The Problem of the Mainline

For at least the past generation, mainline Protestants have been worried about declines in membership. One camp has taken up the rallying cry of conservatives (and some vocal sociologists) who claim that theological "strictness" and clear church-culture boundaries mark the path to reversing this decline. Others have claimed that the church’s aim is not to be "successful" by the world’s standards. If God wants the people to come, they will come.

After more than a decade of studying American congregational life (and a lifetime of investment in Baptist congregations). I am convinced that neither of these stances is helpful.

Since I am going to talk about success, I should begin by saying what I mean by that term. Christian churches exist to worship God, to teach and nurture people in the faith, and to spread the Good News (in the many ways they understand themselves to be called to do that). All of those things presume that there are distinctively Christian things to do and that having a group of people to do them beats trying to carry on alone. Managing to gather an ongoing group of people who regularly do these things together is my definition of success.

One of the challenges of our times is that gathering a group is complicated. The people we are with at any given moment are likely to be only one of the dozens of "gatherings" of which we are a part over the course of a week, and none of those groups overlaps perfectly with the people, values and concerns of the others. Few of us live in "parishes" where everyone knows everyone else and all go to the same church. In the average urban or suburban Protestant congregation, less than half the participants live within ten minutes’ drive of the church, up to a third have moved to the community in the past five years, about half were brought up in another denomination, and less than a quarter have been in that congregation all their lives. We don’t share a common culture in which the values and practices of the church can be taken for granted.

So churches have to be intentional if they are to create a sense of Christian identity and belonging of any sort. Gathering takes work, but it is essential. As a sociologist, I’m naturally curious about how people do that work.

A team of researchers and I recently talked with people in 549 randomly selected and widely diverse congregations in seven representative locations across the country. We asked not only what they are trying to accomplish, but also how they actually spend their time and energy each week.

One pattern especially stood out from this research: the religious groups that spend the least organizational energy on the core tasks of worship and religious education are the mainline Protestant ones.

For most mainline Protestant churches (except Episcopal and Lutheran ones), worship happens just once a week, and there are no groups (like altar guilds) spending time during the week planning and supporting worship activities. If any adults do gather during the week, it is likely to be in a small Bible study or book discussion group involving a tiny fraction of the adult membership. Many choose not to schedule any adult religious education on Sunday morning, often because children’s classes take place during worship and the expectation is that everyone goes home after worship.

Not only do mainline Protestants often opt for Sunday school in lieu of worship for their children, they also rarely have any religious education for children during the week. That 45 minutes or so on Sunday morning are the sum total of the intentional teaching they do. Mainline churches are more likely to sponsor a scout troop than to have any weekday religious education for their children. And hardly any of them sponsor or support a religious day school. (The exceptions are the few remaining Lutheran schools and the historic elite Episcopal academies.) White mainline Protestants seem to be putting all their hopes for creating a distinct Christian identity in the basket of Sunday morning worship for adults and Sunday school for children.

This situation may seem so normal to mainliners that they forget that many of their neighbors do things very differently. Many Catholic families send their children to parish schools, and most send them to religious education classes. Jewish families support weekday Hebrew schools at their synagogues, and increasing numbers select Solomon Schechter schools for elementary education. Both Catholics and Jews also put considerable energy into enculturating adult converts who come from other traditions. Conservative Protestant churches have Sunday school classes for all ages (including adults), multiple worship services and weekday children’s groups. African-American churches extend their time of worship well into Sunday afternoon and return for multiple activities throughout the week. Mainline Protestants are the odd group out with their minimalist organizational structure.

My hunch is that this pattern reflects the historic relationship of mainline Protestants to American culture. Other traditions, each in its own way, have recognized their outsider status. Their ethnic heritage or theological traditions have not historically been reinforced by other institutions in American society, and they have built structures to compensate for that absence. Indeed, many of these other groups have explicitly sought to equip their members for cultural resistance and survival in an unfriendly environment, Because the mainline was "mainline," the environment was assumed to be friendly and supportive.

It may always have been bad ecclesiology to depend on the culture to carry the gospel, but today it’s also bad sociology. Churches that wish to perpetuate distinct Christian traditions need not become an oppositional counterculture, but they do have to tend more intentionally to building their own religious traditions.

Creating a community of faith out of people who don’t live near each other and haven’t known each other all their lives requires more than a few minutes at coffee hour after the service. Helping them figure out how their faith asks them to live requires more than even the very best preaching can provide in one Sunday service.

In spite of our overscheduled busyness, changing this pattern isn’t impossible. We found plenty of mainline churches where members gather in creative ways to tell each other the stories of their lives and to learn the stories of their faith, Nor does a deep investment in congregational life take people away from service in the world. Both my research and other recent studies make clear that serious participation in congregations leads to more active community service, not less. Members who come to more than just Sunday services are more likely to volunteer in the community than are those who are less involved.

But that shouldn’t be surprising. At least since Pentecost, spending time together in worship, eating together, taking care of each other and sharing both possessions and the Good News with the community have been inextricable and mutually nourishing parts of the life of the church.

American Religion, Region by Region

Books Reviewed

Religion by Region. A series edited by Mark Silk and Andrew Walsh (AltaMira Press):

Religion and Public Life in the Middle Atlantic States: Proving Ground for Pluralism. Edited by Randall Balmer and Mark Silk.

Religion and Public Life in the Midwest: America’s Common Denominator? Edited by Philip Barlow and Mark Silk.

Religion and Public Life in the Pacific Northwest: The None Zone. Edited by Patricia O’Connell Killen and Mark Silk.

Religion and Public Life in the Southern Crossroads: Showdown States. Edited by William Lindsey and Mark Silk.

Religion and Public Life in the Pacific Region: Fluid Identities. Edited by Wade Clark Roof and Mark Silk.

Religion and Public Life in the Mountain West; Sacred Landscapes in Transition. Edited by Jan Shipps and Mark Silk.

Religion and Public Life in New England: Steady Habits Changing Slowly. Edited by Andrew Walsh and Mark Silk.

Religion and Public Life in the South: In the Evangelical Mode. Edited by Charles Reagan Wilson and Mark Silk.

 

Many of us are fond of referring to "American religion," as if that were a thing to be described. But anyone who has spent much time on the ground (or in churches) knows that there are lots of ways in which that term has to be modified, and one of the most significant modifiers is regional. I have lived in six of the eight regions identified in the Religion by Region series, and who I am religiously, and who people think I am, has varied enormously according to where I was living.

As a kid in Missouri, I was a Baptist, and that identity said not only that I belonged to an important church but that I was on the right side of the great eternal divide, ready to defend my salvation against the other contenders around me. When my family moved to Arizona, I joined the tail end of the white evangelizers who hoped to bring faith and education to the Native American and Mexican laborer population that surrounded us. In southern California, our next stop, people thought we were from Texas and just figured we were one more in a trail of exotic breeds that seemed to flourish on the Pacific shores. What they didn’t know was that Southern Baptists and other evangelicals were becoming an institutional force to be reckoned with.

More than a decade later, when I was a pastor’s wife on the other coast, the people who heard "southern" and "Baptist" seemed to assume that meant "snake handler" and closed the door as quickly as possible. Then, when we actually moved to the South, we experienced the cognitive dissonance of being assumed to be part of the irresistible evangelical mainstream while practicing a form of Baptist life that eventually got our church kicked out of the denomination.

Now I live in New England, and I’m an American Baptist -- part of the "mainline," but we’re anything but mainstream and powerful. People are polite about our religious identity, but no one assumes that our church will make the news. The pages of our local paper are largely reserved for the doings of the Roman Catholic Church.

Who makes the news -- and why and how -- is part of the story this series seeks to tell. In part, it is an attempt to educate the public, including reporters, on the unique religious history and ecology of America’s regions. With funding from the Lilly Endowment, the Leonard E. Greenberg Center for the Study of Religion in Public Life at Trinity College in Hartford undertook the massive task of assembling scholars and data and producing eight books, each containing both demographic overviews and focused essays on the features that distinguish each region’s religious life. Mark Silk and Andrew Walsh, the center’s director and associate director, persuaded an impressive array of historians, sociologists and religion scholars to contribute their formidable insight.

As with any edited collection, some chapters are better than others, but on balance, there is plenty here to reward readers who want a closer look at the role of religion in the particular places that make up this extremely varied nation. Each volume includes introductions and conclusions that draw out common regional themes. There is also a general overview chapter that presents the necessary numbers -- from ethnic and educational patterns to just how many Baptists or Catholics or, for that matter, Sikhs and Muslims there are in the U.S. The remaining chapters address the distinct practices and histories of the dominant groups and include a variety of essays that take up such topics as the roles of southern religious women, patterns of new religious immigration, and even the religious urban geography of Chicago. Taken together, they constitute an encyclopedic introduction to the myriad stories that make up "American religion."

The quality of this team of authors and editors was essential, because the statistical data from which they had to work simply cannot tell the whole story. The absence of a national religious census in the U.S. means that we are always confined to filling in numerical gaps with educated guesswork. Each of the sources used here provides a wealth of information, but each has significant limits as well -- and the three do not overlap perfectly. The North American Religion Atlas (NARA) depends on the 2000 membership numbers compiled by the Glenmary Research Center (a decennial project undertaken since 1950). For many groups, these numbers provide a fairly accurate county-by-county picture, but to the extent that a group provided sketchy data (lots of round numbers always raise questions) or no data at all, these "adherent" numbers fail to reflect the actual religious composition of a given area.

For instance, Samuel Hill argues convincingly that many of the religions that thrive in Appalachia are precisely the sort that don’t look kindly on anyone who wants to count them. The high number of presumed "nonadherents" in those counties distorts the picture.

In a different way, Kathleen Flake reminds us that a lot of the people not on the rolls of the local Latter-day Saints ward are probably nevertheless Mormon -- just not in good enough standing to be counted. A nonadherent in either of these places is a very different thing from the non-adherent in the Pacific Northwest whose family has perhaps been unaffiliated with organized religion for generations. Just how many real nonadherents there are is something we simply cannot know.

Some of those difficulties are overcome with the second data source this series uses, the American Religious Identification Survey. In this survey people get to say for themselves what they think they are. It uses a sample of the population, but a very large one, so that members of small religious groups actually do show up (as they often do not in smaller national surveys). The problem with asking people to name themselves, however, is that so many of them don’t provide very precise answers ("just Christian," for example).

And once you have a list of all those small groups, how on earth do you make sense of it? The result is often catch-all categories like "Baptist" (which includes both white and black Baptists) and "Christian unspecified." Neither designation tells us very much about the religious life of the people who are thus categorized (over a quarter of the population), nor does either overlap with the denominational categories used in the NARA. The authors of these books have worked heroically with the limitations of these data, using their own historical and cultural insights to make sense of the gaps.

The third source on which all the books rely is political polling by the Bliss Center at the University of Akron. Using national surveys done in 1992, 1996 and 2000, the authors have been able to describe some of the moral and political attitudes of the various religious groups in each region. From this we learn, for instance, that the liberal majority in the Pacific is composed of low-commitment mainliners, Catholics, other Christians, non-Christians and secularists. In New England, however, the liberal majority includes high-commitment Catholics and African-American and mainline Protestants, along with the non-Christians and secularists. Those two observations provide some interesting hints about how religion and politics might intersect differently in different regions, but the Bliss Center data lend themselves far better to the detailed statistical analysis one might find in a scholarly journal than to the broad-brush description these books are meant to provide.

The attempt to show how religion intersects with regional and local politics is more convincing in the specific cases various authors cite. The accommodation of American religious pluralism takes very local form, for instance. Whether rock climbers should have access to Wyoming’s Devil’s Tower is just one of many questions surrounding Native American sacred sites. Whether Hindus should be able to build a temple outside Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, is one local variation on the difficulties facing new and unfamiliar groups who want to construct religious buildings.

Similarly, clashes along the church-state boundary are shaped by the particular religious makeup of the region -- as when the LDS Church attempted to regulate what could be said and distributed on the streets near Salt Lake City’s Temple Square, or when a state judge in Alabama decided to display the Ten Commandments outside his courthouse. The way religion and politics mix often takes on local colors.

But just as often, local efforts are part of a much bigger picture and shaped by outside players along with local ones. The Nevada Test Site is the focus for religiously based national public action, for instance, and struggles over gay rights and abortion are endemic everywhere. The latter struggles almost always call out the particular local mix of religious partisans, but rhetoric and tactics are remarkably similar whether the venue is Phoenix or Pittsburgh.

Does the influence ever go the other way -- from regional to national? Randall Balmer argues that the Middle Atlantic states gave us our patterns for dealing with the religious pluralism we face today. "Real liberty of worship in the American republic probably owes more to the fact that William Penn’s ‘Holy Experiment’ worked than to any theory of the separation of church and state," he writes. The region remains a remarkable setting where a plurality of Catholics is joined by nearly half the nation’s Jews, a full array of Protestants, and more representatives of Islam and various Eastern religions than any other region save the Pacific. Bowne Street, in Queens, has become an iconic territory, with members of more than 40 congregations of immense variety jostling for parking places.

In contrast to the Middle Atlantic’s welcoming of a certain religious and cultural chaos, the South has more recently urged a more "properly ordered" way upon the nation. Paul Harvey argues that we largely have the South to thank for the rise of the religious right to national strength. Southern white evangelicals, now overwhelmingly Republican, are the vanguard of the culture war, defending their view of a properly ordered American way of life.

The irony of the South, of course, is that it could give the nation such different Baptist preachers as Martin Luther King Jr. and Jerry Falwell. What Andrew Manis calls the South’s second "civil religion" has been equally influential on the national stage. Home to perhaps a quarter of the population in much of the South, African-American churches have provided the incubator in which a distinct religious-political vision of equality and justice has been nurtured.

The South is, of course, one of our most distinct regions, but even there the boundaries are not as clear as we might imagine. Only in New England does the sense of regional identity coincide with the geographical boundaries assigned to it.

One of the most interesting aspects of the portraits presented in these volumes is the way they cast doubt on the organizing scheme they are working with. Even in New England, as Stephen Prothero points out, it’s hard to relate the densely populated and religiously diverse Fairfield County in Connecticut to Catholic and Jewish Boston and to unchurched and remote communities in the North Country. Does Florida really belong in the South, with its Catholic and Jewish southern half? After describing the differences between Florida and Appalachia, Samuel Hill concludes, "Neither … is typically southern, [but] they are nearer to being that than anything else."

Sometimes the blurring is around the edges, as when Phoenix starts to look more like L.A. than like Santa Fe or when northern Missouri looks more like the Midwest than like the "Southern Crossroads" that its southern half fits into, or when Maryland sits at the intersection of the Middle Atlantic to its north and the South on the other side.

Other regions, such as the "Mountain West," really are sets of distinct subregions -- the Catholic and Native American heartland of Arizona and New Mexico, the Mormon Zion of Utah and southern Idaho, and the untamed mountain frontiers of northern Idaho, Montana, Wyoming and Colorado, where people with no religious preference compete with off-beat religious entrepreneurs seeking just this sort of isolation. Sometimes geography matters.

And so does history, nowhere more so than in that Mormon Zion. Nowhere else in the U.S. is something so close to a religious establishment still in place. LDS theology, linking spiritual and temporal governance, and the geography and history of Mormon settlement have created a combination of numerical and cultural dominance that spills into every corner of public life.

The particular migratory patterns of the 18th and 19th centuries show up in other places as well. There is the "German triangle" stretching from Cincinnati to Milwaukee to just west of St. Louis. Here the Catholics are German rather than Irish, the Lutherans aren’t as likely to be Scandinavian, and the UCC churches were probably originally Evangelical and Reformed rather than Congregationalist. The Scandinavians, of course, moved to the upper Midwest, where Lutherans still dominate the culture even where they are not the numerical majority.

One way dominance emerges, here and elsewhere, is through the institutions that religious groups founded as they settled. Whether it is Lutheran social service agencies in the Midwest or Presbyterian parochial schools in New Mexico (founded because the Catholics so dominated the territory’s few public schools) or Jewish philanthropies in New York or the ubiquitous Catholic hospitals and Protestant colleges throughout the land, religions have provided much of the social (and financial) capital for building local communities. These books helpfully excavate that history.

They also often tell the stories of the odd religious pockets that interrupt the regional landscape. There are Lutheran counties in the Carolinas and Virginia, for instance, and communities of "converso" Jews in New Mexico. The Dutch Reformed populate Grand Rapids. Various Anabaptist groups created colonies from Pennsylvania to the Great Plains.

Then there are the Methodists -- present in at least small numbers almost everywhere, and often the second-or third-largest group (rarely number one). Even in the South, the proportion of Methodists trails behind that of white Baptists -- 7 percent as opposed to 24 percent. Only in the Midwest -- especially in a swath from Ohio to Kansas -- can one see a distinct Methodist stamp on the culture, what Mark Noll calls their faithful self-discipline and effective construction of stable communities.

Today, of course, the landscape is also being reconfigured by new religious groups. One of the significant contributions of this series is its attention to those new arrivals, who are placed consistently into each local picture. Almost everywhere there are new immigrant communities. Latinos are the most numerous, overwhelming Catholic parishes in Texas and California, but also creating dozens of new Protestant congregations and spreading out far from these traditional destinations. While Eastern religions are strongest on the West Coast, where Asian immigration is strongest, Hindus, Buddhists and other groups are now found in sufficient numbers throughout the country to establish local temples and schools.

They, in turn, are shaped both by the transnational networks that sustain the community and by the local context itself. As Raymond Brady Williams writes, "Muslims in Chicago mosques represent a constellation of evolving ethnicities different from those experienced by any of the participants prior to migration and more diverse than anywhere outside of Mecca during the Hajj." As immigrants change each region’s character, the region will shape them as well.

Just as each region is shaped by these new arrivals, it is also shaped by some of the oldest, namely Native Americans. These volumes provide consistent reminders that the earliest religions were those of the indigenous peoples. Whether it involves a memorial in Little Rock, Arkansas, to a victim of the Trail of Tears, the Hawaiian tradition of pono (righteousness and balance), California New Age groups borrowing Indian rituals or New Mexico tribes arguing for the return of their sacred sites, the story of regional religious culture has to acknowledge these rich (and often contentious) roots.

We also have to acknowledge that irreligion is an integral part of American culture, in some regions more than others. The Pacific Northwest is dubbed the none zone" to highlight the fact that barely one third of its population shows up on the membership rolls of any of the groups that reported to NARA. As Patricia Killen notes, the region "has pretty much always been this way." It is simply normal not to go to church. Even California is considerably more "churched," though religious identification and loyalty tend to be very fluid in that state.

In both regions, however, there is a perhaps surprising and growing presence of evangelical and Pentecostal traditions. The Azusa Street revival of 1906 has been followed by a succession of southern California evangelical innovations, from those of Aimee Semple McPherson and Robert Schuller to the Vineyard and Calvary Chapel churches. Even in the Pacific Northwest, members of independent evangelical churches likely account for a substantial portion of those people who weren’t otherwise counted as adherents in the NARA survey. As James Wellman points out, "Evangelical numbers have grown 32 percent in the last decade in Washington, and evangelicals now account for 38 percent of the church-affiliated population." Numbers like that may help to explain why conservative political initiatives there meet with success.

All of this doesn’t begin to do justice to what these books tell us about religion and region. I haven’t discussed the peculiar propensity for religious conflict that seems to be characteristic of the Southern Crossroads or the enormous importance of the Middle Atlantic region to American Jewish life. Nor have I considered the most Catholic of regions, New England. These eight books provide many more stories about what makes each region religiously distinctive. And even after eight books, there is surely more to be said. As much as American religion is "American," it is also local, shaped by the particular history of immigration and economic forces of each place, as well as the particular landscape that often fires religious imaginations. If nothing else, these books remind us that place matters.

New Life for Denominationalism

On the cusp of the 21st century, a strange thing is happening. Congregations -- not all, but a noticeable number -- are choosing to highlight their denominational particularities. While for some this might not seem so strange, for much of the 20th century highlighting denominational differences has been considered by many to be somewhat suspect. Early in the century, H. Richard Niebuhr wrote, "Denominationalism thus represents the moral failure of Christianity. . . . Before the church can hope to overcome its fatal division it must learn to recognize and to acknowledge the secular character of its denominationalism." Despite whatever good sectarian revivals may do at renewing the church, he condemned divisions based on denomination because the denominations were laden with ethnic, racial and class-based divisions.

