Slime-master: Inside the ‘vast right-wing conspiracy’

Book Review:

Blinded by the Right: The Conscience of an Ex-Conservative.

By David Brock. (Crown, 336 pp.)

Long before Bill Clinton trashed his presidency by lying about his adulterous relationship with Monica Lewinsky, the political right heaped scurrilous accusations upon him and sought to expel him from office. The litany of charges pervaded conservative magazines and talk shows: Clinton was a drug-dealer and racketeer; he had purloined FBI files and organized death squads; he was guilty of fraud, theft and serial adultery; he raped at least one woman and arranged the murder of friend and staff member Vince Foster.

The savaging of Clinton reached an early low in 1993, when David Brock’s "Troopergate" article appeared in the America Spectator detailing Clinton’s alleged infidelities while governor of Arkansas. Brock had earlier become wealthy and famous by smearing Anita Hill. However, by the time President Clinton fell into Kenneth Starr’s perjury trap which Brock and the Paula Jones case had indirectly set into motion, Brock had come to regret what he had done and become.

Blinded by the Right offers an inside report on the aggressively right-wing network of magazines and foundations in which Brock thrived for 12 years. The book describes the personalities and infrastructure of the right and gives a vivid account of youthful conservatives like himself who joined a triumphant conservative movement in the Reagan era and felt demoralized by the ideologically bland presidency of George H. W. Bush.

As a student at the University of California at Berkeley in the early 1980s, Brock was repelled by the dominant atmosphere of political correctness; the "fiery polemics" of Commentary magazine suited him better. He cultivated friendships with the few conservatives on Berkeley’s faculty, wrote outspoken editorials for an off-campus newspaper, and found his calling: "I now viewed politics as a knife fight, my critics as blood enemies. My still-nascent ideological commitments acquired a vengeful overlay: I’ll get them."

Brock had been long alienated from his emotionally distant father, who identified politically with Patrick Buchanan ("Dad was a winger through and through"). But his political conversion didn’t afford much improvement in family relations, mainly because, during the same period, he informed his parents that he was gay. After college he joined the staff of the conservative Washington Times. He knew plenty of gay conservatives, some of whom were high-ranking officials in the Reagan administration, but all of whom were "in a constant state of panic about being discovered." While brushing aside the gay-bashing remarks of his allies, Brock joined them in cheering for Robert Bork and Oliver North, and at the age of 26 he made his first television appearance (speaking about the Iran-contra controversy), which he viewed as "just another knife fight."

The first Bush administration was a dreadful disappointment to the real conservatives; they called Bush a "squish," lost their unifying enemy when the Soviet Union imploded, and cheered the ascension of Newt Gingrich. "I instinctively identified with his fanatical hatred of the left," Brock recalls. "I thought name-calling was cool."

The fact that Gingrich’s personal life was far from morally upright actually enhanced his appeal to Brock. Brock would not have been comfortable in a conservative movement that practiced what it preached about morality. If the culture- warriors on the right had been clean-living people, he would have been forced to take seriously their rhetoric about the culture war and, in turn, to think seriously about the problem of being a gay conservative.

But in his telling, the culture of the conservative movement was pervaded by drunkenness, adultery, profanity and brazen dishonesty; page after page of Blinded by the Right describes morally disgusting behavior by politicians, journalists, financiers and movement professionals. Many movement leaders were hard-drinking sexual predators; one prominent champion of the virtuous life used ghostwriters to produce his best-selling books; one prominent Christian right leader was constantly leering and vulgar. Against this background, Brock took it for granted that Gingrich’s ethical concerns were just for show: "He struck me as another member of the decadent and hypocritical conservative elite, using whatever rhetorical flourishes he thought necessary to inflame cultural animosities in the right-wing base of the party."

The movement was short on morality but long on cash. Though lacking an advanced degree, Brock received an Olin Fellowship at the Heritage Foundation in 1991, where his writing "became so vehement it bordered on the vicious." The following year he moved to the American Spectator, which, like the Heritage Foundation and many other right-wing organs, was amply-funded by Richard Mellon Scaife.

Brock’s Breakthrough occurred after the Clarence Thomas hearings of October 1991 at which law professor Anita Hill testified that she had been sexually harassed by Thomas. The Spectator received a stipend from a North Carolina heiress to fund research on the Thomas-Hill story, and Brock got the assignment. His idea of research was to interview conservative activists and friends of Thomas’s, especially D.C. Circuit Court Judge Laurence Silberman and his wife, Ricky, who provided forceful quotes and took a lonely Brock under their wing.

Brock’s sources told him that Hill was perverse, sexually obsessed, slightly deranged and a man-hater. Brock quoted them profusely and summed up Hill in the phrase "a little bit nutty and a little bit slutty." Brock writes: "Not even the Spectator had ever seen the likes of the sexist imagery and sexual innuendo I confected to discredit Anita Hill. These were but two ingredients in a witches’ brew of fact, allegation, hearsay, speculation, opinion, and invective labeled by my editors as "investigative journalism."’

"The Real Anita Hill" made Brock a movement celebrity. Rush Limbaugh trumpeted the article for several days running on his nationally syndicated radio show; conservative pundits recycled Brock’s quotes; the Spectator advertised on Limbaugh’s broadcast, and the magazine’s circulation soared 300 percent to 114,000.

The book version was equally successful. The Real Anita Hill joined Limbaugh’s The Way Things Ought to Be atop the bestseller list. Brock’s book party was held at the Embassy Row Ritz-Carlton Hotel, where movement celebrities lined up to laud him.

