Presidential candidates are supporting measures to increase charitable giving so that churches and other nonprofit organizations can enlarge their role.

But there are serious problems with this scenario. It is true that the resurgence of the voluntary sector’s involvement has unleashed great energy and fostered some promising strategies for meeting social problems. But the prospects for sustained success are limited. We should remember that it was the limited effectiveness of church workers in the settlement house movement and other voluntary, local efforts in the 1880s that led to the large-scale government social programs of the 20th century.

As impressive as the churches’ work is, its long-term success depends on commitments and policies at the state and national levels. While religious leaders have the attention of politicians and the media, they must advance a comprehensive agenda for urban change informed by the principle of subsidiarity. Subsidiarity is the principle that local organizations maintain those functions that they perform effectively. As the U.S. Roman Catholic bishops wrote in a 1986 pastoral letter: "Government should not replace or destroy smaller communities and individual initiative," but should "supplement their activity when the demands of justice exceed their capacities."

During the 1960s, many people thought that government policies would replace the initiative of local communities. But passive, disorganized neighborhoods proved incapable of converting outside resources to productive use. At the cost of billions of "Great Society" dollars, we learned that neighborhoods as well as individuals must be motivated to help themselves.

Scholars, activists and foundation officials now believe that the key to revitalizing distressed neighborhoods is to rebuild the community’s social capital -- its capacity and resources for cooperation and collaboration. As political scientist Robert Putnam argues, prosperity grows out of the trust, the relationships and the norms of reciprocity that exist within a community. The Equal Opportunity Division of the Rockefeller Foundation, for example, maintains that simply transferring income to the poor does not reduce poverty because it has no impact on the problem of social isolation. Individuals need personal relationships, networks and connections. When the Worcester Area Mission Society in Worcester, Massachusetts, cosponsored a program to help women move from welfare to work, the program included training for jobs as practical nurses and legal secretaries. But the key to success was linking each participant with a mentor, someone who had already made the transition from welfare to work.

John McKnight of Northwestern University says that "neighborhoods must rebuild themselves from the inside out" by mobilizing their own assets, including residents, churches, colleges and businesses. Whether by creating new collaborative structures or working through existing agencies such as local community development corporations, neighborhoods need to assume the central role in designing and implementing strategies for their own improvement.

To be successful, development efforts must be comprehensive, because social problems are interrelated. The comprehensive effort considers every aspect of community life: economic opportunity, physical development and infrastructure, public safety, and services and institutions. This does not mean, however, that a neighborhood should try to do everything at once. Instead, it should address one or two high-priority issues, thereby building local confidence and talents. At the same time, it must develop a broader vision and strategy. Successful neighborhood leaders call this blending of process and product "learn as you go," and describe it as a spiral rather than as a straight line. Such initiatives transcend the divide that has existed since the ‘60s between human service advocates who focus on people, and community development professionals who think about neighborhoods.

The church’s role in mobilizing neighborhood action is often overlooked. In Worcester, All Saints Episcopal Church, St. Andrews Roman Catholic Church, Worcester Interfaith and the Worcester Area Mission Society have played this role in four different neighborhoods. As neighbors gained greater control over their area, they saw a payoff in rebuilt housing, and in the number of children who left the streets for programs. Residents’ shared experiences and hope encouraged them to seek more progress. They saw that systems such as education and economics must operate in new ways in their communities. They learned that they needed government intervention to supplement their initiatives.

Some new and constructive responses are coming from local, state and national governments. Municipalities, for example, are now more open to partnerships with neighborhood groups. Realizing that strong inner-city neighborhoods are crucial to its regional economic and social health, Indianapolis shifted the focus of its redevelopment efforts from downtown to seven inner-city neighborhoods, and implemented a program to train community leaders and pay for neighborhood coordinators. At the national level, the Empowerment Zone/Enterprise Community program awards block grants to foster local collaboration, and tax incentives to encourage private sector investment,

The former mayor of Albuquerque, David Rusk, believes that inner cities will continue to deteriorate unless cities and their suburbs are politically connected, either through metropolitan government or through policies. His study of 320 metropolitan areas confirms that poverty and crime are much less likely to reach critical mass in politically integrated metropolitan areas. This approach breaks the impasses created when a concentration of poverty overwhelms individuals and exacerbates social chaos. Political integration can create opportunities in housing, jobs, schools and services.