Perhaps out of repentance, and perhaps out of ecumenical idealism, many 20th-century Protestants were moved to join Niebuhr in portraying denominationalism as an evil to be overcome. Ironically, at the same time that formidable denominational bureaucracies were being constructed, the theological, ritual and social practices that sustain a distinct religious tradition were being eroded.

That erosion was coming both from within and from without. Not only were theologians and preachers often apologetic about their tradition’s peculiarities, but larger cultural forces were making it difficult for those traditions to sustain themselves. Whether we point to "secularization" or "modernization" or merely mobility and rising levels of education, the cultural and social base on which the once-dominant denominations built their fiefdoms has all but disappeared -- the lingering reality of racial division being the glaring exception. Isolated European ethnic enclaves and insulated enclaves of privilege, however, have seen their boundaries opened. And without those intact cultures, the assumption was that the denominational divisions would disappear as well.

The erosion of denominational culture was not, of course, always celebrated. Many express real regret at the world that has been lost. No one has described that old denominational world better than Garrison Keillor. Responding to last summer’s concordat between Episcopal and Lutheran churches, he treated his radio audience to an extended ballad on Lutheran culture.

I was raised in Iowa, went to Concordia,

Swedish, I’m proud to say.

Got a job at Lutheran Brotherhood,

And I never was sick one day.

We sit in the pew where we always sit,

And we do not shout Amen.

And if anyone yells or waves their hands,

They’re not invited back again.

We’ve got chow mein noodles on tuna hotdish

And Jello with cottage cheese,

And chocolate bars and banana cream pie,

No wonder we’re on our knees.

This is the church where we sing Amen

At the end of every song.

The coffee pot is always on

Cause the meetings are three hours long.

I’m a Lutheran, a Lutheran, it is my belief,

I am a Lutheran guy.

We may have merged with another church

But I’m a Lutheran til I die.

Do Lake Wobegon Lutherans still exist? Or are they the nostalgic figment of a storyteller’s imagination? Have denominational identities eroded beyond recognition? And if some congregations are choosing denominationalism, who and where are they?

To take a measure of just such questions, the Hartford Institute for Religion Research, with funding from the Lilly Endowment, sent a team of researchers into the field in 1997 and 1998. We conducted interviews in 549 congregations, did more extensive observations and interviews (including a survey of congregants) in 35 of them, and took note of related research in eight denominations. Those national groups range from the Episcopal Church and the United Church of Christ to Assemblies of God and Vineyard churches. But our local interviewing encompassed the entire range of religious bodies found at the seven sites where we interviewed (Seattle, Albuquerque, Chicago, Nashville, Hartford, and clusters of rural counties in central Missouri and central Alabama). Included are 91 different denominational and other religious groups, including 51 congregations that are nondenominational or interdenominational and another 22 that are part of more informal networks.

We found that taken-for-granted denominational culture does still exist. It is strongest in precisely the sorts of places one might expect -- rural locations more than urban; southern and midwestern regions more than in the rest of the country; and among Catholics and very sectarian groups (such as Jehovah’s Witnesses) more than in any sector of Protestantism. Among all the Protestant congregations in which we interviewed, 32 percent of those in the Northeast reported a strong denominational identity, while 70 percent of those in the South did. Eighty-four percent of the rural congregations were strongly denominational, while just under half (49 percent) of the urban ones were.

But more important than any of those contextual factors, a congregation’s sense of identification with a particular denominational tradition is closely tied to how many of its members grew up in the tradition. Relatedly, individuals who themselves have "switched" are less likely to say that denomination is important to them. Which is the chicken and which the egg is hard to say. But congregations full of "switchers" are much less likely to report that denomination is an important part of the way they "do church" (49 percent versus 69 percent of congregations with few switchers).

The phenomenon of "switching" is relevant to a lot of congregations. Indeed, nearly three-quarters of the white Protestant congregations we studied reported that half or more of their members grew up in another denomination. African-American Protestants are much less denominationally mobile. Only 11 percent of the ones in which we interviewed people had similar numbers of switchers in their pews. Similarly, almost all the Catholic parishes contain mostly people who grew up Catholic.

If most churches face the reality that half or more of their members did not grow up with the programs, heroes, liturgies and lore of the denomination, surely those denominational cultures are increasingly fragile. Given all that, it is perhaps surprising that 55 percent of the Protestant congregations we studied -- slightly more among conservatives, slightly less among liberals -- report that they consider themselves strong standard-bearers of their denominational tradition. While there is plenty of evidence here to support a worry that mobility and modernism are producing "vanishing boundaries," it is also clear that those boundaries have not vanished entirely. Not every congregation that is full of modern, urban, mobile parishioners has chosen to deemphasize denominational identity. Even among congregations in which denomination is not a matter to be taken for granted out of shared heritage, nearly half report that they consider themselves strongly in the denominational camp.

How do they manage it? As we carefully sorted through what people had to say in congregations where one would expect denominational boundaries to have blurred, some interesting patterns emerged.

Those who have lesser denominational attachments seemed resigned to their fate. They take declining distinctions as a given. At a small Hartford United Methodist Church we heard, "I think that’s true across the U.S. People are no longer loyal to a denomination so much." And at a large Albuquerque Presbyterian church the refrain was similar. "Our younger generation is not nearly as loyal to the denomination as our older individuals." Like this Albuquerque pastor, they often talked about how their older members still care about the denomination, but younger ones have no such loyalty. Few of them seem to welcome this state of affairs, but they do not seem to think they can do anything about it, either.

In striking contrast, those for whom denomination is a salient identity seemed to be working rather consciously to make it so. They do not expect to be just like every other church or to appeal to every person, and they do not expect that their tradition will survive without effort. Said an Episcopal rector in Albuquerque: "We consider ourselves traditional in a very intentional way. And we study and try to integrate the theology of the church -- the traditional theology of the church. We study the Bible. We celebrate the Eucharist in a very traditional way. . . . So we really value our tradition, and we are not trying to be all things to all people. We are saying we’re going to present this wonderful rich tradition we have in a way that is open."

Similarly, in a Seattle exurb, the pastor of a Lutheran (ELCA) church described the congregation this way: "There is an unabashedly Lutheran, really strong emphasis on the grace of God that permeates our preaching and teaching. We emphasize incarnational theology -- that God becomes one with us -- and word and sacrament -- that God uses means.

In many of these congregations, the effort is simply to make sure that the denominational ethos permeates worship and teaching. But in many others, the efforts are specifically didactic. As new members from other traditions join, they are intentionally taught the distinctive beliefs and traditions of their new fellowship. At a small, newly established Southern Baptist church in Nashville, the pastor told us: "Currently we are in a training program, a training session, of what we as Baptists believe. We have a number of new members who have not been Baptist all their lives, who are new Christians, who don’t know what they believe or why they believe it. . . . The series will last probably about six weeks."

And in the growing suburbs of Nashville, where New South mobility is bringing lots of non-Methodists into an old traditional Methodist church, another pastor reported: "Every year I try to do, after I do the confirmation class for the kids, a series of four to five weeks on United Methodist beliefs. I offer it during Sunday school time. Anybody who wants to come can come. Last year I was amazed. It was packed. I mean there were entire Sunday school classes that just said we’re going to go to this."

In other words, denominational identity is intentionally pursued in this group of churches. It is important to acknowledge that, like most congregations, they are very aware of the way in which they are free to shape their own particular lives around a wide variety of traditions and practices. Only among the most sectarian groups (such as Mormons and Jehovah’s Witnesses) do we find the absence of such functional local autonomy. But almost no mainline Protestant congregations exist in a denominationally insulated cocoon anymore. Worship practices and music can be borrowed from publishers, conferences, megachurches, and books of all sorts. Mission can be done in cooperation with any of hundreds of agencies specializing in everything from home building to prison ministry. And educational resources can be obtained from dozens of major publishers that may offer materials far slicker and less expensive than denominational lines.

What distinguishes congregations where denominational traditions are valued and sustained from those that resign themselves to their "generic" fate is the way they undertake three key practices of congregational life -- worship, mission and education. In the face of multiple curricular choices, they opt for their own denomination’s educational materials. In the face of vast changes and blending of worship styles, they emphasize the distinctiveness of their own tradition. And even when working with many other partners, they highlight the good programs and mission work of their own denomination.

For a congregation full of switchers to choose its own denomination’s Christian education curriculum is a conscious statement about the importance of the views reflected therein. Where distinctive denominational beliefs were highlighted in our interviews, those congregations were much more likely to have opted for denominational curricula. And where switcher congregations are using denominational materials, they are much more likely to report a strong sense of connection to the tradition. As we have already heard, pastors in these congregations are intentional about teaching their newcomers what it means to be a part of the denomination. One Presbyterian pastor was especially eloquent in this regard:

For me it’s very important to talk about what it means to be Presbyterian from a theological perspective. . . . The reality is that there are some things about us that are unique theologically, and the first one is John Calvin’s doctrine of special providence and -- horror of horrors -- his doctrine of predestination. When we stop talking about what it means, about what predestination means, we’ve stopped understanding what it means to be Presbyterian. . . . [We need to talk about] the kind of theological energy, the kind of theological positivism that is part of the Presbyterian heritage. . . . All year long I intersperse sermons that are theologically based. I talk about theology. . . . When I do new-members stuff I talk about the things that are essential to all Christians and then to Reformed Christians and then to Presbyterians. These are the doctrines that are important to Presbyterians, why we’re Presbyterians. Something has got to hold us together more than the offering plate.

This church, where more than half the congregation grew up outside the Presbyterian tradition, uses denominational curriculum in its Sunday school. These are not people for whom curricular choices are being made out of longstanding habit, out of never having experienced any other materials. It is hard to tell which comes first, but it is very clear that a decision not to use denominational curricula is strongly linked to lower levels of denominational identity and loyalty.

Denominational strength is not just about belief and curriculum, however. It is also about nurturing a distinctive pattern of worship. We already heard that in what the Albuquerque Episcopal rector said about his tradition. More than any other group, Episcopalians pointed to their worship traditions -- not to beliefs -- as the force binding them together. A Hartford rector said:

Let me just say that usually Episcopalians do not have theological or doctrinal disputes. That’s because we’re not a doctrinal church. [However], there’s the Book of Common Prayer which is our worship book. . . . It is what we are bound to . . . everyone is praying the same thing. The idea of community is heightened by that, and individuality is dropped, which I think is a pretty good thing. People come to church -- being connected to God and to each other is a good thing. . . . Good or bad, that’s how we do it. If you go around and interview every other Episcopal church in the area, you’ll find that book in the pew. There’s a level of comfort in that. We like that.

Even Episcopal members we surveyed who did not grow up in the Episcopal Church said that the parish’s denominational identity was important to them in choosing to join. This distinct liturgical tradition, precisely because it is distinct, is attracting new adherents.

In a very different way, the new movement known as the Vineyard is also creating a worship-dominated identity. Not a formal style, mind you, but just the opposite. Two Chicago Vineyard leaders put it this way:

Some of it is stylistic -- like there are churches that are "tie all the way," and it is pretty formal, whereas the Vineyard is pretty laid back. You have guys in jeans playing in the band. There’s a flavor about the Vineyard. It’s nonpretentious. No hype. . . . You know, we like that laid-back style. And the people that come and stick like that style and the worship.

A Vineyard joke has it that St. Peter will know the Vineyard pastors at the Pearly Gates because they will show up in jeans. But even more than the informal attire, the Vineyard is a major producer of "praise chorus" style music that permeates every occasion of worship with a distinctive feel. Some describe it as part of the Vineyard "DNA."

Not everyone has such a worship tradition on which to draw, of course. Even where liturgy and theology do not seem to be providing any distinct denominational links, some congregations maintain their loyalty because their denomination helps them accomplish their mission. Whether it is a calling to evangelize the world or a calling to provide for the material needs of the world (or both), no single congregation can do it alone. When we asked congregations about what they get from their denominations, the most common response -- from liberals no less than conservatives -- was a sense of participation in a global mission. Far more often than they named any service the denomination provides to them, they talked about how their denominational mission and relief agencies do good work that they want to support.

Congregations that recognize the value of that work, emphasizing the denomination’s service in the world, are more likely to describe themselves as strongly shaped by the denominational tradition. Catholics often pointed to Catholic Relief Services, just as Methodists pointed to their relief agency. When the world needs help, we’re there, they said. The genius of the system kept a Seattle Southern Baptist pastor -- otherwise distant from his Texas traditions -- linked to the SBC. "We give money cooperatively through Baptist channels. It’s what is called the Cooperative Program. Supporting missionaries around the world and in various places in the country, you know, in a pooled-resource sort of thing." A neighboring Church of God in Christ pastor said this about his denomination: "When you look at a broader level, national and international, it’s a very exciting organization, doing some very innovating and exciting things. So I try to get our people to go to any international or national thing. . . . I believe God is going to be doing something through this denomination that’s going to be spectacular in America."

And noted the Methodist pastor who’s teaching her Nashville suburban newcomers how to be Methodist: "The bishops’ initiative two years ago was on ministry with the poor and marginalized. This congregation has embraced that wholeheartedly. . . . This year’s initiative fell right into that. It is an initiative on children and poverty, and that is where we ended up going with the ministry."

Assemblies of God pastors, along with those in other evangelical denominations, pointed to the visits of missionaries as flesh-and-blood evidence of what the denomination does. In a world in which these same congregations have (on average) connections to nine outreach organizations other than those of their denomination, they still highlight and promote the work done in their name by national and international denominational bodies. Congregations with a strong sense of identity were no less externally connected than those that downplay their tradition, but they highlight the denominational threads running through their outreach to the world.

Across a wide range of traditions, congregations today find themselves dislodged from taken-for-granted routines. Their pews contain nearly as many who grew up outside the denomination as "cradle" members. People who have never even attended a church outside their own tradition are virtually unknown. The range of religious experience, religious resources and potential mission partners on which church leaders can draw is mind-boggling. And the vast majority of congregations assume that they can make many (if not all) the necessary choices about how they stitch those scraps into a unique local patchwork. For nearly half the Protestant churches in which we interviewed, the result was a quilt with few distinctly denominational motifs. Whether drawing on civic liberalism, popular evangelicalism or simply pragmatic and ad hoc collections of cultural and programmatic elements, their response is the pattern many pundits have come to expect.

But for the other half, an intentional retrieval and construction of tradition is replacing the Lake Wobegon Lutherans with New York and St. Paul Lutherans -- their Lutheranism no longer taken for granted, but now chosen; no longer a matter of enclave and birth, but now a matter of faith and practice. These congregations see their theological heritage as a gift, intentionally teach newcomers about the faith, and celebrate their own unique worship traditions. They may, in fact, assert their own retrieval of the denominational tradition over the versions represented in national denominational offices. Still, most choose to use their own denomination’s educational curriculum, and many cherish the national and international denominational connections that enable them to do good work in the world. Not every congregation does all these things, but the more they engage in these intentionally denominational choices, the stronger their overall sense of rootedness in the tradition.

Remarked the Presbyterian pastor who wants to teach his members about Presbyterian theology:

It’s not to say that because I am Presbyterian that I don’t listen to other things, or don’t think that there’s value in all this other stuff. I have a really good friend who is Methodist, and he and I are just always amazed at how similar we are. But we’re also different. That’s good, for God’s sake. Good.

Perhaps we need to reopen our dialogue with Niebuhr. These congregations in which distinct denominational identities are being chosen and nurtured do not seem to be the worse for it. Most are vital and growing, and few if any are isolated or hostile to the outside world. Rather than disappearing, their boundaries have been reconstructed in ways that seem to keep them open and connected to a larger world. Unlike the denominationalism Niebuhr feared, they are building distinctions based more on ritual and doctrine than on social divisions. In the midst of a bewildering and mobile world, they have found places to stand. Theirs is an experiment in blending tradition and openness that bears watching.

Amateur Atheists

For many years I taught an introductory theology course for undergraduates titled "The Problem of God." My fellow instructors and I were convinced that our students should be exposed to the most erudite of the unbelievers. Our rationale was that any mature commitment that intelligent young people might make to a religious faith should be critically tested by the very best opponents.

The recent books by Richard Dawkins, Samuel Harris and Christopher Hitchens would never have made the required-reading list. Their tirades would simply reinforce students’ ignorance not only of religion but also of atheism. The new atheists do little more than provide a fresh catalogue of the evils wrought by members of the theistic faiths.

Meanwhile, truly inquisitive young minds remain restless for deeper insight. Even Freud’s theory of religion’s origin, no matter how flawed it may have seemed to my students, at least held their attention and got them to thinking about whether the whole business of religion might be an illusory human creation. My students would have found Hitchens’s book rather tame stuff compared to the works of old masters of the projection theory of religion. For while Feuerbach, Marx and Freud provided interesting theoretical frameworks for their theories, Hitchens provides nothing of the sort.

Students might have been titillated by the recent writings of Dawkins and others who profess to give a biological, evolutionary explanation of why people believe in God. But they would have learned in our course that there is no good theological reason to object to any scientific attempts to understand religion, even in evolutionary terms. The course would have made it clear that religion can and indeed should be studied as a natural phenomenon. After all, this is the only way science can study anything, and its insights are completely compatible with any good theology. And my students would have rightly wondered whether evolutionary theory, or any natural or social science, can give a complete and adequate understanding of religion. During our one-semester course students would already have encountered in Freud’s thought the claim that science alone is a reliable road to true understanding of anything. And they would have learned from other readings that this claim is a profession of faith known as scientism, a modern belief system that is self-contradictory.

Why self-contradictory? Because scientism tells us to take nothing on faith, and yet faith is required to accept scientism. What is remarkable is that none of the new atheists seems remotely prepared to admit that his scientism is a self-sabotaging confession of faith. Listen to Hitchens: "If one must have faith in order to believe in something, then the likelihood of that something having any truth or value is considerably diminished." But this statement invalidates itself since it too arises out of faith in things unseen. There is no set of tangible experiments or visible demonstrations that could ever scientifically prove the statement to be true. In order to issue the just-quoted pronouncement with such confidence Hitchens already has to have subscribed to the creed of a faith community for which scientism and scientific naturalism provide the dogmatic substance. And Hitchens must know that most people do not subscribe to that creed. Perhaps this is because there is no evidence for it.

"Our god is logos," Freud proudly exclaims in The Future of an Illusion, candidly signifying the creedal character of the central dogma enshrined by the whole community of scientific rationalists. The declaration makes for good class discussion, but whenever I asked my classes to evaluate Freud’s claim that science is the only reliable road to truth, it did not take them long to recognize that the claim itself is logically self-defeating, since it could never be justified by any conceivable scientific experiment. So most of my students would have had no difficulty realizing that scientism is also the self-subverting creed that provides the spongy cognitive foundation of the entire project we are dignifying with the label "new atheism."

After taking "The Problem of God," the vast majority of undergraduates would have deemed it silly for anyone to maintain that science can decide the question of God. Yet this is exactly what Dawkins, the world’s best-known evolutionist, claims. Harris and Hitchens agree with Dawkins, even though they seem too circumspect to blurt it out so plainly. Science, Dawkins believes, can decide the question of God because of its potential command of all the relevant evidence. Yet this claim likewise makes no sense--for the simple reason that scientific method by definition has nothing to say about God, meaning, values or purpose.

Logic, however, was not the only issue that our introductory theology course had to consider. Also at stake was whether, if we seriously held atheism to be true, it would make a big difference to our lives and self-understanding. The new atheists respond that it should make a big difference. But would it? The image of human fulfillment that emerges from their books is one in which our lifestyles remain pretty much the same, minus the threats posed by terrorists and creationists. Our new self-understanding would be informed by Darwinian biology, but we could expect that our moral and social instincts, rooted in biology as they are, would remain unmodified except for slight cultural corrections that would need to be made after religion disappeared.

The classical atheists, by contrast, demanded a much more radical transformation of human culture and consciousness. This is most evident when we consider works by Nietzsche, Camus and Sartre. To them atheism not only should make all the difference in the world; it would take a superhuman effort to embrace it. "Atheism," as Sartre remarked, "is a cruel and long-range affair." Like Nietzsche and Camus, Sartre thought that most people would be too weak to accept the terrifying consequences of the death of God.

By contrast, the recent atheist authors want atheism to prevail at the least possible expense to the agreeable socioeconomic circumstances out of which they sermonize. They would have the God-religions--Judaism, Christianity and Islam--simply disappear, after which we should be able go on enjoying the same lifestyle as before. People would then continue to cultivate essentially the same values as before, including altruism, but they would do it without inspired books and divine commandments. Educators would teach science without intrusions from creationists, and students would learn that evolution rather than divine creativity is the ultimate explanation of why we are the kind of organisms we are. Only propositions based on evidence would be tolerated, but the satisfaction of knowing the truth about nature by way of science would compensate for any ethical constraints we would still have to put on our animal instincts.