Republican Party leaders and the conservative movement were estranged in the early 1990s, but Clinton’s election shocked both sides into a reconciliation. Party and movement leaders vowed to ruin Clinton’s presidential honeymoon, and the early confirmation hearings were especially bruising. Republican House whip Dick Armey charged that Hillary Clinton was a Marxist; Thomas protégé Clint Bolick pinned the title of "quota queen" on the nominee for assistant attorney general, Lani Guinier; Senator Jesse Helms railed that Housing and Urban Development nominee Roberta Achtenberg was "a damn lesbian," and various conservatives started a whispering campaign that Attorney General nominee Janet Reno was an alcoholic and a lesbian.

Brock emphasizes that "Troopergate" was spawned "in this savage climate." Aided by Arkansas anti-Clinton activist Cliff Jackson, Brock met with four Arkansas state troopers who regaled him with tales of Clinton’s purported numerous affairs and various onetime trysts. They also portrayed Hillary Clinton as a vulgar, man-hating feminist and power-grabbing cynic, as well as, somehow at the same time, an anguished spouse who grieved over her husband’s infidelities.

While exulting in this "journalistic gold mine," Brock was at least unsettled by the wildness and vagueness of the troopers’ tales and by Jackson’s obvious vendetta against Clinton; these were not the respectable Washington insiders who had trashed Hill, and they were unable to fix any specific dates or times to the events they recounted. Moreover, two of the troopers soon backed out, the other two bargained for a sizable payoff, and Brock warned that someone else would beat him to the story. Again he wrote a story that left no smearing accusation unused: "I threw in every last titillating morsel and dirty quote the troopers served up," including their conjecture that Hillary Clinton and Vince Foster were lovers.

On the ethics of this kind of journalism, Brock notes that his various movement employers (in this case, the Spectator) cared only about the political effect of his work, not its accuracy. In 12 years of writing for conservative magazines, he never published a fact-checked article. On the effect of his sensational portrait of Clinton, Brock aptly remarks: "My article depicted ‘Bill’ as a sexually voracious sociopathic cipher, while ‘Hillary’ appeared as a foulmouthed, castrating, power-mad harpy, joined together in a sham power marriage. The piece left such an indelible image in the minds of the media and the public as it led network newscasts and became a staple of Jay Leno monologues and Saturday Night Live skits that it would be possible in the future to say and write and broadcast any crazy thing about the first couple and get away with it. The Clintons were moral monsters."

This time even Brock was stunned by the tremendous effect of his work. The Real Anita Hill was a best seller, but still essentially a movement-phenomenon, catering to the conservative market. The "Troopergate" article, "His Cheatin’ Heart," electrified the mainstream networks and newspapers. In effect, the article made it open season on Clinton for the rest of his presidency, making it possible for pundits to assume the very worst about his moral failings with no threat of censure.

Not every conservative leader was thrilled by Brock’s work; William Kristol cautioned him against gutter journalism, and Jack Kemp worried that the article set a destructive precedent. Brock had reservations of his own; in the weeks that followed the article’s publication, it bothered him that every one of the troopers’ allegations that could be checked independently turned out not to be true. But no one offered a comprehensive refutation of Brock’s numerous errors: "Troopergate was described as tasteless and irrelevant, but it was allowed to enter the media ether as if it were true."

One disputed detail proved especially fateful. One of the troopers told Brock a story about a "woman named Paula" who allegedly had consensual sex with Clinton in his hotel room and then offered to be his "regular girlfriend." The name meant nothing to Brock. but six weeks after his article appeared, Paula Jones contended that the reference was to her and that the trooper’s version of the story was wrong.

Jones claimed that her encounter with Clinton was coerced and degrading. Reporters rushed to get her story, and the great Clinton debacle of lawsuits and perjury traps began. Brock worried at first that if someone were to be sued in the Jones matter, logically it would be him; but soon he realized that the cadre of movement lawyers and operatives who handled Jones’s case had no interest in prosecuting the Spectator or "our side’s Bob Woodward," as Brock was called by movement insiders.

The right’s affection for Brock withered in the late 1990s, however. Brock’s talent for invective was surpassed by Ann Coulter and Laura Ingraham, who won coveted spots on the talking-head shows; increasingly he was troubled by the hypocrisy of speaking for a movement that condemned homosexuals; and even if his colleagues didn’t care whether his articles were accurate, he did. He had to believe that his liberal-bashing stories were true, not merely effective.

The publication of Jane Mayer and Jill Abrahamson’s 1994 book on the Thomas-Hill case, Strange Justice, struck the first blow to his self-confidence. Mayer and Abrahamson showed that Thomas was an avid consumer of pornography, just as lull had implied, and that Hill’s version of events was more consistent with the verifiable facts than Thomas’s. The pornography issue was central to the conflicting testimonies about Thomas’s treatment of Hill.

Brock, having based his account on the Silbermans’ assurances that Thomas was a paragon of moral rectitude, was deeply shaken when Ricky Silberman called him and exclaimed, "Have yon read it? He did it, didn’t he?" Brock recalls that these words "burned through my being with the force of a blowtorch." He had never met Thomas or Hill; now he got a sick feeling that his best-selling attack on Hill might have been a complete distortion. Searching for evidence that might disprove Mayer and Abrahamson’s claim about Thomas’s addiction to pornography, Brock discovered, instead, that the Thomas camp had known all along and closely guarded the secret that he was an avid porno consumer.

With Ricky Silberman’s assistance he reassembled his brief of facts and allegations, suppressed disconfirming evidence, strong-armed a hostile witness, and blasted Mayer and Abrahamson’s book to the point of denying at least one claim that he knew was true: "Up to this point in my career, even when I fell short, I had always believed I was pursuing accurate information. Now, I let go of my own standards." For years he had assured himself that he was better than the "racist, homophobic Clinton-haters" that he milked for incriminating anecdotes and the movement colleagues who dissembled for the movement: "Whatever else I may have been, I wasn’t a liar." Now he knew that he was a liar, too: "The strange lies were mine. All the attacks, the hateful rhetoric, the dark alliances and strange conspiracies, an eye for an eye, nuts and sluts . . . it all led right here: I lost my soul."