Legislative measures are needed to achieve political integration. Poor neighborhoods need fair housing policies to encourage low- and moderate-income housing in all jurisdictions; fair employment and fair housing policies to ensure minority access to job and housing markets; and tax-sharing arrangements to offset tax-based disparities between cities and suburbs.

We also need new policies at the national level. William Julius Wilson proposes several measures targeted at Americans who are experiencing declining incomes and job displacement. Changes would include a system of national performance standards in public schools, a national system fostering the transition from school-to-work, further expansion of the earned income tax credit, additional child care programs, and universal health insurance. Wilson hopes that such race-neutral proposals might become the basis for a new political coalition of groups pressing for economic and social reform.

Of course, any plan that implements concurrent strategies at different levels will be frustrated when the strategies conflict with each other. Improving economic opportunity for individuals and families, for example, does not necessarily lead to improving a neighborhood. Once residents gain training, resources and connections, many move to a better area, leaving behind the most distressed families and significantly increasing the challenge of renewing the neighborhood. Robert D. Yaro of the Regional Plan Association in New York City observes that inner cities are in trouble in part because of the country’s success in creating an African-American and Latino middle class. As members of these groups prosper, they head to the suburbs for the same things other Americans have sought: safe neighborhoods with good schools and services.

Some have suggested that we should skip the task of rebuilding social capital in inner-city neighborhoods by moving the poor to neighborhoods and suburbs where social capital already exists. But as Peter Edelman points out, such efforts would be doomed to failure even if they were coupled with an effective income maintenance system. It is the place-based social infrastructure, including social networks and institutions, that gives people sufficient security to think about getting out in the first place.

Churches should be realistic about the limits of what they can accomplish in the inner city. Perhaps their goal should be simply to build a city that creates conditions for social mobility like those that existed a century or so ago, before African-American workers encountered racism and segregation in the northern cities and began to feel imprisoned in inner-city neighborhoods. As Richard Wade reminds us, the cities of 80 to 100 years ago were more dirty, dilapidated and dangerous than those of today. But there was this major difference: these conditions were tolerable to the immigrants because they considered them to be temporary. The neighborhoods were seen as staging areas for upward and outward mobility.

In a "good enough" city, the city that the churches seek to build, unskilled immigrants, single women with children and young adults would be able to secure a promising foothold. Bolstered by national and state policies, local initiatives would generate the necessary social capital, physical infrastructure and human development programs to help the neighborhood even as mobile residents move out. In a good enough city, social progress would be possible and meaningful, but the work of justice would never be finished. Moses and the Hebrews learned that they had to gather manna each morning, that they had to look to God each day. In a city where poor newcomers are always arriving and successful residents are leaving, the church must always be rebuilding community from the inside out, constantly replenishing the store of social capital, and creating human relationships and networks that work for the good of all.

Prayed Politics

William H. Willimon and Stanley Hauerwas have charged that the church’s theology and ethics are atheistic (see "Embarrassed by God’s Presence," January 30, 1985) To this it can be added that the church’s approach to political life is unrelated to God -- unrelated, that is, to the transcendent God of reformed Protestantism whose thoughts and ways are different from our own. Church assemblies do indeed take positions on many public issues, frequently invoking Scripture as a defense for their viewpoint. Too often, however, this appeal is mere biblicism. As a result, we are close to forgetting how to think theologically about politics.

Understanding that "a theological thought can breathe only in the atmosphere of dialogue with God," Anselm began his Prologue with a prayer, giving us what Helmut Thielicke calls "prayed dogmatics." A similar understanding of politics might be called "prayed politics."

Such an approach to politics should mirror the movements of Christian life as they are reflected in worship. We are a people both summoned and sent. We are summoned before God to be judged and forgiven through confession and pardon. Then, nourished by Scripture and edified by preaching, we are sent again into the spheres of our public responsibility. These movements are held together in a dialectical tension.