This, of course, is precisely the kind of atheism that nauseated Nietzsche and made Camus and Sartre cringe. For them, atheism of this sort is nothing more than the persistence of life-numbing religiosity--it is religiosity in a new guise. These more muscular critics of religion were at least smart enough to realize that a full acceptance of the death of God would require an asceticism completely missing in the new atheistic formulas.

The blandness of the new soft-core atheism lies ironically in its willingness to compromise with the politically and culturally insipid kind of theism it claims to be ousting. Such a pale brand of atheism uncritically permits the same old values and meanings to hang around, only now they can become sanctified by an ethically and politically conservative Darwinian orthodoxy. If the new atheists’ wishes are ever fulfilled, we need anticipate little in the way of cultural reform aside from turning the world’s places of worship into museums, discos and coffee shops.

In this respect the new atheism is very much like the old secular humanism that was rebuked by the hard-core atheists for its mousiness in facing up to what the absence of God should really mean. If you’re going to be an atheist, the most rugged version of godlessness demands complete consistency. Go all the way and think the business of atheism through to the bitter end. This means that before you get too comfortable with the godless world you long for, you will be required by the logic of any consistent skepticism to pass through the disorienting wilderness of nihilism. Do you have the courage to do that? You will have to adopt the tragic heroism of a Sisyphus, or realize that true freedom in the absence of God means that you are the creator of the values you live by. Don’t you realize that this will be an’ intolerable burden from which most people will seek an escape? Are you ready to allow simple logic to lead you to the real truth about the death of God? Before settling into a truly atheistic worldview you will have to experience the Nietzschean madman’s sensation of straying through "infinite nothingness." You will be required to summon up an unprecedented degree of courage if you plan to wipe away the whole horizon of transcendence. Are you willing to risk madness? If not, then you are not really an atheist.

Predictably, nothing so shaking shows up in the thoughts of Dawkins, Harris and Hitchens. Apart from its intolerance of tolerance and the heavy dose of Darwinism that grounds many of its declarations, soft-core atheism differs scarcely at all from the older secular humanism that the hard-core atheists roundly chastised for its laxity. The new softcore atheists assume that, by dint of Darwinism, we can just drop God like Santa Claus without having to witness the complete collapse of Western culture--including our sense of what is rational and moral. At least the hardcore atheists understood that if we are truly sincere in our atheism, the whole web of meanings and values that have clustered around the idea of God in Western culture has to go down the drain along with its organizing center.

"If anyone has written a book more critical of religious faith than I have, I’m not aware of it," declares Harris. My students might not be so sure of that. Has Harris really thought about what would happen if people adopted the hard-core atheist’s belief that there is no transcendent basis for our moral valuations? What if people have the sense to ask whether Darwinian naturalism can provide a solid and enduring foundation for our truth claims and value judgments? Will a good science education make everyone simply decide to be good if the universe is inherently valueless and purposeless? At least the hard-core atheists tried to prepare their readers for the pointless world they would encounter if the death of God were taken seriously. They did not form a project to kill God since they assumed that deicide had already taken place at the hands of scientism and secularism. But they wanted people to face up honestly to the logical, ethical and cultural implications of a godless world.

It is hardly relevant to point out that Nietzsche, Camus and Sartre also failed to embody the tragic heroism they thought should be the logical outcome of atheism. They turned out to be very much like the rest of us. Still, their failure fortified the conclusion that at least some of my students arrived at: a truly consistent atheism is impossible to pull off. And if hardcore atheism cannot succeed, it is doubtful that the soft-core variety will make it either.

After one reads Nietzsche’s fevered discourses about the creation of new values that would need to take place once people realized that the God-idea is fiction, the ethical prescriptions he endorsed end up sounding at best like a juiced-up version of the old values. He thought that once we realized there is no Creator, our own newly liberated creativity would be able to impregnate with wholly new meanings and values the infinite emptiness left behind. After we had drunk up the sea of transcendence, there would be endless room for a whole new set of ethical imperatives. Yet one can only be disappointed with what Nietzsche came up with. His new set of rules for life sound at one extreme suspiciously like monkish asceticism, and at the other like run-of-the-mill secular humanism: "Be creative." "Don’t live lives of mediocrity!" " Don’t listen to those who speak of otherworldly hopes!" "Remain faithful to the earth." Nietzsche in no way leaves behind what he first heard from the Bible. His call to a fresh "innocence of becoming" and "newness of life" is at least a faint echo of the biblical prophets and St. Paul, only without the virtues of love and hope.

Similarly, Camus made a curious transition-without telling us exactly why--from the absurdism of his early writings, The Stranger and The Myth of Sisyphus, to the moving humanism of The Plague and the rather traditionalist preoccupation with moral guilt in The Fall. He must have come to realize that the utter hopelessness of his early nihilistic atheism could not provide a space within which people can actually live their lives.

Meanwhile Sartre, once he had assured us that there are no God-given commandments, ended up sounding almost religious in issuing his "new" imperative, namely, "Accept your freedom!" For the early Sartre it was always wrong ("bad faith") to deny our freedom and that of others. But as much as he wanted all of this to sound radically new, in order to make his atheism palatable he had to argue that his existentialism was really a form of humanism after all. If even the hard-core atheists failed to carry out their program of erasing every trace of transcendent values from their moral universe, then how much less can our soft-core atheists expect to accomplish such a goal?

The hard-core atheists set very exacting standards about who would be allowed into the society of genuine unbelief. They insisted that every serious atheist must think out fully what atheism logically entails, even if they did not succeed in doing so themselves. The new soft-core atheists don’t even try. They agree with their hard-core cousins that God does not exist. But where logical rigor would require that they also acknowledge that there is no timeless heaven to determine what is good and what is not, their ideas go limp instead. Our new atheists remain as committed unconditionally to traditional values as the rest of us. They do so most openly in every claim they make that religious faith is bad, and that for the sake of true values moral people must rid themselves of it as soon as they can.

All three of our soft-core atheists are absolutely certain that the creeds, ideals and practices of religion are essentially evil. In fact, a distinguishing mark of the new atheism is that it leaves no room for a sense of moral ambiguity in anything that smacks of faith. There is no allowance that religion might have at least one or two redeeming features. No such waffling is permitted. Their hatred of religious faith is so palpable that the pages of their books fairly quiver in our hands.

Such outrage, however, can arise only from a sense of being deeply grounded in an unmovable realm of rightness. The fervor in the new atheists’ outrage against faith, and especially belief in God, is as resolute as any evangelist could marshal. To know with such certitude that religion is evil, one must first have already surrendered one’s heart and mind to what is unconditionally good. But in making this surrender our critics must not be very far from exemplifying the theological understanding of faith.

With the hard-core atheists one has to ask this newer breed: What is the basis of your moral rectitude? How, in other words, if there is no eternal ground of values, can your own strict standards be anything other than arbitrary, conventional, historically limited human concoctions? But you take them as absolutely binding. And if you are a Darwinian, how can your moral values ultimately be anything more than blind contrivances of evolutionary selection? But again, in your condemnation of the evils of religion you must be assuming a standard of goodness so timeless and absolute as to be God-given. Of course, no one objects to your making moral judgments. But if you, your tribe or mindless mother nature is the ultimate ground of your values, why does your sense of tightness function with such assuredness in your moral indictment of all people of faith? Can your own frail lives and easily impressionable minds--since you are human just like the rest of us--be the source of something so adamantine as your own sense of rightness? "Excuse us for being so direct," my students would ask, "but if you are going to fall back now on evolutionary biology, how can random events and blind natural selection account for the absoluteness that you attribute to the values that justify your intolerance of faith? Or, if you do not want Darwin to give the whole answer, can the historically varying winds of human culture account fully for the rocklike solidity of your righteousness?"

Dawkins declares that the biblical God is a monster, Harris that God is evil, Hitchens that God is not great. But without some fixed sense of rightness how can one distinguish what is monstrous, evil or "not great" from its opposite? In order to make such value judgments one must assume, as the hard-core atheists are honest enough to acknowledge, that there exists somewhere, in some mode of being, a realm of rightness that does not owe its existence completely to human invention, Darwinian selection or social construction. And if we allow the hard-core atheists into our discussion, we can draw this conclusion: If absolute values exist, then God exists. But if God does not exist, then neither do absolute values, and one should not issue moral judgments as though they do.

Belief in God or the practice of religion is not necessary in order for people to be highly moral beings. We can agree with soft-core atheists on this point. But the real question, which comes not from me but from the hard-core atheists, is: Can you rationally justify your unconditional adherence to timeless values without implicitly invoking the existence of God?

Made by Design

Book Review

Darwin and Design: Does Evolution Have a Purpose? By Michael Ruse. Howard University Press. 371 pp.

 

Stegosaurus is a dinosaur renowned for the plates that run up and down its back. When we look at its fossilized remains today, it is hard to suppress the question of what the plates were for. What function or purpose did they serve? Michael Ruse considers this an excellent question, even though science has tried to cover up thoughts about purpose, or teleology. In Darwin and Design he argues that biology should not turn its back altogether on "final causes."

Stegosaurus’s plated spine is an example of what evolutionists call "adaptations," characteristics that allow living organisms to survive long enough within specific environments to reproduce. The plates apparently served to regulate temperature, helping to keep members of the species in existence long enough to bear offspring. Likewise the beaks of Charles Darwin’s Galapagos finches -- to give perhaps the most famous example of adaptive evolution -- possess a variety of shapes and sizes tailor-made to feeding upon an assortment of seeds native to their particular habitats. If we ask why birds on one isolated island have beaks different from those on others, the Darwinian answer is that they have adapted to the size and other features of edible seeds where they live.

But the question arises: Do dinosaurs and finches possess their specific features in order to realize particular goals or because during the course of evolutionary experimentation they have accidentally acquired adaptive functions by an impersonal process of natural selection? Isn’t it really the mechanical cause rather than the final cause that provides the explanation? This is the kind of question that T. H. Huxley, Darwin’s famous advocate, thought we should ask. He sided with the mechanists rather than the teleologists.

Ruse, a renowned philosopher of science at Florida State University wants to have it both ways. He considers it entirely appropriate for biologists to be concerned not only with how biological traits came about but also with what specific organic features are for, even though most scientists and philosophers of science place questions of purpose outside the realm of research. Unwilling to reduce biology to physics, this expert on Darwinian theory considers it silly and not even good biology to overlook the actual goals that specific features like plates and beaks serve. He adds that Darwin himself understood adaptive complexity in terms of end-directed causes.

Furthermore, since evolutionary biology cannot avoid metaphors, Ruse argues that the "metaphor" of design is helpful and explanatory. Evolutionary biologists need not apologize to physicists or chemists for using such loose language. Perhaps Ruse’s hope is also that by allowing features of living beings to have a purpose, at least a little of the tension between science and religion after Darwin maybe slackened. After all, isn’t purpose in nature a clear signal of divine design?

Ruse, of course, knows that Darwin did not understand purpose or final cause in specific organisms as having any theological implications whatsoever. Traditional natural theology had considered adaptation to be a sign of divine design, either direct or indirect. Pre-Darwinian natural theologians believed that God fashioned the features of living beings for precise functions; hence the scientific detailing of these functions implicitly glorified the Creator. How marvelously adapted the round eyes of marine creatures are, for example, to the refraction of light rays underwater, thus allowing them to see clearly. And how else could we explain such fine-tuning except by supposing the existence of an intelligent designer who fits organisms so precisely to their environments?

After Darwin, however, adaptive complexity has received an alternative explanation -- one that many scientists and philosophers now consider a rival to divine providence. Natural selection of accidentally favorable adaptations during a seemingly endless span of cosmic and biological time provides an account of organic life that appears to make any appeal to divine influence or purposiveness superfluous.

Correspondingly, in the thinking of many evolutionists, talk about purpose just opens the door to annoying theological imposition. Science does not need to deal with the question of what things are for, so it should avoid language that hints of an intentionality underlying natural phenomena. Instead it must be content to ask simply how all the living organisms acquired their adaptive features during their evolution. For many if not most biologists, natural selection alone seems to be explanation enough.

Ruse engages in animated conversation with these purists. He considers the self-restriction of science to the study of mechanical or material causes to be an unnecessarily rigid methodological requirement, at least in biology. He does not wish to assert that final causes actually exist or that they have any explanatory place. In a purely physicalist understanding of nature. But his readable and instinctive new book dwells on the apparent paradox that even though, strictly speaking, Darwinism is incompatible with design, biologists "still go on using and seemingly needing this way of thinking."

Thus he considers the question of living complexity -- which has recently drawn much attention in science and religion discussions -- to be important. Unlike most other philosophers of science, he does not immediately cast scorn on the likes of William Dembski and Michael Behe, who have focused on the apparent design of cells and organisms. In fact, he finds something wholesome, and in keeping with "old-fashioned" wonder at the marvelous complexity in the work of nature, in the work of Intelligent Design theorists.

In the final analysis, however, it is clearly the materialist evolutionism of a thinker like Richard Dawkins rather than the implicit theism operative in Dembski’s or Behe’s writings that guides Ruse’s reasoning. Whatever design we observe in nature is, he admits, only apparent. He repeatedly uses expressions such as "seeming design" or "apparent design" in order to make it clear that he cannot countenance the argument that adaptive complexity is the consequence of divine influence. In order to cushion himself against such an obsolete inference, he distinguishes between what he calls the "argument to complexity" on the one hand, and the "argument to design" on the other.

By "complexity" Ruse means "adaptive complexity," and he sees evolutionary biology as in effect arguing that this or that characteristic of living beings can often be rendered intelligible only if we consider what function or purpose it serves. Thus there is room in biology for teleological language as long as we don’t use it as a jumping-off point to natural theology. Criticizing those philosophers of science who are obsessed with efficient and material causes to the absolute exclusion of teleology, he wants to return to the more commonsense approach of Darwin himself.

Nevertheless, he admits, "end-directed thinking -- teleological thinking -- is appropriate in biology because, and only because, organisms seem [my emphasis] as if they were manufactured, as if they had been created by an intelligence and put to work." For Ruse, no less than Dawkins, final causes have no real explanatory status.

By "argument to design" Ruse is referring to natural theology’s claim that organized complexity cannot be fully accounted for naturalistically, but requires divine intelligence. What, though, is Ruse really attempting to get across in pressing the distinction between complexity and design, and in tolerating final-cause language as essential to an integral biology even though it is not to be taken literally? Is he trying to facilitate discussions between science and religion by demonstrating that science is not so opposed to considerations of purpose as it is usually thought to be? At times the reader almost gets such an impression. Substantively speaking, however, Ruse clearly believes with Dawkins that organic traits are only "design-like," not really intended. And this qualification would seem to put him in the company of contemporary evolutionists who consider Darwinism to have destroyed final causes and, along with them, the foundations of theology.

Does Ruse’s nominal tolerance of teleology, yet virtual expulsion of divine design, itself entail atheism? He does not leap to this conclusion. He has previously identified himself as an agnostic and, philosophically speaking, a materialist, but in another recent book -- Can a Darwinian Be a Christian? -- he makes it clear that a contemporary evolutionist can be a theist, especially since the likes of Ronald Fisher and Theodosius Dobzhansky have been devoutly so.

Ruse’s generous and sincere outreach to the theological community on issues in science and religion is both inviting and intriguing. Unlike many other evolutionists, he takes theologians seriously. Ruse’s works are accessible and invaluable sources of information on evolutionary history and philosophy They can be of great help to those in the theological and religious communities who wish to take Darwin seriously. Darwin and Design is no exception.

In order to locate and appreciate Ruse’s point of view, however, it is essential first to look carefully at the range of positions available on the question of God and evolution. There are at least four main parties involved in this important conversation (leaving the creationists aside for now). The first of these is made up of the evolutionary biologists themselves; the second consists of those who believe that evolution requires a materialist, and hence atheistic, interpretation (evolutionary materialism); the third group comprises the proponents of Intelligent Design Theory (IDT); and the fourth is the evolutionary theists, those who consider Darwinian evolution not only compatible with biblical faith, but an illuminating framework for arriving at a deeper understanding of God than is implied in the notion of a designer.

Evolutionary biologists (Group 1) are interested only in gathering and laying out the empirical evidence for evolution, using such notions as variation, adaptation and selection to make sense of the data from biology, geology, paleontology, comparative anatomy, biogeography, genetics, radiometric dating and so on.

The evolutionary materialists (Group 2) go beyond pure science. They embed the evolutionary data, often unconsciously, in a purely physicalist worldview, taking Darwinian science to be the ultimate explanation of life’s complexity They have no room for any theological "argument to design" since to them it is clearly blind physical processes alone, and not God, that account for what seems to us humans to be so design-like in finches’ beaks and dinosaurs’ plates.

IDT disciples (Group 3) reject the materialist claim that natural selection could conceivably be the ultimate explanation of adaptive complexity. But like their opponents in Group 2 they fuse their scientific observations with a metaphysics -- in their case a firm belief in the direct causal agency of "Intelligent Design" -- thus resorting to a kind of explanation normally excluded from scientific inquiry. Not surprisingly they draw hostile reactions not only from Group 2 but also from Group 1, which they sometimes fail to distinguish carefully from Group 2.

And their opponents also include those in Group 4, the evolutionary theists. These are scientists, theologians and philosophers who consider Darwinian explanations to be appropriate to biology but who cannot take evolutionary processes to be the ultimate or final explanation of life and its complexity. Evolutionary theists would concur with the IDT advocates that at some point the search for adequate explanation must appeal to the notion of divine intelligence -- or better, divine wisdom -- if the idea of God is to have any relevance at all, However, they are not obsessed with the idea of design. And because they allow for many levels In the quest to understand the universe, they do not feel obliged to force theological explanation into what is more properly the sphere of purely scientific clarification. They are content to allow science to exclude methodologically any direct appeal to intelligence, intentionality, purpose or God. But by allowing for an extended hierarchy of explanations, they can accept Darwinian accounts as appropriate at one level, while still leaving ample room for theological understanding at a deeper one.

In light of this fourfold division, it appears that the current disputes about Darwin and design are at bottom not so much conflicts between science and religion as disagreements about whether there is room for only one level -- not a plurality of levels -- on which to understand the story of life. If we assume that only one explanatory slot is available for everybody we will be forced to take as ultimate explanation whatever we can squeeze into that solitary aperture.

Evolutionary materialists and IDT disciples, fierce rivals though they are, share a tendency toward explanatory monism. They both try to channel what could be a fertile hierarchy of distinct levels of explanation into a restrictive cognitive bottleneck wherein scientific accounts of adaptive complexity merge indistinguishably with metaphysical or theological claims. Although they are in conflict on the relevance of Darwinism, Groups 2 and 3 apparently agree that Darwinism and theology -- assuming intelligent design to be at least implicitly theological -- must compete for the single explanatory opening available.

Ruse seems to belong to Group Z that of evolutionary materialism. Even though he does not explicitly trumpet such an allegiance, he nevertheless reveals a tendency to conflate evolutionary biology with philosophical materialism. This amalgamation is not at all uncommon among evolutionists today, and it is one to which IDT advocates are especially sensitive. IDT spokesperson Philip Johnson has even pointed out that Ruse once "gave away the store" when the latter publicly admitted that Darwinism goes best with materialism.

Ruse, unlike some of his favorite biologists, is at least conscious of his metaphysical assumptions. But the question he needs to address more carefully is: How can we be certain that a materialist world views the most illuminating setting for evolution? How would one go about gathering evidence to support such a belief? And is it completely inconceivable that atheistic worldview, one in which God (no longer understood simply as an engineer) opens up the universe to an ever new future, could provide a fertile setting for understanding evolution?

In any case, the two groups in our bunch that can get along best with each other, without compromising the integrity of either science or theology are 1 and 4. Unfortunately, efforts to push forward a careful alliance of theology with evolutionary biology are often obscured by the more sensational spats going on between IDT defenders and creationists on the one side, and evolutionary materialists on the other. It does not help things, either, that most members of Group 2 do not distinguish clearly between Groups 3 and 4, generally taking them both to be just as misguided as creationists are.

It is to Ruse’s great credit that, unlike most of his friends in Group 2, he sees and respects the nuances of theological discussion. And although he still seems to feel most at home with the evolutionary materialists, his openness to dialogue is promising. Theologians and other readers will find in Ruse an author with whom they can easily converse, and whose writings will always educate. Darwin and Design is a good place to start.