With no intention of saving his soul, Brock took a million dollar advance for a book on Hillary Clinton. He started acting, however, like a real journalist: "For the first time as a writer, I felt capable of analyzing facts with a degree of impartiality. I began to relish the complexity of my subject. I realized I had never known what journalism was. I had been trained as an unthinking attack dog." He felt pulled in two directions: "Be fair. Slime her." For the most part, the former impulse won out, and Brock’s book proved to be a crushing disappointment to his conservative audience. The book sold poorly, reviewers wondered what had happened to him, and movement activists pointed knowingly to his homosexuality. His movement days were ending. Brock’s writings for the Spectator slowed to a trickle, and in 1997 the magazine fired him.

Blinded by the Right paints a disturbing picture of hypocrisy, venality, abuse of power and cynicism; it confirms the worst suspicions that one may have entertained about many of our political leaders; it shows that winning politics is often about appealing to the basest human impulses; and it exemplifies the spirit it condemns.

The personal attack remains Brock’s stock in trade. This time he is purportedly writing entirely from firsthand experience, but one reads his descriptions of former colleagues on the right a bit skeptically nonetheless, given his track record. Now that he can no longer write for politically conservative magazines, I hope that he will not find liberal substitutes for his slime-and-condemn style of journalism.

One of the unspoken assumptions of Blinded by the Right is that the political left has nothing like the network of aggressively ideological foundations, magazines, newspapers and institutes that the political right possesses. This assumption is true, and for the most part the country is better off for that fact. There is no analogue on the liberal side for the partisan publicity machine that smeared Anita Hill and made Brock famous, and liberals should not wish for one. Liberals largely have higher education, the elite newspapers and time mainline churches on their side, as conservatives never tire of pointing out; for angry conservatives, the cultural power of American liberalism is suffocating and immense. The belligerent tone of movement conservatism is often directly connected to memories of feeling persecuted at college. For Brock’s former associates, the dominant hypocrisy in American life is liberal hypocrisy, which is so enfranchised in the prestige culture that it does not appear as a partisan perspective.

Brock emphasizes that he and his movement friends were ambitious, aggressive and very angry about something, but not intellectually curious, or reflective or inclined to make sincere commitments. Unlike some older conservatives that they knew, the younger conservatives did not read books on political philosophy or even identify with the politics that they themselves espoused. They didn’t believe in anything very much, Brock explains; they were short on moral concern and didn’t talk about politics in their free time. What drove them was their deep resentment, even hatred, of liberals and the liberal rhetoric of openness, equality and diversity. Blinded by the Right is most disturbing as an account of how far those sentiments alone, backed by a well-endowed infrastructure of institutes and media outlets, can take someone in American politics and society.

The ‘Postmodern’ Barth? The Word of God As True Myth

"I keep getting proposals for books on Karl Barth," an editor told me. "Can you explain what is going on? I thought we might see a revival of interest in Tillich or even Bonhoeffer, but Barth? What does Barth have to do with postmodernism?"

The signs of interest in Barth’s theology are ample. The Karl Barth Society of North America is thriving, with well-attended conferences and a growing membership. In recent years some of the most popular and intellectually vigorous theology sessions at American Academy of Religion meetings have focused on Barth. Evangelicals and "postliberals" are engaging in dialogues that would not be possible without the mediating influence of Barth’s theology. Yale University and Princeton Theological Seminary are both bidding to become the host institution for a proposed Center for Barth Studies.

Most recent interpreters are rejecting the dismissive categorization of Barth that prevailed in academic theology for much of the past generation. Though the conventional tendency to read Barth as the dogmatician of an outdated "neo-orthodox positivism" is often armed with considerable evidence of his intellectual narrowness, it misses the deeper significance of Barth’s theological vision for our time.

Barth’s narrowness was in some ways prodigious. He took little interest in other disciplines and no interest at all in other religions. Though he claimed to accept the legitimacy and even necessity of critical biblical scholarship, he made practically no use of it. For all his warnings about the hubris of theological systems, his dogmatic theology looked like a massive new scholasticism. He claimed not to want followers, but blasted even close disciples when they dissented from his positions. His later dogmatic writings stifled the rhetorical dialectics and the polemic against religion that gave his earlier "crisis theology" its immense spiritual power. He was deaf to any manifestation of the Spirit outside the witness of scripture and preaching. Though he stated that men are not superior to women, he claimed that men are "first in sequence" in the divine order and thus bear a "primacy of service" before God. Though he emphasized the freedom of the Spirit-illuminated Word, his insistence on correct doctrine often appeared even to his followers to preclude any positive regard for theological freedom, difference or diversity.

It is here, however, at his supposedly weakest points that Barth’s thinking speaks most pertinently to a postmodern consciousness. Long after he relinquished the expressionist tropes of his "crisis theology" period, Barth’s theology remained a rhetoric of freedom. He refused to reduce God to one element of a system; he rejected every kind of philosophical foundationalism; and his theology blended too many patterns to be reducible to any single theme. (In How to Read Karl Barth, George Hunsinger identifies six dominant motifs in his thought.) Barth’s refusal to reduce God to one element in a theological system is surely the key to his greatness among theologians. Though his massive Church Dogmatics took on the appearance of an old-style dogmatism, his theological vision throughout this epochal work remained distinctively pluralistic and open-ended.

Barth insisted that Christian theology can be healthy and free only if it remains open to a multiplicity of philosophies, worldviews and forms of language. Nor is there any hierarchy among theological topics, he argued; there is no reason why a dogmatics should not begin with the Holy Spirit or salvation or eschatology: "There is only one truth, one reality, but different views, different aspects: just like the sun shines on different places."