One reason that public issues evoke controversy in congregational life is that people tend to see themselves as either being summoned or sent, not both. This division is not peculiar to the church, but reflects a perennial debate in political philosophy.

In his essay "Does Political Theory Still Exist?" Isaiah Berlin discusses the monists and the pluralists, who correspond respectively to the sent and the summoned (reprinted in Concepts and Categories, Henry Hardy, editor [Penguin, 1978]) For the sent, "human ends are objective: men are what they are, or change in accordance with discoverable laws; and their needs or interests or duties can be established by the correct (naturalistic, or transcendental, or theological) methods." On the other side, the summoned "believe in some form of original sin or the impossibility of human perfection, and therefore tend to be skeptical of the empirical attainability of any final solution to the deepest human problems" (p. 153).

Throughout intellectual history, these two camps have engaged in a dialogue of the deaf. In the church, the distinction has helped create the pit between the pulpit and the pew.

Professional church leaders tend to stand in the ranks of the sent. Their view is sounded by the Office for Church in Society of the United Church of Christ, which says -- without any reservation or sense of irony -- that politics consists of "turning beliefs into policies," that missions consists of "translating the Gospel into works and deeds that build up the reign of God," and that we must work to "eliminate the institution of war."

In the pew, however, the summoned predominate. These are people who voted for Ronald Reagan. Many are merely complacent, but some are articulate in their skepticism that public policies will ever succeed, given human perversity. The summoned are distrustful of politicians in general; and they suppose that since public issues are messy at best, religion does better to confine itself to the interior life of the spirit.

James Fowler tells us that a mature faith knows that truth has contrasting dimensions that need to be held together. The faithful are neither the summoned nor the sent but those who are both coming and going. One ear hears the imperative to active public life expressed in Amos: "Let justice roll down like waters, and righteousness like an ever-flowing stream." The other ear listens to the parable of the growing seed in Mark 4:26-29 with its rebuke of self-righteous zealotic activism, and its claim that God, not the people, will establish the kingdom when the time is ripe. "Prayed politics" is the fruit of mature faith, and its prayer is drawn from T. S. Eliot’s "Ash Wednesday": "Teach us to care and not to care." That petition perfectly expresses the Christian paradox that individuals are responsible, yet God is sovereign; that individuals are sent into the world to work, but they are also summoned away from the world and must submit themselves to God. To live this way is to be in communion with a living God who speaks to us -- sometimes with encouragement, sometimes with sternness.

The faithful, then, are those who are both summoned and sent, who both care and do not care. They are what Jacques Ellul calls "active pessimists" (The Meaning of the City [Eerdmans, 1970]) They are active because God through Jesus Christ has made the city into a "neutral world" where we are free and where we can find "possibilities for action." And yet they are also pessimists, because "where we are working we absolutely must not take our actions seriously, neither ours nor that of our companions." God "creates this city as he creates the bodies of all those who are dead when he calls them to life" (pp. 170-172)

Prayed politics, then, permits our public lives to participate in the central mystery of Christianity: human/divine encounter. A problem with much of the church’s thinking about politics is that it emerges not out of this intractable mystery, but out of one or another of its constitutive poles. This leads either to the frantic hyperactivism of our church assemblies where dozens of issue-oriented resolutions are passed in the name of prophecy, or to a "we’re doing the best we can" kind of complacency in the name of a pallid Christian "realism." Both these tactics are really escape routes from a God who wants us simultaneously to care and not to care.

Lincoln also thought he was an instrument of history. But behind Lincoln’s understanding of history was his idea of a God "who at times seems to want to frustrate the Statesman" (John Diggins, The Lost Soul of American Politics [Basic, 1984]) Lincoln "doubted that man could ever grasp God’s will and therefore believed that human action would always be estranged from divine intention" (p. 330) Lincoln divined that God is both hidden and revealed. Thus, for him, politics was a function of both theodicy and providence. Lincoln the Calvinist held Americans responsible for the war, Diggins writes, and never stopped reminding them that they deserved their "divine punishment."