Religious and Cosmic Homelessness: Some Environmental Implications

If we are to meet the environmental needs of our time, it is important that we accept our surroundings -- the earth and the universe itself -- as a hospitable habitat, a home. Yet much of the theology and science that we inherit as Christians leads us to a different way of experiencing our surroundings, to a sense of cosmic homelessness. Indeed, some sense of homelessness is at the heart of what many of us know as religion. Must this latter sense of homelessness be entirely rejected? John Haught argues not. While criticizing the nature-denying tendencies of religious homelessness, Haught finds value in that aspect of homelessness that elicits in us a sense of adventure. Like Thomas Berry, he affirms that we are very deeply connected to the cosmos even in our self-transcendence; our sense of adventure is itself part of the adventure of the universe itself. In his own way Haught underscores what many Christian theologians of nature wish to affirm: Nature itself is not a fixed, static whole, but rather an unfinished process of which our own lives, and our own hopes and dreams, are expressions.

 

In recent philosophical and theological literature concerning the world’s current environmental crisis the root cause is often identified as our relentless anthropocentrism. An exaggerated impression of human significance concentrates valuation so intensely on our species that intrinsic importance is drained away from the rest of nature. No doubt the self-centeredness of our species is a factor in the neglect of the rest of nature. But if we are to come to the roots of the problem, we have to go deeper into the mythic, theological, and scientific ways of thinking upon which our anthropocentrism is erected. Our anthropocentrism is intimately related to, perhaps based upon, a pervasive sense of cosmic homelessness, which we must recognize first if we are to understand the role of anthropocentrism. For anthropocentrism is a secondary reaction to the fear engendered by our species’ apprehension of its sense of being "lost in the cosmos." It is an understandable and forgivable groping for significance that follows a prior disenfranchisement of the specifically human from a value-bestowing cosmic matrix. Thus it is of little ethical value for us to attack frontally our anthropocentric tendencies. Instead I suggest that we examine and address the feeling of cosmic exile, to which anthropocentrism is an inappropriate and indeed disastrous "solution."

Even apart from its contributing to the rise of anthropocentrism, however, the feeling of not being at home in nature is environmentally consequential. The contemporary environmental crisis is closely connected to inherited ways of thinking that have fostered a feeling in us that we are not really at home in the universe. As long as we fail to experience how intimately we belong to the earth and the universe as our appropriate habitat, we will probably not care deeply for our natural environment.

Both theology and science have promoted cosmically homeless habits of thought in the past. Today there are signs in both of these disciplines that some of us are tiring of cosmographies that have left us exiles in the universe. But these new developments have not yet become dominant. They continue to meet resistance among the orthodox of both camps. They appear at times to be pseudo-scientific to the mainstream scientists, and the corresponding developments in religion are accused of succumbing to naturalism. In some instances such critiques are justifiable, but at other times they are out of place.

Only those ways of thinking that allow us to look on earth and universe as "home" can be environmentally wholesome. But this formula already raises questions for the religious. For is not one of the major themes of the religions that we should feel out of joint and even out of place in our immediate environment? Ever since the so-called axial period (from about the middle centuries of the first millennium BCE.) some of the major traditions have had strong other-worldly leanings and have promoted spiritual disciplines that have made us feel alien to the physical universe. At times these traditions have asked us to withdraw from the world since "we have here no lasting home." Homelessness has been idealized rather than suppressed. The Buddha leaves his wife and family. In our own traditions the call of Abraham to move into an unknown but promising future has been a central paradigm of self-transcendence. "The Son of Man has nowhere to lay his head." "We are only pilgrims on earth." Unless we feel somewhat out of place in terms of our immediate world we will hardly experience the religious stimulus to self-transcendence. For, according to the religions, it is only in a continually "going beyond" present actuality that humans achieve authenticity.

The biblical movement into history allegedly exiles us from "nature," and we are told that it is regressive piety to seek refuge from the "terrors of history" by returning to the regularities of nature. Even our "natural" sacraments are overlaid with historic meaning. We share with Hinduism and Buddhism some need to feel out of place as a condition for moving forward. And this exilic motif can easily be interpreted as a demand to move beyond the ensnarements of the physical cosmos.

What are we to make of such teachings at a time when it is becoming increasingly urgent to make the natural world our beloved habitat lest we perish of our own recklessness toward it? Is it not too easy to interpret the religious requirement of homelessness as a cosmic homelessness? Are they one and the same? If they are, then religion and religious thought will inevitably remain anti-environmental. And to many ethically sensitive people religions will become more and more irrelevant. Hence we need a hermeneutic of religions that distinguishes religious homelessness from cosmic exile. For if they are identified in a simplistic way, then being religious will continue to foster that very posture that provokes anthropocentrism as a defensive reaction.

On the other hand, we cannot abandon the religious idealization of homelessness without violating our traditions. Being religious requires our not fitting too comfortably into present actuality. Religions of course tolerate homelessness only as part of the quest for our true home. It is not that religions are opposed to home, but rather that they resist our settling for something as home that is really not an adequate domicile for our infinite restlessness. Nothing less than inexhaustible mystery can be the appropriate abode for the human spirit. But does not the restlessness resident in religious visions perhaps encourage an escapism with respect to the cosmos? Or can we interpret religious homelessness in such a way as actually to foster a sense of being at home with the natural world? There are developments occurring in both science and theology today that not only allow but actually advocate such a synthesis. In a special way the image of the cosmos as itself a story or an adventure into mystery provides the key to such a hermeneutic.

As we explore these issues our itinerary will be as follows: (1) we shall look first at several ways in which reflection on science has contributed to the feeling of cosmic exile and therefore to our environmental carelessness; (2) then we shall examine how theologies from our own Christian tradition that have hovered closely, even though critically, around modern scientific cosmologies have perpetuated the same feeling of cosmic exile; and (3) finally we shall look briefly at how a cosmological understanding of religion centering on the notion of adventure can both reconcile us to the evolving universe and at the same time allow us to embrace the feeling of religious homelessness present in religious teachings.

Science and Cosmic Exile

Scientism

It is clear that our hostility to nature flows partly from a vision of the cosmos in which we humans are only accidentally present and essentially absent. Though the roots of this attitude can be found in ancient mythic and religious forms of thought, in the past three centuries the estrangement of human subjects from the natural world in turn has been built up in our imaginations under the influence of certain types of scientific epistemology and cosmology. Expulsion of the human subject from nature is implied in the scientific method of knowing which puritanically (one is tempted to say Gnostically) segregates the human knower from nature, and in the materialism, mechanism, or "hard naturalism," which follows from a severe logical divorce of physical reality from mental reality. By isolating the knowing subject from the object-world, dualism repudiates in principle the ecological presupposition of the interrelatedness of all entities in the cosmos. For in such an interpretation the knowing subject is no longer a part of the scientifically known universe. Subjectivity is epistemologically absent from the very universe that, according to scientific knowledge, gave rise to it in the first place.

Few will seriously deny that scientific objectivity is a worthy ideal for science. Questions arise only when a method that seemingly exalts impersonality, disinterest, and detachment is made into a cultural ideal governing all human knowledge and life. For the more widely an ideal of pure objectivity is applied across physical, biological, human, and cultural strata, the more likely we are to feel ourselves absent from the world.

The temptation to objectivist thinking is enormous. It seems to have borne much fruit in the advance of knowledge. The level of achievement in modern science seems to have occurred in direct proportion to the banishment of anthropomorphism from our explanatory schemes. Biology, for example, is said to have begun making considerable progress only after it got rid of the ideas of teleology and vitalism. Notions of purpose and life began to recede from biological interest as chemical explanation progressed. And in the human sciences the ideas of person, freedom, and dignity got in the way of a neutrally objective accounting for human reality. The way to move forward in science is apparently to exile life and eventually even personal subjects from the cosmos.

The scientific method of seeking explanation of all things, including the activity of persons, as far as possible in impersonal terms is a fruitful and worthy one. But this method, which deliberately leaves so much out (such as considerations of value, beauty, and purpose), has been taken by scientism as the only legitimate road to the real. This cognitional policy has dismissed, as irrelevant to true knowledge, all those "personal" aspects of knowledge that actually energize the whole project of pursuing scientific truth. It systematically denies, for example, the fiduciary aspects of knowing and relegates the element of discovery in science to the field of psychology. Thus, as Michael Polanyi says, it has led to a "picture of the universe in which we ourselves are absent" (Polanyi 1964, 142).

The remote ancestry of this homelessness in scientism lies in the (religious) myth of dualism. Dualism prepares the way for scientism by rendering nature mindless and lifeless. And then through a series of philosophical transformations in our intellectual and spiritual history, it turns mind and life into strangers in the universe. They become "epiphenomenal" intruders into an inherently inanimate, mindless world. In spite of its explicit suspicion of religion, scientism remains tied to the same dualistic myths that have caused Christian and other religious spiritualities to distrust and even despise the natural world. Scientific and religious puritanism have a common ancestry, a fear of the physical in its swampy, wild, and untamed naturality.1

Scientism’s roots in dualistic myth and in otherworldly religious Gnosticism can be readily traced. Its complicity in the power obsession of an industrial age and the resultant pollution is already widely acknowledged. There is no need here to elaborate further on the negative consequences of scientism for environmental ethics. We might mention, however, two related ideals often cultivated in our universities. The first is that of complete explanation of all natural phenomena, including life and mind, in terms of their particular constituents. And the second is the modern obsession with clarity and the corresponding revulsion toward any mistiness in the cosmos that might lie off limits to the control of scientific knowledge. The disdain for mystery implied in these two intimately connected standards of exploration has dramatically negative implications for how we regard the natural world in a scientific age.2 Even though initially the quest for clarity and simplicity seems innocent enough, unless carefully contained it can become a weapon of power wielded ruthlessly to hack away the rich undergrowth of vagueness that goes along with any cherishing of mystery.

Thus to the extent that an environmental ethic would have to grow out of at least some appreciation and reverence for the mystery of nature, modern ideals of clear and exhaustive explanation can easily prove deleterious if they overrun their legitimate epistemological margins. One of the essential contributions of a theology of nature to the reshaping of our environmental outlook would be that of providing a new mystagogy, namely, a cosmically centered pedagogy into mystery, fully informed by modern scientific discovery. It would rethink the religiously indispensable idea of mystery from the perspective both of science and of religion. Without what Thomas Berry has called a "mystique of nature" we cannot cultivate the attitude of reverence that would be required to ignite an environmental ethic. Because of their obsession with reduction and clarity current scientistic attitudes hardly encourage such a mystique.3

On the other hand, theology remains for the most part out of touch with the discoveries of modern science, and so it fails to direct its mystagogical expertise toward a natural world that corresponds to a plausible cosmology. Christian theology, for example, continues to locate the arena of mystery primarily in the areas of history or existential subjectivity rather than nature. What it requires now is the development of a new mystique of nature that does not reject the subject and history, but which places them in a cosmic setting. Such a reenchantment of nature, one that avoids naivete, has been undertaken to some extent by process theology and by Jürgen Moltmann and creation-centered theology. In North America it has been developed most explicitly by Thomas Berry and the growing number of his students. And now the emerging scientific narrative of the universe as adventure provides a favorable backdrop for a new mystique of nature and a novel synthesis of science and religion.4

Scientific Materialism

The sense of exile from the cosmos is also promoted by scientism’s scion, scientific materialism. Scientific materialism is the view that "matter" alone is real and that all phenomena in the universe can be adequately understood as special applications of the laws of chemistry and physics. It has its proximate origin in a number of assumptions brought to a head during the seventeenth century. Of particular interest to us here is the distinction of primary qualities such as mass, momentum, shape, and position from the secondary qualities (such as color, taste, sound, smell, and texture). The latter have been viewed in modern philosophy as the creations of a "subject," a subject isolated from the "real" world, that is, from the world of primary qualities. Ontological primacy has been given to the substrate valueless world of primary qualities, while the world of values has been relegated to the ontologically rarefied and highly subjective realm of secondary qualities.

The gulf between the isolated human subject and the "real," material world of primary qualities can be bridged only by the filmiest of webs, known in psychology as projection, an imaginative throwing forth of our wishes onto a cosmos intrinsically alien to our desires. Such projection can give us the illusion that we live in a compatible environment, but as long as we give ontological primacy to "primary" qualities we shall suspect, underneath it all, that our illusions are simply covering up the real world momentarily. We eventually realize that projection is hardly powerful enough to make us feel at home in the cosmos, and so we remain exiles from nature.

Among the projections precariously reconnecting us to the natural world as so envisaged are poetry, art, and religion. Symbolic or metaphoric modes of reference project a warm coating of color onto the cosmos, and this makes it a bit more habitable. But it is still not quite home, because we suspect deep down that the world is fundamentally alien to our projections. So in spite of religious myth and symbol we are still lost in the cosmos. We remain absent from the very universe we strive so mightily to understand with our sciences. Once we conceive our cultures and religions as projections, and perhaps concede to them a capacity to warm our hearts a bit, they are still not sufficiently substantive to call us back from exile.

This absence of a feeling of vital interrelationship with nature cannot but enfeeble a truly ecological vision. It fosters an attitude of cosmic homelessness that has provoked us to anthropocentrism as one way of salvaging some significance for ourselves in a world that gives no backing to our projects. In turn it has justified our disregard of an environment that seemingly fails to nurture our estranged subjectivity. Thus there is little hope for our recovering a feeling of truly belonging to the cosmos as long as we hold onto the assumptions about physical reality (such as the primacy of primary qualities and cognate assumptions) underlying scientism and materialism.5 For we will continue to have a gnawing suspicion that the real world is so different from our projections that we are still without a home in the universe as it runs on colorlessly and meaninglessly beneath our secondary and tertiary "subjective" projections.

But what is the alternative to this modern view of a valueless noumenal nature existing underneath our impressions and rendering us value-seeking beings quite out of place on such terrain? First, we would have to recognize that the so-called primary qualities are really not so primary after all. Recent physics has challenged the assumptions of classical physics that gave priority to these easily quantifiable aspects of nature. And even apart from developments in physics, philosophers like Whitehead have shown that they are actually mathematical abstractions from a concretely complex and value-laden world, which hardly corresponds in fact to the sharp edges of the primary quantities. However, in a very subtle and persistent way the assumption of the primacy of primary qualities, or some noumenal substrate modeled on them, continues to affect much of our thinking today. And as I shall note a bit later, it still persists in a great deal of contemporary theology. We continue to suspect that the symbols and myths that reconcile us to the earth as our home have the same derivative and unreal status as the secondary qualities of Lockean philosophy. And as long as we doubt our religious symbols’ realism they cannot deeply take hold of us or motivate us. Nor, for that matter, can they reconcile us with the cosmos. For we will look upon them as mere projections. Even psychologists like Jung, who was most favorably disposed toward the therapeutic value of the symbolic life, still have doubts about the ontological substantiality of religious myth and symbol. (Jung, for example, spoke often about their "psychological truth," an epistemologically vague expression, but not much about their possible ontological or revelatory integrity.)

As an alternative to the psychological interpretation we might begin to think of our symbols, myths, metaphors, and religions in a cosmological way, that is, not as psychic projections but as the flowering forth of energies and mysteries welling up from the depths of the universe itself. We need to outgrow our long held suspicion that human symbolic creativity is just futile gesturing done only by lonely subjects in an uncaring universe. At times, of course, our symbols may be little more than projections. But they may also be reflections of, or at least gropings toward, reality, Our symbols may be expressions of the universe rather than alien projections thrown back onto it by lost human subjects. Our religious symbols and stories are possibly no less a blooming of the universe than is a tropical rain forest. Symbolic activity is the cosmos itself groping toward further discovery through human organisms totally continuous with the evolutionary process.

Still, we cannot envisage our symbolic creativity in this way until we become convinced that we ourselves are an expression, a germinating from the depths of the universe, and not aliens imparted from some other world. Myths of dualism still prevent us from deeply internalizing this insight. We have a long way to go before we can really feel our continuity with the cosmos without at the same time having to abandon the religious idea that human existence is in some sense also homeless wandering.

Scientific Materialism and Our Environmental Crisis

The philosophy of scientific materialism fails to provide a cosmological vision sufficiently grounded in the value orientation needed to promote a life-centered ethic. In spite of the environmental concern of many scientific authors who follow either a hard or soft naturalism, their theoretical (if not practical) acquiescence in the essentially hopeless view of a universe cannot inspire the trust in life needed for lasting ethical aspiration. Instead, if taken seriously as the basis for human life and thought, materialism would strangle any ethical aspiration. As far as an environmental ethic is concerned, the still dominantly materialist orientation of contemporary science is unable to provide the cosmic vision essential for lasting commitment to the preservation of the earth’s life systems. We need a religious vision conceptualized in the form of a scientifically enlightened theological idiom.

Many scientists and scientific thinkers who embrace a materialistic naturalism are nevertheless ardent supporters of environmental reform. And the same cosmic pessimists who despair about any meaningful cosmic destiny, or who think the universe will ultimately culminate in a lifeless and mindless "heat death," are themselves often ethically committed to the flourishing of life and consciousness in our terrestrial quarters. Is there perhaps some irony in the fact that on the one hand they allow no ultimate significance to things, yet on the other hand they consider our environment to be worthy of care and reverence?

Perhaps not. To the materialists and cosmic pessimists there is really no contradiction; the inherent purposelessness of the web of life is not at all a good reason for our not caring for it. In fact, as far as cosmic pessimists are concerned the very indifference of the universe at large makes the local domain of life by contrast even more worthy of preservation. Our awareness of life’s dubious perch on the slopes of entropy allows us to venerate it all the more intensely. Its precariousness gives life an exceptional value over against the insensate backdrop that makes up the bulk of cosmic reality. The very improbability of life makes it stand out all the more valuably in contrast to its mundane and inanimate cosmic setting.

So materialist scientists and philosophers can readily support environmental causes. They might even be suspicious that a teleological view of the cosmos would take our attention away from life’s special status in our own earthly garden. Too much trust in an ultimate cosmic purpose might diminish our spontaneous respect for the delicacy of living forms to which evolution has unconsciously and painfully given birth on our insignificant planet. Would not a teleological cosmology allow us to postpone indefinitely any genuine concern for our immediate environment? Might not religions that posit a cosmic purpose allow us to remain indifferent to present environmental conditions? Is it even possible that the solace of some far off or final purpose might allow us to tolerate environmental abuse in the present?

This materialist grounding of an environmental ethic on a purely naturalistic and cosmically tragic foundation challenges us to rethink theologically the issue of cosmic purpose in a scientifically compatible and environmentally fruitful way. What religiously teleological vision, if any, might be more favorably disposed than a tragic naturalism toward inspiring an environmental care? Might not cosmic pessimism with its sharp intuition of the perishability of life be quite as capable of fostering a genuine love of our natural environment as would any religious teleology?

At first sight materialism’s sensitivity to life’s ephemerality might seem to be a sufficient reason for our cherishing the biosphere. But metaphysically speaking it is inadequate. For it can be argued that the mere perishability of something is hardly a rationally satisfactory basis for our valuing it. Followers of Whitehead, for example, would suggest that mere perishability alone is not a value. Perishability is even an argument against a thing’s intrinsic importance. Any valued entity must possess some characteristics other than sheer evanescence in order to arouse our value sensitivity. Perishability alone will not suffice. It cannot adequately explain why life may be intrinsically (and not just instrumentally) valuable.6 The reason we value life is not for its fragility, but for its beauty (see Haught 1986, 139-50). Beauty, not precariousness, is the basis of the intrinsic, value of things. We often confuse the two since they are tied up so closely with each other. But they are not identical. In Whitehead’s vision beauty is the harmony of contrasting elements. We are aesthetically attracted to those things, whether natural or artificial, that combine a wide variety of complexity, nuance, or shades of difference. Living beings, for example, arouse our aesthetic valuation because they integrate into themselves an almost incalculable number and variety of components. They have an intrinsic value that consists of their beauty.7 The value of life, then, does not consist in its precariousness, but in the fact that it is an instance of intensely ordered novelty, of harmonized contrast, that is, of beauty. Beauty, of course, is always in danger of degenerating into monotony on the one hand or chaos on the other. It has an inherent instability that sometimes, especially in the biosphere, makes it temporary and precarious. But precariousness is not itself the basis of intrinsic value. The delicacy or frailty of living things is a consequence of their being syntheses of order and novelty or of harmony and complexity. In living beings there is an aesthetic tension between complexity and order that renders them exceedingly fragile. But the fragility is not itself the ground of their value. Their intrinsic value resides in the intensity of their beauty. Our reverence for nature and its ecological patterning can be situated best within this aesthetic vision.