By resisting the colonization of theology by philosophy or any other discourse, Barth prefigured the postmodern critique of all universalizing or "totalizing" discourses. The recognition of real differences is obliterated by universalist claims, the postmodernists argue. Barth’s polemic against theological modernism anticipated the postmodern critique of philosophical foundationalism in this respect. He emphatically rejected the foundationalist claim that philosophy can provide secure universal knowledge. By strenuously insisting on the transcendence and integrity of the divine object, he tried to liberate theology from its bondage to philosophy, bourgeois culture and church tradition.

Barth perceived the bankruptcy of modernism while most theologians were seeking to accommodate it. He recognized that the God of Christian faith negates and transcends Christian theism. Refusing to defend God with arguments that reduce God to the logic of a system, he lifted up the ineffable mystery, hiddenness, ever-graciousness and glory of the divine source of revelation. Put differently, Barth anticipated much of the postmodern critique of Enlightenment reason while vigorously opposing the nihilist presumption that there is no ground of truth.

Modern theology has been nearly united in its resolve to determine the meaningfulness of Christianity on rational or other grounds that are independent of the narrated Word of Christ. As Hans Frei often noted, theological modernism has been defined by its fundamental assumption that theologians are obliged to adapt Christianity to the regnant or best available world-view. it is this assumption that Barth sought to overturn. He argued that theology should not be in the business of endorsing worldviews or any independent theory of existence.

Rather than commit itself to any particular worldview, Christian theology should use or appropriate as many worldviews and forms of language as are necessary to explicate the truth of God’s Word. Just as theology should not extol literal meaning over the language of narrative, paradox, irony and dialectic, neither should it commit itself to one worldview over another. Only a healthy pluralism in philosophy and rhetorical forms can free theology to do the work of locating the correspondence between human word and divine truth.

Barth did not deny that there are myths and even outright fairy tales in the materials out of which some of the biblical narratives were constructed. Though he preferred to speak of biblical "saga" rather than "myth" in order to distinguish biblical myth from the monist mythologies of other religions and philosophies, he urged that, by either name, the "mythical" aspects of scripture should not be regarded as dispensable for theology. He criticized Bultmann and other demythologizers for demeaning the biblical worldview in the course of adapting Christianity to a modern one: "We ought not to overlook the fact that this particular worldview contained a number of features which the primitive community used cautiously but quite rightly in its witness to Jesus Christ." Moreover, these features remain indispensable to Christian proclamation. "We have every reason to make use of ‘mythical’ language in certain connexions," Barth insisted. "And there is no need for us to have a guilty conscience about it, for if we went to extremes in demythologizing, it would be quite impossible to bear witness to Jesus Christ at all."

Barth’s assertion of the freedom of the Word set him not only against the demythologizers but also against the entire modern preoccupation with ascertaining the methodological limits of truth. If truth is grace, it can be known only through grace. The force of this truism in Barth’s thinking moved him to liberate theology from its dependence on philosophy and its vulnerability to demythologizing criticism. Barth protested against all claims to methodological neutrality, epistemological foundationalism and philosophical preunderstanding. The interpreter has no chance of hearing a new word if she brings her own preunderstanding to the text as a final norm, he cautioned. The Word does not seek to be mastered in order to be understood. It seeks, rather, to lay hold of us in our openness to it: "It wants to be evaluated in its relation to what is said in it when this has been spoken to us and made itself intelligible to us." Our understanding of the Spirit-illuminated Word must arise from the "mystery of the sovereign freedom of the substance," the subject matter, which invites us through human words and the movement of the Spirit to "investigate the humanity of the word by which it is told."

Barth’s alternative implied a methodological pluralism, not an impossible blank slate. He did not dispute the need for theology to use philosophy or hermeneutical theory; he disputed only that theology should sanction or presuppose any "fixed canon of possibility, truth and importance." "If we do not commit ourselves to any specific philosophy we will not need totally or finally to fear any philosophy," he remarked. His primary rule of interpretation was that "a text can be read and expounded only with reference to and in light of its theme." The authority claimed by the text (or by the person of whom it speaks) must therefore ultimately be self-authenticating. To appeal to any further authority to distinguish between text and theme is to set aside the priority of the Spirit-illuminated Word.

Moreover, this process of authentication does not come upon individuals in isolation or abstraction from the church, for the Word discloses itself through the church’s canonical scripture and in its proclamation. Barth’s doctrine of the threefold Word implied simultaneously the indissoluble unity of the Word with the texts, tradition and present life of the church, along with the necessity of always distinguishing between the Word and the text, the text and the community, and the present creeds and future possibilities. Because human beings are immersed in that which is transient, relative and passing, it is always a mistake to identify the promise of the church’s message with the questionable possibilities emerging out of the historical process. The gospel conveys the radically new possibilities of God, which are fallibly understood in the present, which stand on the borderline of human achievements, and which become evident precisely in the negation of those achievements.

Christianity is forward-looking in its faithfulness to an eschatological Word that relativizes all historical possibilities and achievements. Though his later theology expressed the point more gently, Barth never retracted his early claim that only a thoroughly eschatological Christianity bears any relationship to Christ. The Spirit of Christ is the power of the future and ground of all redemptive possibility. Consequently, "spirit which does not at every moment point from death to the new life is not the Holy Spirit."

The eschatological Word is enough. Never an object of perception or cognition, it can only be believed. The Word is different from all other objects because it gives itself. Christianity either lives faithfully by this life-renewing Spirit of Christ or it resorts to sickly religious substitutes. Barth’s list of poor substitutes included not only philosophy and myth, but every form of apologetics, natural theology and ritual practice.