Roosevelt’s style of decision-making was immensely self-confident, even breezy, reflecting his belief that he was an instrument of God’s inevitable progress. He succumbed, therefore, to what André Malraux called "the temptation of the West" -- the illusion that humans can master historical circumstances. Roosevelt was an active optimist because he did not grasp, as Reinhold Niebuhr said, that while people were meant to master the creation, their arrogance has alienated them from God and made them, in some measure, slaves to creation. He thereby opened himself to the charge leveled at Bismarck by Bamberger: "Prince Bismarck believes firmly and deeply in God who has the remarkable faculty of [ways agreeing with him."

Furthermore, just as Roosevelt believed wholeheartedly in himself, he believed in theirs as well. In FDR, Ted Morgan observes that Roosevelt made his mistake, with Stalin at Yalta by assuming "that the their fellow is a good guy who will respond with decency if he is treated right" Simon & Schuster, 1985, p. 756) In this respect, Roosevelt was heir to the attitude of Woodrow Wilson, of whom Arthur Link writes: "His faith in the goodness and rationality of men. . . and in the inevitable triumph of righteousness sometimes caused him to make illusory appraisals of the situations at hand and to devise quixotic or unworkable solutions" (Wilson the Diplomatist [Quadrangle, 1963], p. 17).

Lincoln, on the other hand, had few illusions about himself or others. In Gore Vidal’s novel Lincoln, the abolitionist Senator Wade says to the president: "There is no doubt in my mind as to the justice of our cause and the evil of theirs." Lincoln rejoins: "Naturally, I believe we are right, Mr. Wade. But I wish I had your absolute certitude, and lack of any doubt about the evilness of the other" (Ballantine, 1985, p. 553) To radical Republicans like Wade, Lincoln seemed slow-moving and indecisive. At the same time, he did not allow his self-skepticism to become weak resignation, and he managed to be humble about his plans and decisions without being passive and defeatist.

Lincoln is almost a paradigm of active pessimism, which is one reason that Americans today enjoy "liberty and union" from sea to sea. Had the radical Republicans carried the day, they would have handed the government to the Democrats in 1864, ensuring the perpetuation of slavery.

Over a lifetime, Augustine tried to defend a complete view of grace. Against the Manicheans, he had to maintain the inherent goodness of being after the Fall. Against the Pelagians, he maintained the necessity of grace if nature were to be perfected.

So, too, pastors and church officials must be more than cheerleaders for one or another political position or philosophy. We should exhort the pessimists to go into the world, reminding them that the resurrection of Christ shows that God fulfills divine purpose not only through our obedient deeds, but even when we rebel. We should then remind the activists that, while their work may be a parable of God’s kingdom, as Luther said, this kingdom does not depend on their efforts, which are always enfeebled by a self-love that elicits God’s judgment.

When we speak of politics in our congregations, we try to fit our words to specific people. Assemblies and synods, on the other hand, are always asking what word they need to speak to the churches and to the world -- as though there is some single, coherent message for everyone. Different people need different words at different times. As Karl Barth said, one mark of our stupidity is that we say things to the wrong person.

By fostering a sensitivity to human diversity, a prayed politics can push us beyond the current unedifying public debates. Diplomatic historian E. H. Carr wrote that two approaches -- utopian and realistic – "determine opposite attitudes towards every political problem. . . .The characteristic vice of the utopian is naïveté; of the realist, sterility" (The Twenty Years Crisis, 1919-1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations [St. Martin’s, 19461, pp. 11-15)

Prayed politics, however, does not settle for these tired terms of debate. It was the active pessimist Reinhold Niebuhr who recovered the classical Christian insight that while we are sinners who need to be forgiven, we also are sent into the world with some measure of grace to do justice. In George Marshall’s State Department Policy Planning Council, Niebuhr argued that humanity’s sinfulness made necessary political strategies that balanced power against power. At the same time, however, he rejected the nonchalance of those who, because of their skepticism, were unconcerned with the relative merits of various political systems.