Scientific materialism and less extreme forms of naturalism lack such a vision of nature’s intrinsic value. They generally see beauty (and all values) as simply the creation of estranged human subjects, who project their own individual or communal sense of what is beautiful, and therefore valuable, onto the universe. But this universe remains for them inherently valueless and purposeless. So our valuations can only be the flimsy concoctions of cosmically homeless minds alone, and not the reflection of any inherent aspects of nature. Nature itself remains neutral and valueless at the sub-phenomenal level. All value comes only from our own "phenomenal" human estimation. Just as without us primary qualities would be colorless, tasteless, and odorless, so also without us the world would lack any value.

According to this philosophy nothing outside of us humans has intrinsic value, since all value is the product of human creativity. Such an assertion of human specialness may well contribute to a policy demeaning the environmental context over against which our "specialness" shows up by contrast. In the manner of Descartes, Kant, many existentialists, and ancient Gnostics, scientific materialists often presuppose an estrangement of the human mind from the impersonal, objective, natural world. This sense of discontinuity between the isolated scientific subject and the valueless universe is clearly illustrated in these remarks of a respected American philosopher:

From the standpoint of present evidence, evaluational components such as meaning or purpose are not to be found in the universe as objective aspects of it. . . . Rather, we "impose" such values upon the universe. . . An objective meaning -- that is, one which is inherent within the universe or dependent upon external agencies -- would, frankly, leave me cold. It would not be mine. . . . I, for one, am glad that the universe has no meaning, for thereby is man all the more glorious. I willingly accept the fact that external meaning is non-existent, . . . for this leaves me free to forge my own meanings (Klemke, 69-72).

Because of its inability to find intrinsic value in the universe, scientific materialism fails as the adequate basis for any serious environmental ethic. Its proponents may personally support environmental causes, but this advocacy is not plausibly based on their cosmology. Rather it arises Out of an ineradicable moral and aesthetic sensitivity that inherently contradicts their explicit metaphysics. A philosophy that theoretically resolves the animate world into an inanimate one can hardly provide the foundation for an environmental policy that strives to prevent this reduction from actually taking place (Commoner, 44).

Since such a view is premised upon a dualistic, cosmically homeless vision of things, it remains as environmentally questionable as the other worldly religiosity it criticizes. As the basis for an environmental ethic we would need a cosmology that attributes intrinsic value to life, mind, and the cosmos as a whole. In recent thought Whitehead’s cosmology, though not without its own problems, appears to be a more than acceptable philosophical alternative.

Theology and Cosmic Homelessness

However, scientism and materialism are not the only perpetrators of the strain of cosmic pessimism that ultimately undermines our ethical aspirations. Christian theology has also tolerated cosmic pessimism, combining it with an individualistically religious "optimism of withdrawal" from the world.8 In doing so it has religiously legitimated the cosmic homelessness that underlies our present environmental crisis. Christian theology under the influence of dualism has directed us to look toward a spiritual world independent of the physical universe, and so it has perhaps innocently sabotaged human concern for the earth and life. And it is questionable whether much recent systematic theology has taken serious steps toward a more positive theology of nature. In fact, some current ways of doing theology may actually present obstacles to the construction of such a theology.

In several of its dominant strains Christian theology still clings to the same assumptions of cosmic homelessness that we find in scientism and materialism. In recent decades the most obvious example of this theology of exile is known as existentialist theology, which, especially in its Bultmannian form, continues to influence Western Christian theology, perhaps more than any other single school (see Kegley). Existentialist thought, whether theistic or atheistic, exalts human freedom. But it can find little place for freedom in the context of a deterministically understood natural environment. Thus it goes beyond the realm of nature (typically understood along Newtonian lines) in search of a place to situate human freedom. It has generally swallowed whole the cosmological assumptions of mechanism-materialism, but not being willing to embrace, as far as humans are concerned, the deterministic implications of materialism, it has located the realm of freedom completely apart from nature. There freedom is not subject to the physical laws governing the matter-energy continuum. However, for its apparent independence human freedom has to pay the price of being completely isolated from the cosmos.

Existentialist theology has resigned itself to an inexorable dualism of nature and freedom, thus implicitly endorsing the view that the core of human existence subsists in a domain completely different from the world of nature. We cannot overemphasize the extent to which this vision still reigns over contemporary theology. Perhaps it is partly because of the dominance of this neo-dualism that so few contemporary Christian systematic theologians are sincerely concerned about environmental issues.

The realm in which freedom is at home is called history in contemporary theology. Thus history has been sharply divorced from nature. Any form of natural theology has been held suspect. Correspondingly, the theme of creation has been subordinated to that of the history of (human) salvation. There is now the promise of overcoming this separation of nature and history, for science itself increasingly sees nature itself as a story, while theology is beginning to situate history within the theme of creation.9 Theologians have for some time questioned the existentialist and historicist exile of subjectivity from nature. Gordon Kaufman, for example, pointed out some years ago that existentialist theology remarkably overlooks the simple fact that every mental or historical event is also an occurrence within nature, not outside of it.10 And yet the assumptions of dualism and materialism continue to infect our theologies, including some of those that have begun to turn their attention to environmental issues.

If we are to move toward an environmentally wholesome theology of nature we may need to refashion dramatically our ways of understanding religion. I shall propose that we look at it not so much as acts or constructs performed by human beings on the face of a cosmic terrain that is intrinsically indifferent to religion, but, primarily as expressions of the universe and the earth. We can have a cosmically adequate theology of nature only if we put the universe first and ourselves later in our theories of religion and in our theological methods. In order to unfold this conception we might draw upon Thomas Berry’s simple but explosive statement that the universe itself is the primary revelation (Berry, 195).

Unfortunately, Christian theology itself has yet to adopt such an outlook, as does our whole scholarly way of looking at religions. In our universities and seminaries religion, including Christianity, is hardly ever viewed cosmologically instead of from the perspective of the social sciences, which share many of the assumptions of materialism and cosmic homelessness. Social science looks at religious activity and expression as something done on the earth by our species, instead of seeing it as something the earth does through us, as a further phase of evolution’s groping toward mystery. Psychology and the social sciences are often, without being aware of it, governed by the premise that the human dimension is radically discontinuous with the natural. This is especially evident in the theory that symbolic expression is best understood as human "construction" or "projection." The projection theory of religion and culture feeds parasitically on the assumptions of materialism, such as its dichotomization of primary and secondary qualities, and on the parallel Kantian dichotomy of the noumenal and phenomenal worlds. According to this dualism, culture and religion are little more than the products of human creativity, located ontologically in the same sphere as secondary qualities. They are the "subjective" products of private sensation, subjective caprice or social consensus. By being relegated to this subjective territory they are demoted to the status of being "unreal" in comparison with the truly "real" primary cosmic qualities, which in themselves are odorless, colorless, valueless, and meaningless. This way of setting up the world and its relation to subjects is compelled to consign the whole realm of meaning and importance to that of the subject, for the "objective" world is itself devoid of inner worth.

The human sciences, in spite of some notable exceptions, are still under the spell of this dualistic-materialist way of thinking. They are inclined to make humans appear to be essentially value-creating, meaning-projecting beings, rather than natural emanations of an already value-permeated universe. Since the cosmos itself is intrinsically meaningless, it is up to homo faber to fill it with the meaning it lacks.

No one can seriously object to the supposition that creativity is an essential human attribute and responsibility. But this anthropological (and theological) observation has led in modern times to the peculiar position that there is no really significant creativity going on outside of us. Just as Cartesian dualism earlier segregated subjectivity from nature, the corresponding temptation now is to divorce creativity from nature. This dualism amounts to a further devaluation of the cosmos outside of the sphere of human creativity.

Christian theology is today still entranced by the same way of looking at religion that we find in the human sciences. Theology is under the spell of psychology, history, and sociology. It is seldom influenced deeply by cosmology. It too has become obsessed with the theme of human creativity at the expense of cosmic creativity. Theology still participates in a subtle devaluation of the nonhuman cosmos as deficient of that value, namely creativity, that is so highly esteemed in existentialism and humanistic social science. Its pervasive anthropocentrism follows not only from the ancient and modern versions of dualism, but also from the more recent philosophical divorce of creativity from the cosmos and its relocation solely in the human sphere.

Evolutionary thinking has made it possible for us to recover in a dynamic way the ancient intuition of the cosmos as primary creative subject. A theology in touch with this evolutionary vision might recapture the view of the universe or the earth as subject. And then it would locate our own creative subjectivity within the context of a more comprehensive one, that of the universe itself. This shifting of primary subjectivity from ourselves to the earth and the cosmos may run against the grain of our habit of turning nature into a mere object to be manipulated by our subjective control, but it would be both scientifically responsible and environmentally beneficial.

The assumption underlying much contemporary thought is that authentic human existence is achieved only in moments where we become fully conscious of our creativity.11 The dominant anthropological image is that of homo faber.12 The influence of Marx and existentialism is present here, and these two strands of modern thought are always suspicious of any ideological or religious inclinations to undermine a sense of our human productivity. As I have already suggested, though, worthy as such a suspicion may be at times, it still works sometimes within the horizon of a view of the human as essentially absent from the cosmos. For the world here is seen solely or predominantly as material "out there" to be molded by human creativity. Nature is interpreted as the object of human creating, and human subjectivity is represented as authentic only in the moment of grasping its own creativity over against the resistance and malleability of nature. There is still a subtle dualism operative here that can be overcome only if we recognize nature’s inherent creativity even apart from us. Once again we find in cosmological approaches such as Whitehead’s and Berry’s an acknowledgment of the pervasive creativity of nature, whereas existentialist and psychologically based theologies tend to confine creativity to humans (and God) alone.13

Just as Cartesian thought had exorcised nature of any intrinsic mentality, existentialism, the humanistic tradition of sociology, and the theologies based on them, expel from nature its intrinsic creativity. The older dualism drained psyche, mind, and spirit from the physical universe and deposited this complex of mentality in the separated sphere of human subjectivity. Recent thought perpetuates dualism, though of a different sort, by neglecting the inherent creativity in the nonhuman sectors of the cosmos. The homo faber image embodied in existentialism, Marxism, and humanistic social sciences saps creativity from the cosmos and squeezes it into a culturally creative human subject or society. Such a vision leaves Out the fact that our human creativity indwells a multilayered cosmos of emergent creativity. It is oblivious of the cosmic vision according to which human creativity is first of all a property of the universe and not simply our own subjective self-expression.14

Religion and Adventure

For religions, home in the deepest sense ultimately means mystery. Religions require for the sake of religious authenticity that our lives not be embedded too comfortably in any domain short of the inexhaustible mystery that is the ultimate goal and horizon of our existence. Thus fidelity to our religious traditions demands that we embrace the traditional ideal of religious homelessness as the point of departure for self-transcendence. But a commitment to religious homelessness can no longer coincide with an environmentally unhealthy cosmic homelessness, as it has done in the past.

How, though, can we hold together a feeling of fully belonging to the cosmos, while at the same time embracing the insecurity of a genuine religious movement into mystery? And can we do so in such a way that the feeling of being on an endless religious journey actually integrates us more fully with the cosmos instead of inspiring us to take flight from it? This seems to be a key question for spirituality and environmental ethics today. If we could find an answer to it it would allow us hermeneutically to retrieve the best aspects of our religious traditions. And it would permit this retrieval to occur not in spite of our need to belong to nature but actually for the sake of reconciling us to the cosmos.

The best answer I have been able to find so far to our search for a context harmonizing religious homelessness with a genuine belonging to nature lies in the notion of a cosmic adventure. The idea of the cosmos as an adventure is able to integrate the biblical and other religious ideals of homeless searching with the environmental need to feel totally at home in nature. For nature too, as we now know from science, is and always has been restless. The cosmos itself appears now as the story of an adventurous quest. We can no longer idealize nature as a haven from the adventure of history. For it too is now seen to be fundamentally a story of restless searching. We no longer have to segregate it from history and the realm of freedom. We can now accommodate the cosmos itself to the theme of homeless wandering. If we are to be faithful to nature and our continuity with it, we must accept its inherent "insecurity" as the setting for humanity’s spiritual adventure. The cosmos can now be envisioned not only as a point of departure for the spiritual journey but as fellow traveler into mystery. We now realize that we need the companionship of nature not as a paradisal refuge from history (though its beauties are seductive and tempting enough at times). We need its own inherent exploratory restlessness to energize, not to divert, our religious excursions.

Interestingly, we can see now that major developments in the character of scientific knowledge today help to make possible this synthesis of cosmic belonging on the one hand and religious wandering or sojourning on the other. Science, which had formerly presented us with cosmographies of a humanly uninhabitable universe, is now the main stimulus for a new story of the universe hospitable to our twin requirements: It appeals to the religious need for not putting down our roots too deeply as well as to the environmental need to make nature our true domicile.

In what sense? Science has increasingly and almost in spite of itself taken on the lineaments of a story of the cosmos. The cosmos has itself increasingly become a narrative, a great adventure. Although there have always been mythic and narrative undercurrents in presentations of scientific theory, the past century has brought forth a scientific vision that, starting from the Darwinian story of life on this planet, has moved back in time to embrace the astrophysical origins of the cosmos fifteen or twenty billion years ago. The most expressive metaphor for what science finds in nature today is no longer law, but story (Rolston, 119).

The narrative nature of science has enormous implications for issues in science and religion. And it is also of consequence for our problem of integrating traditional spirituality with an environmentally acceptable attitude toward nature. For some time this narrative aspect of cosmology has been a dominant theme in process theology. And it has recently been developed by Holmes Rolston in his book Science and Religion, and in a Roman Catholic context by Thomas Berry (see Lonergan and Richards, and Berry, 178-239) and Brian Swimme. Swimme, a Catholic physicist and follower of Thomas Berry, emphasizes how the narrative revolution in science is now capable of placing all our religious and other traditions against the more fundamental backdrop of a cosmic story. We now for the first time in our species’ history have a story that can serve as the basis for intercultural and inter-religious encounter.

The universe, at its most basic level, is not so much matter or energy or information. The universe is story. Bolstering my conviction that story is the quintessential nature of the universe is the story of how story forced its way into the most anti-story domains of modern science, I mean physics and mathematics. For physicists during the modern period, "reality" meant the fundamental interactions in the universe. In a sense, a modern physicist would regard the world’s essence as captured by the right group of mathematical equations. The rest of it -- the story of the universe in time -- was understood as nothing more than an explication of these fundamental laws (Swimme, unpublished paper).

Swimme recalls the famous story of how Einstein himself resisted the narrative implications in his own equations. They indicated that the universe is expanding, in which case it would have had a singular origin and then unfolded sequentially in various phases of a genuine narrative. But "only when Edwin Hubble later showed him the empirical evidence that the universe was expanding did Einstein realize his failure of nerve. He later came to regard his doctoring of the field equations as the fundamental blunder of his scientific career" (Swimme, unpublished paper).

It is common scientific knowledge now that not only life, but the stars, galaxies, planets on the macroscale and the subatomic layers at the micro level are all involved in transformations to which the word story seems more and more applicable. Swimme notes that story

forced its way still further into physics when in recent decades scientists discovered that even the fundamental interactions of the universe were the result of transformations in time. The laws that govern the physical universe today, and that were thought to be immutable and above development of the universe, were themselves the result of the development of the universe. That is, the story -- rather than being simply governed by these laws -- draws these laws into itself (Swimme, unpublished paper).

But the word story is not quite adequate. We might better characterize the cosmic process as an adventure story. Adventure, in the technical meaning given to it by process thought, is the search for ever more intense versions of ordered novelty.15 The theme of the cosmos as adventure now lies at the center of scientific thought. And the integration of religious traditions with our new story of the cosmos can occur more readily if we see clearly that religion is also essentially adventure, continuous with the cosmos itself.

The cosmos is itself a saga of continual experimentation with novel forms of order, a struggle upward from simplicity toward increasing complexity. This straining for more complexity is not always successful. There are many backward and sideways movements in the story of the universe’s struggle upward from the simplicity of its origins. But over the long haul there has clearly been a general trend toward the creation of more elaborate entities. It is this generic ascent of the cosmos toward increasing complexity that we may call adventure. And we may now situate the story of religion within this more encompassing cosmic narrative.

Religion is often understood as the trustful entry into an acknowledged realm of mystery. But this entry into mystery is best characterized as an adventure. The heart of religion is trust. Its orientation is toward mystery. But its distinctive style is adventure. Although much that passes as religion seems undeniably far from adventurous, religion in "essence," if not always in manifestation, is an adventure of the human spirit. But the religious adventure has its roots deep down in the story of an evolving universe out of which it has recently emerged.

When observed within a cosmological vista, religion will appear not just as something people do, but as an astonishing and disturbing development in the entire evolution of the universe. We are not wont to view religion in this light, but the growing awareness of our species’ evolution from the depths of the universe invites us to do so. We are the latest dominant emergent in the earth’s evolution, and so all that we humans do and think and say is relevant for our understanding of the cosmos out of which we evolved. The universe is giving expression to itself in giving birth to us. And in our giving birth to religion the universe may well be saying something new and astounding.

Unusual insights into the nature and function of religion can be reached if we learn to look at it from this cosmic perspective. We are gaining a deeper impression today of our intimate ties with nature and its evolution. We can see more clearly now than ever before that the human race is part of an ageless cosmic struggle upward toward more intense versions of organized complexity, and toward a deepening of consciousness. The evolutionary perspective that has taken over in the realm of the sciences also calls for a new understanding of our species’ inveterate religious tendencies. We humans have appeared relatively recently in evolution, and our religious habits have evolved along with us. They have apparently been part of us from the very beginning of our journey on this planet. We suspect that we are yet unfinished, and so the same is likely true of our religions.

What this means for the study of religion is that we can no longer legitimately isolate it as a peculiar expression of the human mind or focus on it as though psychology and the social sciences, or even theology, were the privileged roads to a contemporary understanding of it. We must also look at religion cosmologically, viewing it as part of the very evolution of the universe.

A cosmological and evolutionary approach to religion is sorely needed at this time. For the evolutionary paradigm has come to dominate our ways of thinking about the world. From astronomy and geology at one end of the natural continuum to the study of invisible physical events at the other, science itself has become the story of the universe. The accounts of evolution "from the Big Bang to the Big Brain" are essentially narrative in form. They tell the story of a cosmic adventure. And the story of religion is a most significant chapter in this cosmic narrative. Thus we may no longer investigate religion as though it were not also part of the unfolding adventure of cosmic evolution. The story of religion is part of the story of the universe. The two stories must now be told together.

We need not enter here into disputes as to whether cosmic evolution has always or generally been progressive. All we need to do is notice that since the "Big Bang" occurred fifteen or twenty billion years ago some momentous things have happened, in particular the emergence of life and mind on our planet (and perhaps elsewhere). Both life and mind have generally had the tendency to complicate themselves more and more, for whatever reason. If we think in terms of the epochs of evolution, life and mind made their evolutionary transition into culture and civilization very recently, only a flash of time ago. Yet here too the struggle for complexity continued, and at an alarming rate of speed. The invention of agriculture, civilization, art, and culture, of nations, politics, education, and science -- all of these developments exemplify the universe’s impatience with monotony and urgent need for subtle shading and more intense enjoyment of beauty, now that it has reached the human phase of its unfolding.

But the cosmic adventure, on our own planet at least, has been extended in a special way by the religious journey. No human actions or gestures have reached out more passionately for the unknown or revolted more compellingly against monotony than has religion. Its surmounting of the mundane, its reaching beyond ordinariness, its striving for a deeper reality beneath appearances, and its unquenchable quest for beauty make it appropriate for us to envisage religion as an adventure. The ageless religious quest for novel forms of order is continuous with, and an extension of, the universe’s own aim toward more intense harmony of contrasts.