The intricacies of his arguments on this subject and the problems with them will provide ample material for the next generation of Barth scholarship. I believe that Barth, while making a convincing case against an appeal to reason prior to faith, lurched to an extreme position that failed to do justice to the apologetic aspects of theology as "faith seeking understanding." Similarly, in his laudable concern to refute the idea that Christianity is an illustration of mythical truth, Barth (and Frei after him) set Christianity against an artificial and reductionist conception of myth. Though Barth acknowledged that scripture contains mythical elements, he defined myth in essentially anti-Christian terms. It is doubtful that he ever would have used the term in a positive sense if Bultmann’s demythologizing had not driven him to it.

Barth’s rejoinder to Bultmann contained, however, the seed of a more promising orthodox approach to Christian myth. There is no reason why the gospel cannot be both mythical and true. Christian theologians need not oversell the distinctiveness or antimythical character of Christianity, since the gospel uses and is an example of mythical speech. As Barth told Bultmann, "there is no need for us to have a guilty conscience" about recognizing and proclaiming the gospel in all of its mythical character, for if all myth were removed from the gospel, it would be impossible to witness to Christ. Whether it is called myth or saga, mythical speech is intrinsic to Christianity. If Christianity is true, it is as true myth.

One Christian thinker who grasped this point was C. S. Lewis. Compared to Barth, Lewis’s understanding of the history and problems of theology was slight, even simplistic. Despite his lack of theological training, however, his religious writings are marked by a keen and realistic sense of the mythical character of Christianity—a sense that eluded Barth. As a young Oxford classicist, Lewis moved from determined atheism to Hegelian idealism to a belief in a personal divine power before allowing himself to consider whether the Christian version of the myth of the dying god might be true.

He judged that as literature the Gospels are too artless and historical to convey the taste and feel of genuine myth, but he recognized that the substance of the gospel narrative "was precisely the matter of the great myths." The gospel core is a common mythical motif, he observed; it shows up in the myths of Balder, Adonis, Osiris and Bacchus. Less than a century before Christianity, it appeared in Mithraism. What is the relation of these myths to Christian myth?

Lewis could not address the question without confronting the fact that he liked the pagan myths but was repulsed by Christianity. Something made him turn away from the story and images of the Christ myth. After a prolonged inner struggle to understand his visceral reaction, he realized that the Christ myth made a claim to truth that was both distinctive and personally threatening. The myth of the dying and rising god has always been true, he reasoned, but Christianity claims that in Christ the myth was concretely realized.

If the Christ myth is true in the way that it claims to be true, it stands to other myths as the fulfillment of their promise and truth. It is not an illustration of mythic truth, but the ground of its possibility and the realization of its fragmentary glimpse of the Real. The question is not whether Christianity is fundamentally mythical, but whether Christ became and fulfilled the great myth.

It occurred to Lewis while studying the Gospels that if ever a myth were realized in historical time and space, "it would be just like this." He was struck in particular by the Gospels’ distinctive literary character and by their representations of Jesus. As literature, the Gospels are in some ways like the ancient myths or the ancient histories, he noted, but in their total character they are not like anything else. More important, no person in any literature is like the New Testament figure of Jesus: as real as Socrates, "yet also numinous, lit from a light from beyond the world, a god." The force of this impression brought Lewis to Christianity. He found in Christ the source of the truth and delight he had known in pagan mythology.

Lewis never tired of explaining the peculiar and ultimate way that myths are true. What myth communicates is not "truth" in the formal sense, he observed, but reality. Truth is always about something, "but reality is that about which truth is." Myth is neither abstract, like truth, nor bound to the particular, like direct experience. Myth is more like the isthmus "which connects the peninsular world of thought with that vast continent we really belong to."

Just as myth transcends thought, the Christian mystery of the incarnation transcends its mythical nature. "The heart of Christianity is a myth which is also a fact," Lewis explained. "The old myth of the Dying God, without ceasing to be myth, comes down from the heaven of legend and imagination to the earth of history."

In the life, death and resurrection of Jesus, myth happens. Christ is true myth because the Word became flesh in the man Jesus. "We pass from a Balder or an Osiris, dying nobody knows when or where, to a historical Person crucified (it is all in order) under Pontius Pilate." The miracle is that in Christ the myth of the dying God does not cease to be myth. The Christian accepts Christ as the fulfillment of myth with the same imaginative embrace that she rightly accords all myths.

The historical and mythical elements are equally necessary. It is not always clear that Lewis understood these elements to be irreducibly intertwined, but the logic of his understanding of Christian myth leads to a view of myth-history similar to Barth’s view of saga-history. What gives the Christian gospel its distinctive identity is precisely its irreducible conflation of truth-claiming myth and history. "The story of Christ is simply a true myth: a myth working on us in the same way as the others, but with this tremendous difference that it really happened," Lewis wrote. Christianity is true myth "in the sense of being the way in which God chooses to (or can) appear to our faculties."

Put differently, Christian myth works on us as a Word of God in forms that limited human understanding can appropriate. Though his own theology was conventionally orthodox, Lewis emphasized that "the doctrines we get out of the true myth are of course less true," for doctrines are translations of God’s mythical Word into relative, fallible concepts. All of our efforts to express the actuality behind the Christ event are less true than the actuality itself.

The upshot for theology is that God’s language is the actual movement of God’s Word in the incarnation, death and resurrection of Christ. The Word is apprehended as event. Pagan myths express certain truths about God through the images that mythmakers have found at their disposal, Lewis explained, but Christianity is God’s myth expressed "through what we call ‘real things."’ Myths are proximate forms of transformation that must themselves be transformed by the Word in order for their truth to be realized. As James Loder remarks, "The Christ event resonates with the transformational potential in every personality." The presence of Christ’s Spirit calls for ongoing transformation in the form of life-giving works of love. The Word becomes true myth in order to redeem all history through ongoing transformations of the human spirit.