A political ethic does not tell us what to do, so much as what not to do. Active pessimism makes us distrustful of policies that rely either on force or on beautiful ideas. It suggests that U.S. foreign policy must contain elements of both power and principle, and that it must promote both security and justice. Thus we are skeptical of Jimmy Carter’s early posture of refusing to use military power, and we reject Ronald Reagan’s position that force and bluster can solve our problems.

Within the church, we question those church leaders who immediately condemned the Grenada invasion without troubling to ascertain the relevant facts, while also rebuking the people in the pews who rejoiced in the operation as a reassertion of American greatness. Concerning Nicaragua, it means that we listen less to high-decibel advocates for the administration and for the Sandinistas, and we listen more to people who offer ways to peace without supposing that all would be well if only Managua would cry "Uncle," or if only Washington would emulate a dove.

Active pessimists, then, are among the world’s great curmudgeons. However, this crankiness is precisely what generates innovative responses to the day’s demands. Active pessimists steer their way between the Scylla of the utopian’s pride and the Charybdis of the realist’s despair. They forsake the safe harbor of stale political pieties, entering instead those open, uncertain seas where, as Stanley Hoffman proposes, we acknowledge the stark realities of the struggle for power, while working nonetheless toward a more cooperative world order.

The church should be cultivating a public disposition to launch this political adventure. Indeed, the church has a special responsibility because it has a special capacity -- a disposition that is a fruit of prayed politics. It is a gift to the world from those who know that they are both summoned and sent, and so have communion with a God who is doing something new.

Blinded by Metaphor: Churches and Welfare Reform

Public policy debates, complains Washington Monthly editor Charles Peters, tend to consist of a series of "automatic reactions" in which liberals and conservatives endlessly repeat their outworn positions instead of listening to each other. Mainline churches share in this tendency to repeat their favored positions and resist insights that are not their own. This approach has impoverished the churches’ treatment of a wide range of issues, including—to focus on a recent example—welfare reform.

The debate on welfare reform concerns what to do with people who have been on welfare for at least 30 of the last 60 months, a group comprising about 50 percent of the welfare caseload. Thirty-eight percent of welfare families stay on Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) for five years or longer. Those who have been on AFDC for ten years or longer make up about 25 percent of the 11 million recipients, but consume about 60 percent of the more than $9 billion federal welfare budget.

Conservatives argue that the real problem here is not poverty but dependency—the inability of able-bodied adults to achieve the independence expected of citizens. Dependency is primarily a moral problem, the result of an ethos that promotes personal irresponsibility. Part of that ethos is a welfare system that subsidizes people without obligating them to work.

Thus the central question in the welfare debate for conservatives is how to overcome the "passivity of the poor." They think part of the answer lies in shaping behavior through workfare: tying welfare benefits to mandatory education and training programs or work requirements. While acknowledging that workfare is no quick fix for dependency, they believe it conveys the message that people are responsible for supporting themselves and their children.

Liberals respond that the problem underlying poverty is not dependency but a malfunctioning economic system. Pointing to such factors as a low minimum wage, the declining number of well-paying manufacturing jobs, and the continuing segregation of jobs by race and sex, they argue that the central issue is the availability and quality of work. Liberals advocate increased spending for education and job training, but oppose mandatory programs because they believe that the poor are already committed to making the most of their possibilities. As Representative Augustus Hawkins (D., Calif.) says: "I see no reason to mandate workfare for people who would be very glad to get jobs. It’s the undesirability of the jobs that they don’t like" (New York Times, September 18).

H. Richard Niebuhr observed that theologians are usually right in what they affirm and wrong in what they deny. The same can be said for conservatives and liberals in the welfare debate. For example, conservatives are wrong to minimize the importance of economic impediments to self-sufficiency. Even if dependency were eliminated today, material deprivation would persist. As Harvard’s David Ellwood notes, some two-parent working families are worse off than single persons on welfare. These families need to be supported through tax credits, wage subsidies, day-care support, and an increase in the minimum wage. Workfare is no substitute for these measures.