For nearly uncountable millennia our universe labored before it was in a condition of readiness to bring forth life. The heavy chemical elements required for life (carbon, oxygen, nitrogen, phosphorous, and so forth) took several billion years of cooking time at the heart of stars before supernovas eventually dispersed them throughout space. Countless more epochs elapsed before these elements began to cluster into planetary bodies like our earth. The chemicals that make up our terrestrial home, having finished their previous careers in some now dead star, finally coalesced five billion years ago into our own planet. Then a billion years or so later, after the earth’s surface had cooled sufficiently to sustain primitive organisms, life began to appear. And following endless more spans of patient waiting and experimentation, it burst forth into the extravagant arrays of higher organisms such as reptiles, birds, and mammals. Finally, perhaps two million years ago, our immediate prehuman ancestors began to appear in abundance and spread out over the face of the earth. That is not very long ago in terms of evolutionary time, and we can safely surmise that much more of the cosmic journey, perhaps the bulk of it, still lies ahead of us.

We cannot know for sure, but it is highly likely that our ancestors started acting and thinking in something like a religious way at the same time that they became endowed with language and consciousness. Why? Why has our species been so ineradicably religious, so sensitive to a dimension of mystery summoning us to move beyond any absolute contentment with the mere givenness of things? Perhaps it has a lot to do with the inherently adventurous nature of the cosmos. The restlessness that launched matter on its pilgrimage toward complexity twenty billion years ago has apparently not yet been quieted. It continues now in our own questioning minds and our spirit of exploration. In the modern development of science we find one of the clearest illustrations of this exploratory restlessness. Science, like religion, is not content to take things at face value. It too seeks a world beyond our customary impressions. But in the story of human religiousness, especially in its post-axial forms, we find perhaps the most stirring manifestation of discontent with mere appearances, and nature’s grasping for the seemingly unreachable. Because of our contemporary awareness of the evolutionary, narrative character of the universe, and the growing sense of our species’ continuity with this emergent process, we are now in a position to interpret the long search of religion as a prolongation of the cosmic struggle toward more intense beauty. Such a way of looking at religion should prevent us from separating its demand for self-transcendence from the cosmos in which it is rooted.

Conclusion

In the story of religion there is so strong a theme of restlessness or homelessness that it is impossible to avoid the suggestion that we are dealing here with adventure in the boldest sense. But what starts out as adventure, as we know from our own experience, can eventually degenerate into a loss of enthusiasm. The effort to sustain any valorous expedition can sag. And the same is true of our species’ religious journey. Religions can grow weary of their voyage into mystery and take refuge in the familiar. Religion can lose touch with its primordial zest for the unattainable. It may become transformed into a style of life and thought that does little more than sanction the social or political status quo. Religion can lose its soul, and Whitehead thought that this is what has been happening to religion in the modern age. "Religion," he said, "is tending to degenerate into a decent formula wherewith to embellish a comfortable life" (Whitehead 1967b, 188). Nevertheless, this same philosopher thought he could still see through to religion’s authentic core. In its most stalwart manifestations religion provides a "commanding vision" that arouses its devotees to move beyond complacency. Religious worship is "not a rule of safety -- it is an adventure of the spirit, a flight after the unattainable. The death of religion comes with the repression of the high hope of adventure" (Whitehead 1967b, 192).

The theme of homelessness, wandering, alienation, and exile is so much a part of our religious traditions that we need to salvage it rather than discard it. The problem before us is how to do so in an environmentally healthy way. For we know how easy it has been for those who have embarked on the religious adventure to interpret nature as though it were a restraint. And the results have been to foster a recklessness about our natural habitat as though it were holding us back from our journey. Our new narrative cosmology, however, allows us to feel the universe itself as the primary subject of adventure. Human and religious wanderings are expressions of the primary revelation of adventure, which is the universe itself. We may care for our natural matrix not in spite of but because of our religious restlessness. The universe itself is an adventure into mystery, and our religions are simply various ways of explicating this inherent character of the universe at the human level of emergence. We do not have to make the natural environment a victim of a theology of homelessness. Theology can hold on to the notion that we may live in homelessness from our universal destiny without feeling lost in the cosmos. Reconciliation with an adventuring universe is the very condition of our releasing our religious instincts to venture forth into mystery. For the destiny of both ourselves and the cosmos is to become lost in mystery.

Notes

1. Dualism has also been criticized as resulting from a fear of the feminine and the maternal, a point that cannot be developed here.

2. Both Michael Polanyi and Alfred North Whitehead have written important critiques of the modern obsession with abstraction and clarity. See Polanyi 1967 and Whitehead 1968: "The degeneracy of mankind is distinguished from its uprise by the dominance of chill abstractions, divorced from aesthetic content" (Whitehead 1968, 123).

3. See the articles by and about Thomas Berry collected in Cross Currents 37, nos. 2 and 3 (1988), pp. 178-239.

4. See Lonergan and Richards. For a popular introduction to this mystique of nature as a cosmic creation story see Brian Swimme 1986.

5. Alfred North Whitehead has identified the underlying assumptions as (1) the assumption of simple location; (2) the assumption of the primacy of primary qualities; and (3) the assumption that clarity and distinctness are more fundamental than vagueness. All three are instances of what he calls the "fallacy of misplaced concreteness," that is, the mistaking of logical abstractions for concrete actuality (Whitehead 1967b, 39-55).

6. I have summarized Whitehead’s position in my book on science and religion, The Cosmic Adventure. See also Whitehead 1967a, 252-96.

7. It is worth remembering that classical philosophy often considered beauty to be one of the so-called transcendentals, together with being, unity, and goodness. The association of value with beauty is not peculiar to Whiteheadians.

8. The expression "optimism of withdrawal" is that of Teilhard de Chardin, (Teilhard, 45).

9. Jürgen Moltmann’s recent book, God in Creation, is perhaps the best-known example. But the work of Thomas Berry makes the same point no less forcefully.

10. "It is impossible to speak of history as though it were a realm of freedom and decision entirely separate from nature. Certainly the biblical perspective is not characterized by such nonsense. It is a measure of the desperation of contemporary theology and faith, in the face of the power of the modern scientific world view . . . that this way out was attempted at all" (Kaufman 1972, 122).

11. It is not just existentialist theology that exiles human subjects from the cosmos. I am thinking also of the many recent theologies that have closely followed a psychological and social-scientific paradigm according to which culture is interpreted primarily as a human construct without any reference to the cosmic roots of human creativity. The social sciences are understandably abstract from cosmological questions and schemes. It is not their concern to delve into the cosmic roots of social behavior, although anthropology at times makes this link explicit. But sociology and psychology generally focus narrowly on the specifically human band of the broad spectrum of cosmic layers and do not concern themselves with the universe as such. Like all sciences they deliberately bracket out other layers of cosmic reality. While there can be no objection to this abstracting from the cosmos by the social sciences, we may still question the adequacy of a theology that ties itself too tightly to the social-scientific approach, for it may thereby easily lose sight of the cosmic roots of human existence and behavior. This seems to have happened in recent theological reflection influenced by the sociologist Peter Berger. Berger employed a humanistic social-scientific model in his interpretation of religion, The Sacred Canopy. For him authentic religion is the kind that allows us to recognize our creativity and responsibility; inauthentic religion on the other hand masks our creativity from us. Such an approach is a healthy corrective to a theology that leaves us passive, uncreative puppets. But it runs the risk of exaggerating the homo faber image of humanity and forgetting the inherent creativity in the entire cosmos.

12. One of the best critiques of the dominance of the homo faber image of human existence is still that of Sam Keen.

13. Jürgen Moltmann even cautions against our identifying the divine life with creativity. "If God is ‘eternally creative’ how can we understand his sabbath rest? . . . If creation is said to be ‘identical’ with the divine life, how can there be beings who are not God and yet are?" (Moltmann, 84).

14. I may cite as another instance of a type of theology closely tied to the dualistic paradigm, the recent work of Gordon Kaufman. Even though Kaufman was earlier critical of existentialist theology’s dualism of mind and nature, and in spite of his own recent environmental concerns, his current theological writings exemplify the extent to which the materialist and scientistic paradigm continues to provide the background of theological reflection. In spite of Kaufman’s otherwise profound ecological sensitivity, his theology has not completely escaped the philosophical assumptions in terms of which the existentialist theology he criticized has been shaped. Kaufman’s theological method begins with the thesis that theology is a human construct. Although he says that religion itself, as distinct from theology, is more than a construction and even has transcendent reference, nevertheless he states that the image of God in religion is a human construct. His theology is patterned on the assumptions in the social sciences that we observed earlier. It is entranced by the image of homo faber to such an extent that it makes theology into nothing other than our own human creation, and one gets the impression at times that Kaufman sees religion also as nothing but a human construct. He fully accepts the Kantian view that notions such as God and world have no discernible objective basis in our experience. They are regulatory rather than objectively verifiable ideas. They are noumenal realities covered over by a phenomenal world of our own making (Kaufman 1975). Historians of philosophy can easily demonstrate how this Kantian distinction of an unavailable noumenal world from a vivid, but frothy, phenomenal one, is erected upon the distinction in classical physics between primary and secondary qualities. Kaufman’s Kantian method of coming at the subject matter of theology betrays the same old feeling that religion, and hence religious people, do not quite belong to the "real" universe. That religious symbols are seen first as human constructs rather than as the flowering (through us) of deeply cosmic energies is a sign of how stuck theology still is in the framework of homelessness upon which scientism and materialism are based. (For another critique of Kaufman’s theology see Gustafson 1981.) It has been pointed out often that a lack of cosmic awareness is present also in much liberation theology. Abstracting from cosmological considerations is quite understandable here since the immediate questions giving rise to this adventurous theology arise out of social and economic inequities. Social injustice sometimes seems far from the preoccupations of a theology of nature. However, as an increasing number of theologians sympathetic to this perspective are now insisting, a socio-economic concern cannot plausibly be separated from a cosmic concern. Thomas Berry has made this point as forcefully as anyone.

In Catholic thought a subjectivist tendency is present in "Transcendental Thomism" and the Kantian turn that still dominate much Catholic theology. The return to cosmology in Catholic theology is taking place to some extent among theological followers of Teilhard who are suspicious of the latter’s anthropocentric leanings but find his thought nevertheless a stimulus to environmental concern. Once again Thomas Berry is a good example.

15. For the following discussion of adventure see Alfred North Whitehead 1967a, especially pp. 252-96.

Works Cited

Berger, Peter. The Sacred Canopy. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1969.

Berry, Thomas. "The New Story: Comments on the Origin, Identification and Transmission of Values." Cross Currents 37 (Summer/Fall 1988): 187-99.

Commoner, Barry. "In Defense of Biology." Man and Nature. Ed. Ronald Munson. New York: Dell Publishing Co, 1971.

Gustafson, James M. Ethics from a Theocentric Perspective. Vol. 1. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.

Haught, John. The Cosmic Adventure. New York: Paulist Press, 1984.

______"The Emergent Environment and the Problem of Cosmic Purpose." Environmental Ethics 8 (1986): 139-50.

Kaufman, Gordon. God the Problem. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972.

______ An Essay on Theological Method. Missoula, Montana: Scholars Press, 1975.

Keen, Sam. Apology for Wonder. New York: Harper & Row, 1969.

Kegley, Charles, ed. The Theology of Rudolf Bultmann. New York: Harper & Row, 1966.

Klemke, E.D. "Living Without Appeal." In The Meaning of Life. Ed. E.D. Klemke, New York: Oxford University Press, 1981.

Lonergan, Anne, and Caroline Richards, eds. Thomas Berry and the New Cosmology. Mystic, CT: Twenty-Third Publications, 1987.

Moltmann, Jürgen. God in Creation. Trans. Margaret Kohl. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985.

Polanyi, Michael. Personal Knowledge. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1964.

______The Tacit Dimension. New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1967.

Rolston, Holmes. Science and Religion. New York: Random House, 1987.

Swimme, Brian. The Universe is a Green Dragon. Santa Fe: Bear & Co., Inc., 1986.

______"The Cosmic Creation Story." Unpublished paper.

Teilhard de Chardin, Pierre. The Future of Man. Trans. Norman Denny. New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1969.

Whitehead, Alfred North (a).Adventures of Ideas. New York: The Free Press, 1967.

_____ (b). Science and the Modern World. New York: The Free Press, 1967.

_____ Modes of Thought. New York: The Free Press, 1968.

Dipolar Theism: Psychological Considerations

Concepts are always somehow derivative from and accompanied by images. Even the most abstract thought is orchestrated by the imagination. For we cannot think at all without planting our minds against the backdrop of perceptual, visual, or imagined structures. Aquinas’ "conversio ad phantasmata" is a condition of human thought.

At the same time, however, we often do not sufficiently recognize that the horizon of our conceptual knowledge circumscribes to a great extent the scope and direction of our imagining. Especially to those who are theoretically oriented, a particular conceptuality can establish certain parameters with respect to the protean life of the imagination. Thus, the latter’s inherent demands and dynamics can become inhibited or split off from the totality of mental life and exercise a hidden and often perverse role if our explicit thought forms fail to mesh with them. This can certainly happen when concepts of God do not provide an adequate horizon for a proportionately vital imaging of God. It seems to be quite important for the religious and mental life of men that concepts of deity do not too narrowly circumscribe the requirements of imagination.

Depth psychology has increasingly alerted theologians to the complex relationship between one’s image of God and one’s potential psychic or personal freedom and maturity. Certain images of God, it is now clear, can function demonically. They can fortify the neurotic’s self-confinement, discouraging robust experimentation leading to psychic expansion (PAR 155-72). Neuroticized images of the sacred can legitimate numerous forms of personal stasis; or else they can become so enfeebled as to motivate the individual or group of the Dionysian conviction that "everything is possible." Some "religious" projections to the divine may envision God as the "all" in whom the individual becomes annihilated, whereas others may see him as the unapproachable "other," eternally standing over against and smothering the potential freedom of human personality (PAR 164f). We must inquire to what extent philosophical and theological conceptions of God have contributed to the emergence and nourishing of these Images.

Josef Rudin, a Jungian analyst, cautions that:

All religious teaching, whether instruction or sermon, faces the danger of presenting a figure of God that is "stylized" according to a specific section or even a single word of Holy Scripture, so that seldom is an integral God-image formed in one’s inner polarity.

Depending upon the individual’s preconditioning, it may be that at times the listener perceives and retains only one trait upon which he becomes almost fixated. (PAR 167)

Moreover, Rudin notes:

Clearly connected with this background of a sick God-image is, a further neuroticizing factor, the discrepancy between the transmitted and the personally experienced God-image. We know how often a God-image is transmitted and also accepted in an almost externally mechanical way without leading to an inner assimilation. . . . In this case; too, educators must ask themselves whether their transmission of the God-image was, perhaps, so conceptually abstract that a psychic integration, a true and integral experience of this image, became impossible. (PAR 168f)

The way in which philosophers and theologians conceive of God can have a considerable bearing on the imaginative and psychic life of those for whom such reflection is intended.

Whatever pathological shape one’s image of God assumes, this factor is probably also involved in its construction: a basic refusal to recognize and accept one’s own inherent proclivities for growth and psychic maturation. There is a flight from freedom (Fromm); a refusal to face reality (Freud); a retardation of the call to individuation and integration of the components of the psyche (Jung).

How can an image of God support this compulsive refusal to confront one’s possibilities?

If we recognize that it is through the imagination that a person presents alternatives to his present state of being (UMI 216), we may gain some idea as to how a neuroticized image of God can function as an inhibiting element. Whether we are referring to dream images or to images of authenticity imbibed through normal socialization processes, these typically have the effect of partially negating the envisagement of ourselves with which we have become comfortable. The imagination thus functions as a vehicle of anxiety. By presenting troublesome alternatives to our given state of being, images emergent from our psychic depths or from political and social visionaries, etc., constitute a sort of threat. The psyche responds to this threat either by accepting its challenge and participating in the vitality of the dialectic constellated by the power of imagination, or else it recoils from the negativity involved in the imaginative projection of further possibilities. In the latter case, mechanisms of defense come into play, and the elaboration of peculiar forms of deity can play a major role in establishing a resistance against one s own freedom to become. "God" can easily be exaggerated into a personification of prohibition and psychic circumscription. In this way the "no" to one’s possibilities and freedom, the hamstringing of creative imagination, can receive divine sanction. Of course, in the process of accepting or projecting such an image of God one turns him into a demon. But that does not seem to be too great a price to pay for evading the anxiety which could stir one toward a richer psychic synthesis.

Theologians have at times ignored the extent to which such images of God are available to those who would find them satisfying to their taste for personal and social immobility. Thus the ongoing theological reconceptualizing and reimaging of God is a task of no small interest to those who are concerned with guaranteeing the vitality of psychic and social structures.

It is in this connection that we might examine some aspects of the concept and pursuant image of God in "dipolar theism." Without assuming that every thinker associated with this movement presents an identical position, we may make some general observations concerning the possible psychological impact of the image of God which most of them somehow silently project.

These inferences can best be made if we contrast central features of the dipolar picture of God with some of the imaginative characteristics of the traditional "classical theism." What strikes us most immediately is the "impurity" of the former compared with the "purity" of the latter. This is a matter of major consequence for a psychology of religion, especially from the point of view of Jungian analytical psychology. The connection between imaging God in accordance with a dipolar theism on the one hand and a person’s psychic vitality, individuation, and freedom on the other may not appear initially obvious. The following, then, attempts to portray some of the major steps involved in drawing this relationship.

Dipolar theism, according to Charles Hartshorne, understands God as both absolute and relative, abstract and concrete, eternal and temporal, necessary and contingent, infinite and finite (DR). The being of God does not exclude but rather includes the being of the world (PSG 1-25; 499-514). It is not necessary to pursue the logic of this conception here. We are interested primarily in the psychological significance of the possible imaginative overtones of such a notional representation of God. For the psyche may react to or resonate with an image of God irrespective of its logical or ontological coherence and in a manner which reason itself cannot quite control.

One of the basic images suggested by dipolar theism is that of the embodied God. God’s being is imaged as including the physical cosmos, with all its richness of texture as well as its imperfection and chaotic elements. It is pictured as embracing humanity, man’s glory and man’s failures, his ecstasy and tragedy, the totality of nature’s and man’s being. The "pure" images conjured up by many traditional theological formulations, on the other hand, situate Cod outside of the physical cosmos. In spite of its explicit confessions of his involvement with the world, classical theism is not always congenial to an imaging of God as radically assuming and integrating bodiliness and the cosmic process into his being. Theologians have had to go through a dizzying series of contortions in an often futile effort to implant a vital theology of incarnation into imaginations shaped in the context of Western classical philosophies of God. As a result, at least for many Christians, the deeper dimensions of their psychic makeup have often had little resonance with their vision of God, even though their conceptual understanding may have appeared

quite adequate. A truly liberating image of God, however, would have to penetrate to every level of one’s personal makeup. And the one-sided image of the unwordly, absolutely "pure" being, by nature immune to bodiliness, temporality, and sensuality can hardly satisfy this requirement.

It would be naive to suggest that dipolar theism is alone capable of providing the conceptual context for a psychologically adequate imaging of God. Nevertheless, it seems to allow more scope for such than a conception which excludes world, finitude, temporality, and negativity from the inner life of God from the very outset and thus somehow renders his relationship to creation a secondary matter, an adventitious maneuver of divine afterthought. There seems to be no question that the conceptual parameters of classical theism have exercised an inhibiting effect at times on the deepest religious sensibilities of countless individuals. Thus a readjustment of conceptuality may be a necessary step in the release of a vitalizing imaging of God.

Various forms of what Hartshorne includes under panentheism (PSG) might provide notional schemes more resonant with psychic and religious requirements than traditional philosophies have allowed. But Hartshorne’s neoclassical theism seems to me to have the added advantage of anchoring latitude of notion to a logical rigor unexcelled in recent philosophies of God. The categorical breadth of dipolar theism satisfies exigencies both of logic and of the imagination. It allows us to entertain what I have called "impure "images of God without fear that we are thereby absolving ourselves of rationality.

Erich Neumann, a Jungian analyst and writer, has vigorously propounded the need to transcend the exclusively "pure" image of God as a condition of moving toward psychic integrity. His defense of this iconoclasm is somewhat complex, but we shall present an abbreviated adaptation of it at this point. Subsequently we shall inquire as to whether the dipolar conceptuality and imagery of God provides a psychologically feasible form of theism in the Jungian context. Although Jung’s thought is often justifiably viewed as esoteric and without adequate ties to clinical experience, its central notion of individuation is indisputably a most important one; and it is primarily because of the significance of Jung’s highlighting the process of individuation that I am using his psychology as a base for evaluating Hartshorne’s thought. Since he is the undisputed, though usually unrecognized, father of the therapeutic ideals of self-actualization and self-realization (CGJ 101, CGJSA 27n), it seems appropriate that his psychology be employed as a critical tool. As E. D. Cohen acknowledges in a recent work on Jung: "The terms ‘self-actualization’ and ‘psychological growth,’ which have become Shibboleths in contemporary American psychology, have their origin in Jung’s work, although he is rarely given credit for it" (CGJSA 27n). I shall try to compensate somewhat for this injustice by using in ‘my evaluation of Hartshorne some of the ideas Jung associated with the process of individuation, even though I recognize that the same points could be made by using the insights of other schools of psychotherapy.