The danger that attends every project of mythmaking is that the new myth will create new forms of idolatry. Against every attempt to make God relevant or identify God with a cause or conceive God as a knowable object of thought, Barth insisted that God’s actuality is prior to the logical form of contradiction. The true God is the unknown mystery of the world whose holiness is violated as soon as God acquires a name. God is beyond being and nonbeing, belief and unbelief, theism and atheism. God is hidden, holy and mysterious, the ineffable source of revelation and grace. The God of biblical faith is concerned not about unbelief but about the sin of giving one’s heart and mind to idols.

Though Barth often claimed in his later career to have moved beyond the spirit and method of dialectical theology, his theology continued to affirm the dialectical movement of God in self-revelation. Bruce McCormack rightly emphasizes that the dialectical Paulinism of Barth’s Romans commentary remained key to his theology. In revelation, God becomes objective without ceasing to be hidden. God enters our condition and makes Godself present to us in Christ, but in a way that eludes human control.

The dialectic of presence and hiddenness is fundamentally constitutive of Christian existence. To break the dialectic in either direction is to betray the living truth of revelation. That is, to move one-sidedly in the direction of presence is to falsely objectify the gospel; to emphasize absence or "wholly otherness" is to betray the living truth that God has disclosed to us in Christ.

For Barth it was axiomatic that true knowledge of God begins not with an act of imagination or creativity but with the knowledge of God’s hiddenness. God is incomprehensible, for God does not exist in the sphere of human power. "God is not a being whom we can spiritually appropriate," he explained. "The pictures in which we view God, the thoughts in which we think Him, the words with which we can define Him, are in themselves unfitted to this object and thus inappropriate to express and affirm the knowledge of Him." No image from myth, doctrine or even scripture can bring us to God or show God to us. But through the movement of God’s Word, the various images that scripture contains can become God’s truth. The myth of the dying god becomes divine speech through God’s action in Christ.

The images that become God’s truth do not acquire this status through any capacity or quality of their own, but only through grace. "We do not encroach upon Him by knowing Him: we do not of ourselves become like Him; we do not of ourselves become master of Him; we do not of ourselves become one with Him," Barth explained. "And all this means—we cannot of ourselves apprehend Him."

Only in one place is the hidden God apprehensible, and even there only indirectly. In Christ the hidden God is apprehended "not to sight, but to faith. Not in His being, but in sign. Not, then, by the dissolution of His hiddenness—but apprehensibly." The Word made flesh is the first and definitive sign of all signs, but the Word is made known to us only after the flesh, through the Spirit. In Christ we see the human face of God no longer according to the flesh, but in and through the movement of the Spirit.

 

Bonhoeffer’s Legacy: A New Generation

Dietrich Bonhoeffer Works (Vol. 5): Life Together and Prayerbook of the Bible,  edited by Geifrey B. Kelly. Translated by Daniel W. Bloesch and James H. Burtness. Fortress, 232 pp., $30.00.

 

In August 1996 the German authorities announced that Dietrich Bonhoeffer was no longer regarded in law as a traitor. This somewhat bizarre declaration says more about Germany’s social and legal conservatism than it does about Bonhoeffer’s status. It reminds us that the reception of Bonhoeffer in his native land has by no means been positive, not least because of his act of civil disobedience in participating in the abortive conspiracy to kill Adolf Hitler in 1944. For some Germans, particularly those in the former German Democratic Republic, Bonhoeffer was a Christian martyr. But for many more he was a traitor who disobeyed authority and undermined the German war effort. The fact that his name has been officially cleared suggests that Germany has finally and formally recognized the moral validity of the cause for which he gave his life.

Reservations about Bonhoeffer have not been confined to his political actions; they have also been expressed in regard to his theology. When I began work on a dissertation on Bonhoeffer’s ecclesiology in the ‘60s, one of my advisers was highly skeptical. Bonhoeffer, he reasoned, had not worked out his theology in any systematic way. Martyrdom had prevented such development of his work. Furthermore, Bonhoeffer’s theology had been hijacked by "radicals" who, in their desire to be "honest to God," had latched onto Bonhoeffer’s fragmentary reflections in prison. Ignoring what Bonhoeffer had said and done earlier, they re-created him according to their own image and in the service of their own dubious agenda. Besides, my adviser asked rhetorically, was there sufficient material to work on?

Critical questions such as these account for the dearth of university courses on Bonhoeffer’s theology. This is certainly the case in Germany, with some notable exceptions. Generally there has been much more interest in Bonhoeffer’s life and thought outside the academy, and arguably more interest in the English-speaking world than in his native land. A brief scan of the Bonhoeffer bibliographies, regularly published and updated by the International Bonhoeffer Society, indicates the extent to which Bonhoeffer’s life and thought have become the subject of serious scholarship during the past three decades.

A great deal of the scholarly as well as more popular work on Bonhoeffer is due to the remarkable contribution of Eberhard Bethge, Bonhoeffer’s close friend and biographer. Not all interpreters of Bonhoeffer, including some of his former students, have always agreed with Bethge’s views, and a new generation of scholars is opening up fresh paths of inquiry which may diverge from some established and cherished views. Yet without Bethge’s lifelong commitment to preserving, editing and publishing Bonhoeffer’s writings, as well as his own books (including his monumental biography), essays and articles on Bonhoeffer’s legacy, the continuing interest in Bonhoeffer would not be possible. Since the 1950s Bethge and his wife, Renate (Bonhoeffer’s niece), have personally injected into Bonhoeffer studies and research a dynamic which has stimulated many others and formed a remarkable network of international relationships.