Liberals, for their part, are wrong to deny that poverty has an ethical and cultural dimension. True, some conservative arguments are specious—such as Charles Murray’s contention that AFDC encourages illegitimate births—and conservatives’ narrow focus on dependency has played into the hands of a Reagan administration prepared to blame the victims. Nevertheless, without exaggerating the extent of the decline of the work ethic among the poor, one should note that community leaders in the inner cities are themselves increasingly concerned about the dysfunctional behavior of the poor. While the cultural problem has its origins in blocked economic opportunities, it has taken on a self-perpetuating life of its own. The ethos of dependency requires direct attention of the kind given by the Urban League and the Children’s Defense Fund in their media campaign to discourage young ghetto males from fathering children they cannot support.

Whether workfare can actually make a dent in the culture of dependency is more debatable. Liberals’ cynicism about workfare is understandable. Early versions of the program were aptly dubbed "slavefare." Some of the newer ventures, however, which emphasize training and education, deserve to be employed on a wide basis. In a recent study of eight state workfare programs operating since 1981, the Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation found modest improvements in earnings and employment rates compared with control groups. And as Senator Daniel Moynihan (D., N.Y.) suggests, by changing the public perception of welfare recipients from "undeserving leeches" to "unemployed persons," workfare may help remove the stigma of AFDC and in time serve to increase benefits which currently are far below the poverty level.

After years of sparking automatic reactions from conservatives and liberals, issues of poverty and welfare are now eliciting a vigorous and complex academic and political discussion. It’s being recognized, as Mitchell Sviridoff of the Local Initiatives Support Corporation puts it, that there is no "silver bullet" solution to the growth of the underclass. A sociologist like William Julius Wilson can underline the importance of economic factors, pointing to the precipitous decline in manufacturing, and at the same time write frankly about the destructive influence of ghetto culture which lacks a viable middle class that once served as a "social buffer. What is required, writes poverty scholar Christopher Jencks, is a new moral contract between the dependent poor and the rest of society which recognizes both the need for the poor to assume responsibility for their behavior and the need for the nation to pursue policies that will address the situation of the poor.

Movement toward such a new contract has begun already in several states, most notably California, where the liberal emphasis on education and training has been combined with the conservative emphasis on demanding something in exchange for a welfare check. The Family Security Act of 1988 is a step in this direction at the national level. It provides more money for education and training while mandating work, education, or training for recipients. Single parents on welfare whose children are over the age of three are required to get regular jobs. If they cannot get work immediately, they must enroll in educational or job-training courses to be paid for by federal and state governments. To make this requirement manageable, single parents will be guaranteed one year of day-care assistance and one year of continued eligibility for Medicaid health coverage.

In two-parent households receiving welfare, one adult will have to participate in a job search. Failing to find a job, that person must work 16 hours per week in a state-organized job. This provision will be phased in by 1994. The legislation provides $3.34 billion to carry out the program for the first five years. Moynihan, a major architect of the bill, believes that significant results will be visible by the year 2000.

Given the inherently incremental nature of welfare reform, the new legislation represents, despite its shortcomings, a noteworthy advance in public policy. It was disappointing, therefore, to see church agencies such as the United Church of Christ’s Office for Church in Society side with unreconstructed liberals like Hawkins and oppose the bill’s work provision. This position signifies a failure of theological and moral imagination, and raises the question of why the church reacts automatically in public debates instead of helping to advance the discussion.

Consider, for example, Christian Faith and Economic Life (1987), the UCC’s version of the Roman Catholic bishops’ pastoral letter on the economy. It exemplifies an unreformed liberal approach to poverty and welfare. The paper declares that "there is a need to adopt a strategic option on behalf of the poor and disadvantaged in the formulation of government spending policy, " which is true. But while affirming the value of work as an "acknowledgment of personal responsibility," the paper’s authors seem oblivious to current discussions of dependency and workfare. Such omission is especially serious in a study paper addressed to a denomination that contains more than its share of prosperous Republicans who subscribe to the conservative view. They need to be challenged, but the automatic liberalism of the paper is likely to provoke automatic conservatism among others, forestalling genuine discussion.