According to Neumann, who follows Jung quite closely, the superficial and at times disintegrated character of much modern Western life is, to a great extent, the result of the repression of the "shadow side" of our existence. Refusing to face the dark yet simultaneously potent and creative side of our nature, we have projected it in monstrous form onto any number of scapegoats, especially racial, political, and religious minorities of various sorts (DPNE 50-58). This is an externalizing of what is in fact interior. That the "shadow" is part of our own natures is evidenced in the dark dreams and fantasies which spring from our own mental life. But, being insufficiently expansive and courageous to appropriate the otherness within, we allow it to split off and take up an autonomous existence in projected, externalized form. Then we proceed to militate against it, oblivious of the fact that we are thereby engaging in divisive action within ourselves, using up endless amounts of energy in keeping our own psychic and social existence internally fissured.

Part of the motivation for our refusal to assimilate the "shadow" is the pervasive ideal of "purity," an ideal closely related to classical Western theology. Going beyond Neumann here, we must note that often the ideal of purity has meant the repression of ambiguity, duality, polarity, and internal contradiction. This "purity" and a simplistic metaphysical dualism are intimate associates. Immunity to the "imperfections" of multiplicity, temporality, bodiliness, and relativity is the philosophical expression of this vacuous purity and perfection.

"The time has now come," Neumann insists, "for the principle of perfection to be sacrificed on the altar of wholeness" (DPNE 134). When the perfect is sealed off from the imperfect, whether in religion, philosophy, ethics, or one’s psychic life, the result is deadening and perhaps catastrophic. I cannot associate myself wholly with Jung’s or Neumann’s refections on God, partly because they are not entirely clear, nor conceptually well elaborated. But if we understand the following as psychologically rather than philosophically oriented, it may assist us in the assessment of the therapeutic value of a dipolar notion of God.

It is precisely when the dark side of life is accepted that possibilities of new experience begin to open up -- not only in ethics but also in religion. These possibilities run counter, it is true, to the old ethic and the old type of religion associated with it; they have the advantage, however, that they are in a position to combine the vitality of our new image of man with the new and transformed image of God which is emerging. (DPNE 131)

The new ethic of appropriating, rather than casting off the "shadow side" of human existence

is in agreement with the original conception of Judaism, according to which the Deity created light and darkness, good and evil, and in which God and Satan were not separated from one another, but were interrelated aspects of the numinous. This apparently primitive trait in the Jewish conception of God implies that, side by side with the image of God the Father, God’s irrational power aspect was explicitly retained, as a matter of living experience. (DPNE 132)

Such an ambiguous ("impure") notion of God

puts an end once and for all to the naiveté of the traditional ethical conception that renders God’s world asunder into light and darkness, pure and impure, healthy and sick. The creator of light and darkness, of the good and of the evil instinct, of health and sickness, confronts modern man in the unity of his numinous ambivalence with an unfathomable power, in comparison with which the orientation of the old ethic is clearly exposed as an excessively self-assured and infantile standpoint. (DPNE 133)

Some theologians probably still quake at such imagery. It correlates so poorly with their inherited theological formulations. Quite often underground currents of mysticism and popular piety in effect have repudiated sterile dualisms and whitewashed images of the "good God." But the prevailing conceptualization of God in philosophy and theology has not interlaced well with these images which seem, according to many psychologists and therapists, best attuned to psychic growth and individuation.

The task of the philosopher of religion or theologian today involves as a major priority the conceiving of God in accord with the innate demands of man’s psychic life. This does not imply any simplistic pruning down or facile accommodation of the concept of God to infantile demands of the psyche. Increasingly psychologists have discovered the need to grow, the longing to overcome domination by infantile urges, to be a basic factor both in precipitating internal tension and conflict and in bringing about its resolution. It is to this basic need to grow that any viable concept or image of God must be "accommodated."

Hartshorne’s dipolar theism provides a conceptuality congenial to the recovery of an "impure" image of God, a recovery which is indispensable to the psychic health and growth of religiously oriented individuals today. A Jungian might say that Hartshorne’s philosophy allows for a reassimilation of the "shadow side" of God into religious imagination. Hartshorne, of course, allows no place for the caprice which Jung and Neumann attribute to the God of Job and primitive Judaism. The God of dipolar theism is not the creator of evil. But God does include evil within his consequent nature, even though he is not an agent in its production. And the life of becoming in God involves his embracing evil rather than any embarrassed expulsion of it from himself.

In the notion of a "shadow side" of God we do not necessarily have to envision the caprice and primitive, irrational power which Jung and Neumann find in the God of certain segments of the Hebrew religious tradition. We can mean simply that God does not separate himself from the darkness as he does in the dualistic schemes which linger on in Western spirituality. Rather he includes it so as to allow for the continuing emergence of newness within himself. I think this is the point that Neumann is trying to make. In this sense God becomes a paradigm of self-actualization rather than an already fully pure and perfected being whose rock-like presence to consciousness could stand only as the frustration of human growth. God himself has abandoned the ideal of "holiness" for that of wholeness. We humans may now have the courage to do so too.

The schemes presented by both Hartshorne and Jung-Neumann present the goodness and integrity of God as consisting in his preservation and progressive integration of the polarities within his own being. From a Jungian point of view Hartshorne’s God is a model of psychic individuation and wholeness. Not only does divinity not evade universal metaphysical principles; God is also the supreme exemplification of pervasively applicable psychological principles rather than an exception from these. The freedom of God is not his "pure" immunity to corporeality, temporality, etc. Rather it is his processive assimilation and wholesome utilization of what from an infantile psychological perspective would appear to be insurmountable threats to be evaded at all costs.

According to much contemporary psychology the growth, freedom, and maturity of the individual entail an embracing of polarities and antitheses in one’s psychic life. Inevitably such expansiveness of soul means acquiring a certain vulnerability to what is envisioned prima facie as perhaps the very opposite of one’s "primordial" self-image. Such sensitive openness to the otherness within oneself is not easily achieved, and the incursion of "shadow" images in dreams and fantasy is typically met with an initial (and sometimes permanent) resistance. It is tempting to hypothesize that one-sidedly "pure" images of God may involve projections unconsciously fabricated to legitimate reluctance to accept the "shadow side" of our own being. Moreover, it may be that theistic conceptualities within which such images are encased also subliminally function to ward off innumerable growth-oriented challenges to our psychic being. Why should the individual undertake the agonizing process of facing and appropriating the otherness within himself, the multiplicity which he is, if the Godhead himself is understood and imaged as beyond such courageous integration of internal polarities? If God, as in the Stoic conception, is "beyond fear and desire," then "the wise man who courageously conquers desire, suffering, and anxiety ‘surpasses God himself’" (CTB 16).

Hartshorne’s polarized conception of God poses a healthy challenge to reappropriate the split off portions of our own psychic structures, and it provides a paradigm for assuming them into higher and richer syntheses. In his "consequent nature" there is suggested a vulnerability in God which can motivate the individual to break out of the safety of the maternal, static world of infancy. And in the notion of a "becoming," continually expanding, and self-integrating God there is a possible model for breaking through what Jung calls the "persona," the hardened mask our egos cling to in order to avoid confrontation with the real world.

Various process theologians who have followed Whitehead and Hartshorne have been largely preoccupied with questions of logic, theodicy, and compatibility with biblical and traditional theology. The psychological implications of their panentheism have not yet been fully explored. We have attempted here to apply some of the most basic Jungian criteria to the important task of evaluating the image of God allowed for by Hartshorne’s conceptuality. Other psychological schemes could have made the same point that we have. Expansiveness, a certain vulnerability, openness to challenge by one’s possibilities, appropriation of the multiplicity within oneself, acceptance and affirmation of oneself in spite of negativity, all seem to be essential to personal freedom and mental health -- not only in Jungian but in existential, psychoanalytic, Gestalt, and other therapeutic circles. Thus, a conceptuality elaborating such expansiveness and vulnerability in God may be an important factor in giving scope and flexibility to religious imagination.

References

 

CGJ -- Storr, Anthony. C. G. Jung. New York: The Viking Press, 1973.

CGJSA -- Cohen, Edmund D. C. G. Jung and the Scientific Attitude. New York: Philosophical Library, 1975.

CTB -- Tillich, Paul. The Courage to Be. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1952.

DPNE -- Neumann, Erich. Depth Psychology and a New Ethic. Translated by Eugene Rolfe. Harper Torchbooks. New York: Harper and Row, 1973.

DR -- Hartshorne, Charles. The Divine Relativity. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1948.

PAR -- Rudin, Josef. Psychotherapy and Religion. Translated by Elizabeth Reinecke and Paul C. Bailey, C.S.C. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1968.

PSG -- Hartshorne, Charles, and William Reese, eds. Philosophers Speak of God. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953.

UMI -- Hart, Ray. Unfinished Man and the Imagination. New York: Herder and Herder, 1968.

Cancer in the Family: Roles of the Clergy

About 870,000 people in the United States were diagnosed last year as having some type of cancer. Breast cancer alone was discovered in more than 100,000 women. Cancer strikes terror in the hearts of patients and their families. Though the 1984 cure rate was 52 per cent, the diagnosis frightens people, who equate it with pain, disfigurement, debilitation and death.

When my husband’s cancer was diagnosed in 1964, I was devastated, but responded stoically, as our culture expects. I experienced all the usual anger (why my husband, my family?), guilt (why didn’t I make him stop smoking, and why him instead of me?), and frenzied activity (I immediately sought out and found a very time-consuming and demanding job). Because I did not give in to grief, I experienced psychogenic symptoms. I felt an immense responsibility to maintain stability for my three teenaged children, to "put on a happy face" for my husband, and to act bravely. Despite a gloomy prognosis, he lived eight more happy and productive years before a recurrence brought about his death. I firmly believe his reprieve was at least partly the result of his own faith and inner strength. As time passed during those last years, we almost forgot about the prediction of imminent death. And then he died. Again I stoically underwent the same emotional turbulence. I became a workaholic, effectively postponing and compartmentalizing my grief. I wrote prolifically, worked longer hours than necessary, and served on boards of many organizations. I idealized my marriage as, in the words of playwright Robert Anderson, "a picnic without mosquitoes" ("Notes of a Survivor" in The Patient, Death and the Family, edited by Stanley B. Troup and William A. Greene [Scribner’s, 1974], p. 82). I elevated my deceased husband to a level of perfection far above the reach of any other man. It was ten years before I was ready to move on to a new life and marriage.

In retrospect. I believe that I would have regained my "wholeness" sooner if I had cried more, if I had vocalized my anger, if someone had told me that it wasn’t crazy to set the table for him by mistake or to talk to him in my empty bedroom, if I had not been so brave and stoic. If only someone had reminded me -- not once, but often -- that for everything there is a season . . . a time to weep . . . a time to mourn . . . a time to break down and a time to build up" (Eccles. 3:1-9).

Such help can and should come from our clergy. As elders in our Presbyterian church, my husband and I were committed, involved Christians. But we did not ask for help, and visits from our ministers never got past "acceptable conversation." Conversations with many cancer patients and their families through the years have indicated that their experiences have been similar: both they and their clergy were uncomfortable in talking about life, death and concomitant feelings. I now wish we had been more open with our pastors, for clergy cannot know all the needs of all their parishioners.

My own experience as a patient began in the spring of 1983 when, in a routine mammogram, breast cancer was found. The three weeks between diagnosis and a modified radical mastectomy were traumatic, for the prospect of being permanently "maimed" overshadowed all other fears. Surgery was followed by a year of chemotherapy. I was fortunate in having had few side effects, and I have recently learned that I am disease-free. However, I know that for the rest of my life I will have to undergo bone scans, chest X-rays and physical checkups.

Having cancer was difficult in other ways. I wished I had received one humorous get-well card amid all those with hearts and flowers. In the supermarket I saw acquaintances turn their carts around and go the other way when I appeared in the aisle. I still have to deal with comments that indicate that I must be "terminal": "You look fine, but how do you really feel?" "I’m a good friend you can tell me how you really are.’’ I share the feelings of Sandra Hansen Tonte, who wrote, "Worst of all, I’ve had to contend with people who think I am going to die" ("I Will Get Well. If You Will Let Me,’’ Newsweek [May 21. 1984], p. 13). And finally, I was and continue to be called a "cancer patient." People with other serious diagnoses are not labeled "patient" for the rest of their lives. I would like to be thought of as a person who had cancer; the statistics for my chances of survival are not all that bad! Besides, even those people with gloomier prospects would wish to be viewed primarily as living human beings rather than as patients.

Clergy are, unfortunately, often among those guilty of making comments to patients and family members that are, I believe, more harmful than helpful. One of the most maddening of these is, "What has happened to you is God’s will." I could not possibly function in a pediatric department of a teaching hospital if I thought that God "wills" cancer on children. I believe in a benevolent God, but one whose eye may not always be on the sparrow. Others offered consolation: "God doesn’t give people more than they can bear." But such comments only angered me, for those who could not bear their suffering are no longer here! And the comment I heard often after my husband’s death: "When one door shuts, another opens." People, trying to be helpful, would go on to add, ‘‘Look at what you have made of what happened to you." My response has been, ‘‘But what might we have done together if that door had not closed?"

There is a general need for more understanding, comfort and expertise on the part of the clergy in their ministry to patients with cancer and to their families. Many resources are available to help clergy relate more effectively in such circumstances. For instance, many teaching hospitals have potentially helpful clinical pastoral education courses. In Rochester, the United Cancer Council, the University of Rochester School of Nursing, and the Sudden Infant Death Syndrome Center jointly sponsor an annual bereavement seminar for care providers. Agencies or institutions in other communities might sponsor something similar. Local cancer centers could sponsor a teaching day for clergy involved in counseling patients and families. There is also much good literature on the subject (cf. Richard Dayringer, editor, Pastor and Patient: A Handbook for Clergy Who Visit the Sick [Aronson, 1982]).

Clergy are in a unique position to help cancer patients and their families. The minister can interpret what has happened in the context of faith, and can help show families that the church or synagogue is a loving support system. Clergy can, for example, be empathic listeners, and can ask questions that will encourage people to express their feelings, no matter how "crazy." One might say, for instance, "Some people feel that God is punishing them; have you ever felt this way?" And ministers can be there to hold a hand or to say a prayer for healing. Clergy are a "presence," a link between patients and God. They must find ways to be advocates in prayers for healing, wellness and/or acceptance.

Clergy can also be hopeful, if there is hope. Lawsuits against physicians have forced them to present the "worse case" side effects of procedures, and they often tend to volunteer more information than the patient and family may be able to manage. Clergy can help by emphasizing the positive.

There are also many more mundane ways in which clergy can aid those with cancer. For instance, they can, with a patient’s permission, ask the physician how they can be of help. They can caution people against reading obsolete literature on cancer. Many people consult their public libraries for medical information. But with the strides being made in the treatment of cancer, such information is apt to be obsolete or inaccurate, causing unnecessary stress to the reader. Many cancer centers have up-to-date libraries and reading lists to which clergy can direct families.

It must be remembered that physicians can overestimate a patient’s understanding, and that, because of emotional stress. a patient may hear but not understand. Patients and family members can reread written materials when they are ready and able to absorb the contents. Clergy can also encourage patients to make a list of questions they would like their doctor and nurse to answer. In the doctor’s office, patients under stress may forget to ask questions -- especially those over which they have been brooding. In addition, clergy can familiarize themselves with community and national resources, so that when patients are ready to seek help, information will be readily available.

Perhaps the most helpful ministry would be to encourage church or synagogue members to provide practical assistance. Assistance with baby sitting, meals and transportation will remind patients and families that they are cherished by their fellow parishioners. Such concern sometimes comes too late, and disaffected or estranged patients and families end up leaving their congregation because of feelings of isolation fostered by the illness.

Furthermore, pastors can encourage and help outreach parishioners (i.e., deacons, elders, lay parish counselors) in their ministry to these families. The minister can make topics like "Helping Cancer Patients and Their Families" the focus of special seminars for an adult education class or even a sermon. Whatever the means, the subject must be brought into the open, where people can deal with it, rather than fear it: Clergy can also work to make the church facilities architecturally accessible by installing wheelchair ramps as well as making bathrooms accessible to wheelchairs.

As a body of concerned professionals, clergy are in a unique position to be agents of change in their communities. They can become involved in starting a local United Cancer Council or American Cancer Society chapter or a bereavement center if none exists. These agencies can provide excellent support groups for patients. Although most communities have many helpful resources for cancer patients and survivors, people often do not know about them. Bereavement centers provide verbal and written information, educational programs and appropriate referrals.

In, summary, clergy must become much more involved in the healing ministry, becoming bona fide members of the team that heals the bodies, minds and spirits of cancer patients and those who love them.

AIDS and the Church

The church, however, was noticeably silent. In fact, since 1981 when AIDS was first described, the personal tragedies and social failures associated with the disease appear to have been largely ignored by the church -- except for those strident segments that view AIDS as God’s retribution on a sinful people.

This silence may imply assent to the view that certain at-risk populations (gay and bisexual men, drug addicts, prostitutes) deserve the disease and the horrible death it portends. Or the silence may indicate a lack of knowledge of the disease and of the opportunities for ministry it generates. Whatever the reason for the shortcoming, AIDS raises basic issues of pastoral and prophetic ministry that involve the church’s role in the community as well as its responsibility for society’s dispossessed. Whether or not the federal government or other agencies provide resources to meet this crisis and some of the needs of people touched by it, the church itself must respond if it is to reflect in its life the spirit of its Lord who commanded his fellow servants to do for one another what he had done for them.

The Gospel of Luke is noted for its emphasis on Jesus as the humble, loving, compassionate Christ who holds the poor, the outcast and the dispossessed in special regard (see particularly Luke 4:16-30 and 7:18-23). Liberation theologians have developed this theme as the springboard for their theologies. An uncompromising affirmation of the church’s ministry to the poor is central to the church’s servanthood, they urge, since Jesus came preaching the Good News to the poor, and announcing freedom to the broken victims of human indignities and oppression. God’s servants have a special responsibility to act with justice and righteousness, and to speak prophetically in the name of a just, righteous and compassionate God.

The Jewish community could not fathom that the offer and blessing of the end-time would be extended to the despised of society. Yet this was exactly what Jesus proclaimed, drawing on the prophetic understanding of the poor as those who are oppressed, and who, therefore, cannot speak for themselves. The nature of grace and faith revealed in the life and mission of Jesus is demonstrated by his identification with isolated and outcast individuals. The political and religious establishments turn away all too easily from those who are outside the realm of social and religious respectability. Luke’s Jesus, however, deliberately turned toward those who had been rejected not only by their community but often by their families. He touched them, ate with them, and announced that they had a place of honor at the heavenly feast.

Jesus never stopped proclaiming that all are equal beneficiaries of God’s grace and forgiveness. In fact, he strengthened the proclamation by providing grace and forgiveness through healing, reconciling families and satisfying hunger. In short, Jesus responded compassionately to those broken by life. Often his acts of "pastoral ministry" express God’s acceptance and love of those judged unacceptable and unlovable by society, but often Jesus’ mere presence beside the dispossessed was itself a manifestation of God’s favor toward the powerless.

Luke’s Jesus leaves us little room for negotiation, as indicated in the Parable of the Feast (14:15 ff.) in which the invitees state their reasons for declining the invitation to the feast, only to be excluded altogether. Servanthood involves being a sign of the Good News. Our care for others witnesses to our belief that they are also worthy of God’s love, and that they can be related to God. Caring not only means that one meets another’s immediate needs, but it also calls us to tell the disenfranchized that she or he may become a liberated, loved and loving being.

As is well known, about 73 per cent of AIDS patients are homosexual or bisexual men. An additional 17 per cent are intravenous drug users. The mainstream of society tends to stigmatize both groups. If their "personal lives" become known, too often they are rejected by family, friends and church, lose employment, and experience other subtle and overt forms of discrimination. And, in the cases of homosexual and bisexual men, the stigma applies to who they are -- a matter about which they have no choice -- rather than (or in addition to) what they do -- a matter about which they do have a choice.