Bethge is a driving force behind the new 16-volume critical edition of Bonhoeffer’s writings, Dietrich Bonhoeffer Werke (Chr. Kaiser Verlag and Gütersloher Verlag), which is nearing completion. All original manuscripts have been meticulously re-edited and often reconstructed, and much previously unpublished material has been included. Each volume contains a comprehensive introduction, extensive notes, an afterword and a detailed bibliography. This critical apparatus enables the reader to locate the text within Bonhoeffer’s theological milieu and development, as well as his historical context, and provides an excellent account of the scholarly discussion.

The English translation of Bonhoeffer’s works is in process under the general editorship of Wayne Whitson Floyd Jr. This major undertaking requires considerable dedication on the part of international scholars, substantial funding (more financial support is needed), and the interest and commitment of the publisher, Fortress Press. Two volumes are in print, with Creation and Fall due out in November 1997, to be followed by Sanctorum Communio

Part of the problem in understanding Bonhoeffer has always been that interpretations often depend on which of his works are read first. (How different a picture one has if one starts with Cost of Discipleship rather than Letters and Papers from Prison.) The fact that the popular classic Life Together and the little-known Act and Being are the first to be published symbolizes the value of the new translation project. Act and Being, like his dissertation Sanctorum Communio, is fundamental to any attempt to appreciate Bonhoeffer’s thought within the context of theological and philosophical debate. Life Together, on the other hand, is a reminder of Bonhoeffer’s lifelong concern for Christian community. It has rightly become a classic.

Bonhoeffer’s writings are notoriously difficult to translate into English, and doubly so when he engages in dense philosophical discussion as in Act and Being. When this is compounded by manuscripts that are sometimes problematic, it is not surprising that previous translations of his works, including some of his best known in English, have been faulty. The new German text, however, provides the basis for more reliable English translations, and every effort is being made to ensure that these are consistent, readable, accurate and inclusive—without hiding Bonhoeffer’s own patriarchalism. The new translation of Act and Being is remarkably clear, and the introduction, afterword and notes help the reader to grasp the complex argument. The new translation of Life Together has a freshness which makes it worth reading again. The problem with this book is that it does not fit into many of our preconceived notions about Christian community. Instead of allowing it to speak to us, we too often try to force it into our frame of reference. The new edition will help us better understand its challenge and locate it within Bonhoeffer’s legacy as a whole.

Much of Bonhoeffer’s writing was not published in book form but in papers, essays, addresses, poetry and correspondence. Some of this material was previously translated and published in English (such as Edwin Robertson’s early collections, beginning with No Rusty Swords, and Geffrey B. Kelly and F. Burton Nelson’s excellent Testament to Freedom). Yet none of these collections is complete. Now this material is available in fresh and comprehensive translations with critical commentary.

Perhaps nothing better illustrates the continuing interest in Bonhoeffer’s legacy than the International Bonhoeffer Congresses, held every four years since the International Bonhoeffer Society was launched in Kaiserswerth, Germany, in 1972. Subsequent congresses have been held in Geneva, Oxford, East Berlin, Amsterdam, New York and Cape Town, while plans for a Berlin congress in the year 2000 are already under way

More than 200 people came to the Seventh International Congress in Cape Town last year. Regular participants have always included Germans and North Americans, but there was also a significant representation from Japan, Korea, Australia,. Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and South Africa. It was also notable for the diversity of European participation. I am not aware of any other theologian, ancient or modern, who has attracted quite the same worldwide attention on such a regular basis.

Participants ranged from interested laypeople to professors of theology who have been at the forefront of Bonhoeffer studies. Papers presented reflect this diversity and demonstrate the extent to which Bonhoeffer’s legacy is seen to relate to contemporary issues. Perhaps this is a reflection of the polyphonic character of Bonhoeffer’s own interests, another clue to his continuing attraction.

Holding the congress in postapartheid South Africa was indicative of Bonhoeffer’s significance in the Third World. Bonhoeffer has probably had more influence in South Africa on liberation and contextual theologies than any other European theologian in the 20th century. True, his contribution to theological existence and witness in South Africa and Latin America has been more in the arena of struggle than in academic study, but any dichotomy between theological reflection and praxis is inappropriate if we take his legacy seriously. Perhaps that is why his legacy is more important in the Third World than in countries where theology and praxis have been kept in separate compartments.

In many respects Bonhoeffer’s main contribution in South Africa has been his challenge to those of us there who are socially privileged and academically trained, as he was, and therefore numbered among an elite minority—even if we have sought to be in solidarity with those who struggled for liberation and attempted to identify with the victims of apartheid.

Several major themes in Bonhoeffer’s legacy have been of particular importance in South Africa, and help explain Bonhoeffer’s abiding significance. Bonhoeffer’s role in the German Kirchenkampf and his insistence on "confessing Christ concretely here and now" were particularly helpful in the church struggle against apartheid as a false gospel and heresy. But what does it mean to confess Christ concretely in the new South Africa with its strong emphasis on religious pluralism and a democratic reluctance to espouse religious absolutes in the political arena?

If Bonhoeffer’s Cost of Discipleship spoke to us clearly during the years of struggle, so his understanding of "Christ in a world come of age" (cryptically yet forcefully expressed in the prison letters) provides us with some clues for what it means to be faithful in our confession within a secular state. As he put it, we have to learn what it means to be a "church for others" in a multifaith and culturally diverse context beyond the privileges that were accorded us within the Constantinian framework of colonial and apartheid society. Within such a context Bonhoeffer’s fragmentary thoughts on the internal life of the church, the "discipline of the secret," and the connection he made between prayer and righteous action are particularly relevant.

Bonhoeffer’s dramatic metaphor about "putting a spoke in the wheel" of the Nazi state (from his 1933 essay on the "Jewish Question") was often quoted by Christians engaged in the antiapartheid struggle. A burning question now is how such prophetic praxis should function within a democratic society. Is the path of "critical solidarity," which was supported by some of those influenced by Bonhoeffer in the former East Germany, an appropriate path to follow? This is a hotly debated issue.