The UCC paper’s inattention to the conservative position is more than a tactical error, however. The truncated idea of God that figures in the analysis, and in much of the rest of the church’s ethical reasoning, automatically precludes or minimizes the investigation of certain lines of thinking, and leads to reductionistic treatments of a wide range of issues.

Christian moral judgment should be informed, H. Richard Niebuhr suggested, by three closely related but contrasting metaphors of God’s reign. To know God as governor is to understand that human sinfulness disfigures the world and requires restraining influences. To know God as creator is to understand that the world remains good despite the effects of sin and is amenable to creative activity. And to know God as redeemer is to understand that God’s transforming power is always present in the world.

Christian thinkers must try to orient their judgments toward all three metaphors even though they tug in somewhat different directions. In practice, though, ethicists often exercise a preferential option for some single metaphor. Current approaches to sexuality, for example, as Don Browning has pointed out regarding denominational studies—including the UCC’s 1977 report—tend to use God the redeemer as their lead metaphor while neglecting references to God the creator and governor.

The metaphor of governor is missing or muted as well in current church thinking about political and economic issues. The absence of this metaphor corresponds with the broader movement of ecumenical social thought which, after a mid-century period of neo-orthodoxy, has headed, Paul Bock writes, "back in the direction of humanism" and taken a more hopeful view of the secular prospect. Such is the case in Is the United Church of Christ a Peace Church? (undated), which delegitimates the concept of nuclear deterrence. In this document, Eden Seminary professor Douglas Meeks develops his argument on the basis of the metaphor of God the creator. God, to whom we must look for our true security, "is the creator and author of justice who will in sovereign freedom create all things anew in peace." Dismissing out of hand the metaphor of governor, Meeks also dismisses Reinhold Niebuhr’s contention that international conflict is inevitable. One of the many implications of the metaphor of God as governor, H. Richard Niebuhr believed, is that we must exercise not only self-restraint but sometimes, in the interest of justice, restraint on others, even though we know that this is not fully right. It was within this framework that H. Richard Niebuhr made his case for "conscientious participation" in war. By refusing to admit the metaphor of governor into his discussion, Meeks relieves himself of the obligation even to consider seriously this line of argument and the attendant possibility that some form of nuclear deterrence might be acknowledged as a morally acceptable lesser evil.

A similar evasion is practiced by the Economics and Theology Group of the UCC that prepared Christian Faith and Economic Life. Complemented by the metaphor of redeemer, the metaphor of creator again dominates the theological discussion. God is described as the "Economist" whose work "is to make creation into a home." Humanity is said to be the steward or manager of God’s creation. The metaphor of governor is allowed into the discussion, but sinfulness is seen as existing exclusively in religious and economic systems that oppress the poor. Maintaining that "truth comes from the bottom up," the paper lapses into a Manichaeism in which the enlightened "have-nots" confront the deluded "haves." Failing to extend the implication of the metaphor of governor to a discussion of the poor themselves, the authors neglect the possibility that the moral plight of the poor might call for a restraining response such as workfare, even though this conflicts with the values of freedom of choice and privacy.

By no means does the metaphor of governor lead inexorably to an endorsement of workfare (or of nuclear deterrence). But the metaphor does direct us toward a process of inquiry involving certain kinds of practical moral thinking which might lead to such conclusions. It is one thing for the UCC authors to reject the arguments for dependency and workfare after they have been aired. It is something else to submerge the metaphor of governor and thereby preclude discussion of these issues.

William James wrote that he could not accept any rule of thinking that would keep him from accepting "certain kinds of truths if those kinds of truths were really there." The ethical reasoning too often evident in the UCC and in other Protestant churches reflects no such inhibition. It seems quite happy to ignore the possibility of certain truths. As a result, the churches’ political positions become "automatic."

The irony in this is that these churches pride themselves on openness to the world, when really their minds are closed; refusing to engage God in all of God’s dimensions, they cannot engage human experience in its fullness or complexity either. A church’s "automatic" position on welfare reform, then, is more than a political miscalculation. It represents spiritual and intellectual exhaustion, a recovery from which may prove as difficult as the elimination of material poverty.