These injustices are compounded when one is diagnosed as having AIDS or ARC (AIDS-Related Complex). When heterosexual men and women, children, hemophiliacs and people who have received blood transfusions are labeled with AIDS or ARC, they begin to learn what it means to be unjustly isolated and ostracized. Nearly all AIDS or ARC patients have been shunned in some way by a public that fears their disease, objects to their sexuality or disapproves of their conduct. However, in light of Luke’s message, the latter two reasons are insufficient to justify Christians’ turning away.

Neither should fear of contagion stop Christians from ministering to AIDS patients. The virus associated with AIDS and ARC -- LAV/HTLV-III -- is not airborne, and there is no evidence that casual contact with patients results in infection. A person would have to be in contact with an infected persons bodily fluids (blood, excretions, secretions) to be at risk of contracting the virus. Protective precautions (gloves, mask, garments) are usually needed only during a patient’s hospitalization or when certain nursing procedures are performed outside of the hospital. It should also be noted that some people who have been infected by the virus for as long as three years have not as yet manifested the disease. This suggests that factors in addition to infection by LAV/HTLVIII may contribute to the development of AIDS. Adequate instruction and proper precautions, as indicated, should ease, if not totally remove, any fears that might hinder ministry to these people in need.

Some Christians might also be reluctant to minister to AIDS patients out of fear that the social isolation of AIDS victims will be extended to those who befriend them. Colleagues and friends may withdraw, apparently fearing contagion, or because they disapprove of the investment in AIDS patients. Physicians, nurses and others who provide medical care to these patients have experienced this type of rejection. Christians should remember, however, that Jesus did not let the reaction of others deter him from having fellowship with the alienated and "unclean."

The course of the disease varies among patients. Part of its insidiousness is its unpredictability. The single constant is that no patient survives. Medical scientists around the world have moved with remarkable speed to identify LAV/HTLV-III -- a virus that can weaken, even destroy, the body’s immune system. Unfortunately, no antiviral agent, vaccine or therapy to restore an immunity system has been found effective. Though physicians are improving their ability to treat symptoms with approved drugs and experimental agents, at best this enables some patients to live longer. At worst, it prolongs their lives so that they only suffer greater indignities and die more distressing deaths.

More than 600 AIDS or ARC patients have been registered in the clinic where we consult. An additional five to ten patients are treated as inpatients, about half of whom die during their hospitalization. Most AIDS patients valiantly try to maintain their independence as long as possible. But as they become too weak to work, as they lose income, medical insurance and possibly living quarters, as they suffer losses of eyesight and mental function and as they face social ostracism, AIDS victims can slip into almost total dependence on family, lovers and friends -- who may or may not remain committed to them. Indeed, the intensity of this terminal disease’s physical and emotional toll may provoke the loss of one’s total support system.

Out of a desire not to hurt, embarrass or burden them, some homosexual or bisexual patients keep their sexuality and illness from family members. Even when told that a family member is dying, some families have refused to help. And parents and siblings who do not abandon patients frequently go through this trauma without the understanding and support of other family members and friends, or of their congregations, choosing, for whatever reason or reasons, to bear this burden privately. Their concern for secrecy may extend to requests that death certificates not reveal AIDS as a cause of death.

The personal tragedies, unmet needs and social failures extend far beyond those indicated here. Instead of compassion, the overwhelming public and political response to AIDS has been fear and callousness. For example, some health-care personnel and hospitals in the Houston area have refused to provide services, and nursing homes have closed their doors to AIDS patients. On August 26 the state of Texas, on the basis of a 9-7 decision of the Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, reinstated a law against homosexual activity; it appears that that decision may in part have been influenced by an AIDS-induced backlash. And while Health and Human Services Secretary Margaret Heckler has termed AIDS the number-one priority of the public health service, the Reagan administration has consistently requested relatively small sums to combat the disease.

AIDS has already taken the lives of more than 6,000 people. Tens -- perhaps hundreds -- of thousands of people from every walk of life will die before treatments are found either to inhibit the disease’s progress or to cure it. In the interval, its physical and social ramifications will escalate the suffering or its victims.

The church and individual Christians can help to alleviate the suffering associated with AIDS -- particularly in urban areas, where nearly all AIDS patients either reside or go for treatment. The people of God need to remember that the neighbor whom Jesus instructed his disciples to love excludes no one. Congregations’ ministries to sick people and to their families ought not neglect people with AIDS and their natural or chosen families.

Patents with AIDS can become very weak, either quickly or gradually. Often they do not have enough energy to make the almost daily visits to their physicians that are necessary, or to provide for themselves at home. They could benefit greatly by volunteer help: people to shop for them, do light housekeeping tasks, prepare or deliver simple meals, and visit or phone to check on them. The decline in strength is often paralleled by a deterioration of finances. Whatever assets the victim may have are liquidated to pay for medical care. Cars become an unaffordable luxury, so transportation to the clinic becomes a vital need. Financial assistance to purchase everyday needs may be helpful. AIDS patients are often alone, with no one to hear their fears, frustrations and anxieties, or to engage in pleasant conversation. Being a friend to patients can contribute to the quality of their remaining life.

Distant family members who visit the AIDS patient may not be able (or may not want) to stay in the patient’s residence. Commercial housing for days or weeks can be a heavy financial burden on top of the emotional stress of watching a loved one die. Providing a bed, transportation, meals and emotional support to these people would be valuable services that Christians could extend. And at the death of the patient, the family may need assistance in making arrangements with a local mortician and in attending to other legal matters.

Finally, pastors could remind parishioners that reconciliation is a key element of the gospel. Reconciliation in the context of AIDS could take place, for example, between the church and homosexuals where they are estranged. Similarly, reconciliation between families and a separated family member could be promoted. Too often family members rush in when the patient is near death trying to affirm their continuing love. Though these reunions should be celebrated, they usually occur so late that the precious opportunities for each full to enjoy the other’s gift are few or lost altogether.

AIDS sets before the church an opportunity to reflect on its identity and its mission. For the church to ignore the needs that cluster around AIDS, to fail to express itself redemptively, and to abandon a group of people who have almost no one to cry out in their behalf for justice and mercy, would constitute a failure in Christian discipleship.

Dietrich Bonhoeffer: The Message of a Life

People my age have recently been encountering this question: How did you experience May 8, 1945 (the day the war ended in Europe)? The question is not about our health that day, or whether we were on the front or already prisoners of war. The question is whether we experienced that day as a liberation or as a catastrophe.

For me, May 8, 1945, was not especially dramatic. I was a prisoner of war in a field hospital in Italy, where capitulation had taken place a week before. My feeling was one of relief: finally there would be an end to the senseless murdering, the terror and the lying. The possibility of going home was in sight; there was a chance for a new beginning.

Only gradually did I begin to sort out what happened. I wondered in what ways and how much I had complied with that terrible business which ended on that day in May. I was not a Nazi. I gave the Nazis a little bit of resistance in the Confessing Church. I had heard nothing of Auschwitz, though I did, indeed, know of the terrible conditions in the concentration camps. Yet it became clearer to me that I had not achieved any kind of moral victory. My conscience was not clear. I knew that when God asks me, "Where is your Jewish, your communist, your Polish, your Soviet, your Dutch brother Abel?" I would have nothing to say.

So I agreed with the confession of guilt that representatives of the Evangelical Church in Germany formulated in Stuttgart in September 1945. I especially agreed with the sentence: "Through us, infinite suffering was brought over many peoples and countries." I tried then to make this fact clear to my fellow prisoners of war. But even today not everyone has accepted this confession of guilt.

The past must be "dealt with" -- as much as it is ever possible to do so. We must make clear to ourselves what happened, what share we had in it, how we are responsible for that before God and what we must, therefore, do differently in the future; Without such work there is no future, no new beginning. Without such work we will encounter again and again the same temptations, perhaps with different names.

That I could respond to the past in this way is something I owe to Dietrich Bonhoeffer. Without his influence, I do not know what would have become of me. I met Bonhoeffer for the first time in 1932, when he was an instructor in Berlin and I was in my sixth semester of university studies. His thoughts and especially his attitudes have accompanied me ever since in my training of young pastors and my work in the leadership of the church. I regard it as one of my chief responsibilities to pass on to others what I learned from Dietrich Bonhoeffer. I am convinced that he can still be of help to many.

Bonhoeffer came from a professor’s family; his father was a well-known psychiatrist. Thus, Bonhoeffer belonged to the upper-middle class. In such circles, it "didn’t do" to study theology. Bonhoeffer, who was very close to his family, defended his theological work to his brother Karl-Friedrich, a natural scientist and agnostic, in this way: "There are things for which an uncompromising stand is worthwhile. And it seems to me that peace and social justice, or Christ himself, are such things" (quoted in Bethge, p. 155). With the Words "peace and justice" he hoped to make himself understandable to his brother, a social democrat. But then came these words -- "or Christ himself." It is notable that he could see all this together: the political, the ethical and the religious. For him, Christ stood behind the longing for peace and justice.

The Christ Bonhoeffer talks about is not the Christ of the idealists, who transmits the meaning of life or a harmonious world view. It is not the Christ of the individualists, who guarantees strength for life, happiness and eternal salvation. Bonhoeffer means the biblical Christ who is faithful to the earth, who lives among people and brings them together. He brings salvation and healing from suffering and death, liberation from guilt and sin, liberation from the forces which are destroying the earth, among which war and injustice are the most terrible. Uncompromisingly to advocate this Christ is the motive that drove Dietrich Bonhoeffer.

Life for him consisted not of different compartments, but of a single reality. This earth could not be considered apart from Christ’s footsteps, which are impressed in it. Christ’s manger stands on the earth, his cross is rammed into the earth, his grave is dug into the earth. Because God became human in Christ, there is only the one reality, which includes God, world and human persons. Bonhoeffer’s thought was not like ours, divided among different realities: employment and family, economy and politics. One does not find in Bonhoeffer any sneaked-in simplicity, in which a part of reality is ignored, or the kind of piety that only lives in and for the life beyond and lets things on this earth go as they will. Nor did he live in the kind of immediacy that knows no genuine obligations and only seeks personal wealth.

From his father, Bonhoeffer received his great capacity for disciplined thought and speech. His mother was full of undemanding, understanding love. His family instilled in him a certain upper-middle-class reserve. He was not at all fond of camaraderie, and before he worked in the preachers’ seminary he had only one really close friend outside of his family. This reserve, however, sprang not from arrogance but from tact and consideration. He was always afraid of binding people to himself. When there was genuine need, he never spared himself. He was, for example, one of the very few people who in April 1933, after the first Jewish pogroms, publicly intervened on behalf of Jews. At the time, most people thought the measures against the Jews were merely "childhood diseases" of National Socialism. Even in 1941, when the "final solution" was being implemented, he was able on the strength of his contacts to get Jewish people out of the country.

"Simplicity" would be an apt term for Bonhoeffer’s life, at least in the sense in which the poet Matthias Claudius, whom he greatly loved, used it:

Let us become simple

and be before You here on earth

like children pious and joyous.

This is a simplicity that came from thinking what one believes, wanting what one thinks, doing what one wants. For him the great human burden was indecisiveness. The problem was presaged by the tempting question of the serpent in paradise: "Would God have said . . .? Humans fell for this question. They wanted to know what was good and evil in order to be able to decide what was good and evil. They did not simply accept God’s word and will, but tried to discredit them.

Bonhoeffer’s simplicity was not the kind that relies on ready-made principles. His speech at the ecumenical conference in Fano in 1934 has recently become well known, for in it he rejected all human means of security and called for a Christian council of all churches to reject war. But five years later, after the war had begun, I cannot remember him saying to us, who were his confidants, that we should not become soldiers. He himself joined the military counterintelligence unit, not really to do its work but to keep in contact with the churches in enemy countries. He was not fundamentally a pacifist, and though he was obedient to the peace commandment of the Lord, his concern was not to be faithful to a principle but to answer the concrete question: "How can war be prevented?" And once the war came the pressing question was: "How can the mass murdering and the tyranny, which have started and sustain this war, be stopped?" This was why Bonhoeffer could pray for Germany to be defeated, despite the terrible conditions which a defeat would bring. The most important political, humanistic, ethical and Christian goal for him was getting rid of the tyranny of Hitler. He once explained his participation in the resistance by this analogy: if a drunken driver drives into a crowd, what is the task of the Christian and the church? To run along behind to bury the dead and bind up the wounded? Or isn’t it, if possible, to get the driver out of the driver’s seat?

For Bonhoeffer, faith was a matter not of taking a stance but of being a follower of Christ. His main question was always: Who is and where is Christ for us today? Christ is not under the protection of the church; it does not "take care" of him. He is the Lord of the earth -- but not in triumphing power; rather, as the crucified, the one who suffers by us and with us. Expressed another way: Christ is the person for others. And his divinity lies precisely in that, and not in the glory of total power.

This is the Christ "for whom an uncompromising stand is worthwhile." This Christ is the direction, measure and content of the church. The church’s right to exist comes only from the fact that Christ is in it and works through it.

This is why the highest demands are placed on the church. This is why it was impossible for Bonhoeffer to give even the smallest space in the church to the German Christians who wanted to make the Lord of the church secondary to the laws of the German race, as the National Socialists understood them. This is why he suffered so from the indecisiveness of many Christians, pastors and parishes in a time when Christ expected a confession from everyone. The Confessing Church was for him the church of Jesus Christ in Germany. No one could separate themselves from it without also separating themselves from Christ.

In holding this conviction, he was not concerned about being right in the sense of being orthodox. His concern was for the presence of the crucified, the burden-bearing Christ in and through the church. For if Christ is the person for others, then his people must form the church for others. They must live without privileges, without the power derived or demanded from others. The church for others also includes the church with others. Its relationship to the "others" is not that of knowing everything better, or speaking with others arrogantly from a position of moral superiority. The "others" are partners in its mission. This point is particularly important for us in the German Democratic Republic. When the Federation of Protestant Churches was founded in 1969, the theme "church for others" was mentioned again and again. "Church for others": that is an open church, and it must remain so despite our continuing minority position. When the center is clear, then the boundaries can be open. The church for others must participate in the human life of the community, not as a master, but as a servant.

Discipline

If you set out to seek freedom, then learn above all to discipline your senses and your soul, that your passions and your drives do not lead you astray.

Chaste be your mind and your body, both subject to you, and obedient to seek the goal set before them.

No one learns the secret of freedom, except through discipline.

One hardly dares to use a word like "discipline" anymore. Discipline, however, does not refer to a foul-tempered denial of the finer things in life. Bonhoeffer certainly did not deny himself those. Discipline is a part of the freedom that means responsibility, not free rein, not the claim to do anything one wants and take everything for oneself at others’ expense -- the way we Europeans do. Discipline means putting body and mind into service as instruments of a will which has set for itself the one goal: "to enable Christ to take form within us."

Bonhoeffer once explained the discipline of a common life under the Word of God this way: "The goal is innermost concentration for service to the outside." This goal was the reason that we sought, under Bonhoeffer’s leadership, a common life under the Word of God in the preachers’ seminary in Finkenwalde. It was not an aescetic game -- we did not feel it as a psychological repression -- but training for a life in which one’s powers of body and soul were placed entirely in the service of Christ. It was training for a life of deeds.

Deed

To dare and do not what one wills, but what is right,

To not float in what would be possible, but valiantly grasping what is real,

freedom is not in the flight of thoughts, but only in deeds.

Step out of fearful hesitancy into the storm of action, supported only by God’s commandment and your faith, and freedom will receive jubilantly your spirit.

Freedom is not wanting everything possible or having one’s thoughts in the clouds. Freedom is seizing what is possible. It is not right thoughts, good will, conviction or intention which matter; it is deeds. But not just any deeds. "To dare and do not what one wills, but what is right." What is right? Deeds which preserve life and foster justice and peace. Deeds which fit one of Bonhoeffer’s favorite sayings from the Gospel of John: "Whoever does the truth comes to the light" (3:21). Bonhoeffer did not think much of truths that remained only thoughts.

Nor did he think much of theology produced in an ivory tower, away from the concrete needs of the community. This was why he left London, which was ecumenically so rich, to be called to the impoverished seminary in Finkenwalde. This was why he returned to Germany in July 1939 from an American lecture tour which friends had sponsored in order to protect him. Bonhoeffer said: I belong to the brothers and sisters in the Confessing Church in Germany. How could I meet their eyes later, how could they take my words seriously, if I have not shared their fears and oppressions? The issue of credibility played a considerable role in his thought.

Returning to Germany meant being threatened and spied upon. But it meant, above all, making contact with the resistance. The situation had become as bad as he had suggested might be possible in April 1933. The time had come to "grab the wheel by the spokes." It has been reported that in a secret meeting an officer who had access to Hitler urgently and repeatedly asked: ‘‘Shall I shoot . . .?" Bonhoeffer answered: "Shooting doesn’t yet mean anything. A change in the situation must be achieved, a change in the leadership of the state. We must think about what comes after the tyrant is disposed of." This was why resistance was so difficult. Resistance did not mean playing irresponsible games. Acting responsibly meant assuming guilt in freedom. There was no guiltless way out of this situation, Bonhoeffer knew. But he also knew that if we believe the cross, then our guilt is already borne.

When Bonhoeffer was severely reproached for leaving the safety of America, he responded. "I know what I have chosen." This is what he chose:

Suffering

Wondrous transformation. Your strong active hands

have been bound. Powerless, lonely, you see the end

of your action. Yet you sigh in relief and put your right hand quietly and comforted into a stronger hand, and are content. Only for a moment did you blissfully touch freedom,

Then you gave it back to God, that He might complete it

in glory.

Whoever works for others, to help bear their burdens, will also suffer with them. Whoever receives their task from the hand of God and orients their action to God, will find suffering to be not failure, not the end, but a "transformation" of their task and their action. Suffering is also a deed.

In a letter of February 21, 1944, there is the reference to "resistance and submission" that gave the volume of letters from the Tegel prison its name. (The German title of Letters and Papers from Prison is Resistance and Submission.) "I’ve often wondered here where we are to draw the line between necessary resistance to ‘fate,’ and equally necessary submission" (Letters and Papers from Prison [Macmillan, 1971], p. 217). Don Quixote’s struggle is for him an example of senseless resistance.

I think we must rise to the great demands that are made on us personally, and yet at the same time fulfil the commonplace and necessary tasks of daily life. We must confront fate -- to me the neuter gender of the word "fate" (Schicksal) is significant -- as resolutely as we submit to it at the right time. One can speak of "guidance" only on the other side of that twofold process, with God meeting us no longer as "Thou", but also as "disguised" in the "It"; . . . It is therefore impossible to define the boundary between resistance and submission on abstract principles; but both of them must exist, and both must be practiced. Faith demands this elasticity of behaviour (Letters. p. 217-18).

This passage allows us to understand Bonhoeffer’s almost frightening calmness in prison. It is the calmness of someone who has passed through the struggle between resistance and submission. A person who knew him during his imprisonment in Prinz-Albrecht Street wrote that the threat of torture. He was always friendly to his guards. Once when the bunker in which the "prominent" prisoners were kept was hit directly during a heavy bombing raid, the prisoners began to scream wildly, but Bonhoeffer stood quietly. This was not the calmness of the Greek philosophers. Bonhoeffer knew in whose hand he was held, and therefore he could wait calmly, come what may.

Death

Come now, highest feast on the road to eternal freedom,

Death, lay down the burdensome chains and walls

of our temporal body and our blinded soul,

that we may finally view what we have been unable to see

here.

Freedom, long we sought you in discipline, in deeds, and

in suffering.

Dying, now we recognize you yourself in the face of God.

On April 8, 1945, Bonhoeffer held a last morning service for his fellow prisoners in Schoenberg, near the primary court at Flossenbürg. There he was hanged in the early morning of April 9.

The camp doctor gave witness that he had seen Bonhoeffer kneeling in fervent prayer just before his execution. To whomever God is "real and ever close," death is, indeed, a "station on the road to freedom," even ‘‘the highest feast," because one who acted responsibly may now step from the twilight of all our actions into the light of God. Anyone who is not gratified with successes and recognition and is not sure of having always taken the right path, longs for the time in which everything will become clear. This is how we should understand Bonhoeffer’s final words to his fellow prisoners: "This is the end -- for me the beginning of life." This is no devaluation of earthly life. Bonhoeffer knew that this life is protected and judged by him who gives life. He longed for the face of God, in which freedom lights up in its final perfection as the freedom of God, a gift in love to us and to the service of His creatures.