A clue to reworking prophetic theology lies, I believe, in Bonhoeffer’s hermeneutical conviction, expressed shortly before his imprisonment, that we have "to learn to see things from below." The democratic changes in South Africa have been dramatic, but the plight of the poor, the homeless and the disadvantaged remains a frightful reality. How we deal with these problems will determine both the future of our society and the prophetic relevance of the church. At the same time, Bonhoeffer also addresses his challenge to the new elites of our society, those who were powerless but are now powerful, those who were in solidarity with the poor but are now numbered among the rich. And Bonhoeffer’s insights into a nation’s need to deal with its past through confessing its guilt are appropriate for the role of the church in relation to the work of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

There can be little doubt that Bonhoeffer’s legacy has had a major impact on Christianity since his martyrdom 50 years ago. But is he still of significance for us today? Bonhoeffer expected that the world he knew would change in fundamental ways, yet he could not have foreseen the extent of those changes and the crises and challenges which would accompany them. Is an interest in Bonhoeffer anything more than nostalgic loyalty to a remarkable person? Are we not trying to read in to his legacy something inappropriate?

At the outset of the Cape Town Congress, C. F. Beyers Naudé, doyen of church leaders in the struggle against apartheid, reminded us that Bonhoeffer would not have wanted us to ask about his relevance, but about the significance of Jesus Christ. The question he asked himself, his students and his readers is the same today: "Who is Jesus Christ for us today?" Only as Bonhoeffer helps us to answer that question, Naudé insisted, does his theology remain of any use for the task of Christian witness and theology. That question has become problematic for many. Is it the right question to be asking in our multi-faith world? Is Bonhoeffer’s depiction of Jesus as the "man for others" helpful any longer? Would he himself have continued to use it or any of the other striking formulations with which he is now identified?

I believe that Bonhoeffer’s question about Jesus Christ remains the fundamental issue for Christian theology. But how would he approach that question now? If we take his own development seriously, we can assume that he would want to be in critical continuity with Christian tradition. I doubt, that he would reject the "negative" Christology of the patristic period, or Luther’s "theology of the cross." At the same time he would not simply repeat past theological formulas. His answer would have a contemporary freshness and relevance. He would utter the word of God "in a new language, perhaps quite nonreligious, but liberating and redeeming—as was Jesus’ language" (Letters and Papers from Prison).

The relevance of Bonhoeffer’s theology is unlikely to diminish. Even if some of his comments now strike us as problematic and often embarrassingly patriarchal, he continues to have an uncanny way of relating to "the Other," often surprising us with new insights. Many Christians find Bonhoeffer’s witness helpful in their own struggles against racism and poverty, or in efforts to engage in Jewish-Christian dialogue, especially about the Holocaust. The surprising, often risky elements of both action and thought in a life profoundly marked by consistency of faith and hope keep interest in Bonhoeffer alive.

Of course, much of contemporary and contextual concern lies beyond the parameters of Bonhoeffer’s legacy. Those who turn to Bonhoeffer for all the answers will be disappointed. But time and again his approach to doing theology suggests the way forward. Those who explore his writings will usually find some clue which provides a way of grappling with the issues. In this sense, it is fortunate that Bonhoeffer never completed his theological work in any systematic way. It remains open-ended, thereby inviting us to participate in an ongoing task of action and reflection.

An Argument for Christian Ecofeminism

BOOK REVIEW: Gaia and God: An Ecofeminist Theology of Earth Healing.By Rosemary Radford Ruether, HarperCollins, 310 pp., $22.00

The field of ecological ethics is fast becoming a morass of positions among which only specialists distinguish: creation spirituality, deep ecofeminism and the animal rights movement. Thus the title of Rosemary Radford Ruether’s latest volume is apt to put off both insiders, who may assume that they know the contents without reading the book, and untutored readers. The book is neither a rehearsal of obscure definitions nor a stump speech nor an ethic. Despite her commitment to "earth healing" (a healed relationship between men and women, between classes, between nations and between humans and the earth) and her suggestions of means to that end, the most important word of the title—and the project at the front of Ruether’s mind—is theology. She takes a hard, theologically inspired look at Ecofeminist assumptions (that male domination of women and male domination of nature are interconnected), and offers an equally stringent Ecofeminist critique of the Christian theological tradition.

Ruether’s many interests—liberation in general, ecumenical relations, liturgy, racism, language, ethics, history, Christology, sexism—have been evident in such earlier works as New Woman/New Earth (1975), but in Gaia and God the connections are worked out systematically. Sin, defined as wrong relationship among human beings and between them and the rest of nature, fosters not just economic and political injustice, not just racism and sexism, but the destruction of the entire created order. Therefore attempts to reconcile and transform human relationships cannot succeed unless human attitudes of domination over nonhuman creation are uprooted as well.

Ruether holds her theology accountable to an impressive number of disciplines. She begins with an analysis of three Western creation stories—Genesis, the Enuma Elish and Plato’s Timeaus—and argues that the early Christian effort to synthesize these accounts has bequeathed to us two unmanageable assumptions: that nature was originally paradisiacal and benign for human beings, and that human mortality is the product of human sin. She follows this account with scientific versions of the creation story, drawing from them a sense of the profound interdependence of atmospheric, aquatic and organic systems. This juxtaposition of religious and scientific accounts is repeated in a discussion of narratives of world destruction. Western apocalypticism, she argues, projects all evil onto one group, and hails death and destruction as the harbinger of the kingdom of God. This analysis is paired with highly quantitative accounts of the various links between population growth; hunger and poverty; pollution and atmospheric change; the extinction of species; and the effects of militarism. Ruether warns that the ecosystem can no longer absorb and recover from relentless human abuse; its destruction is not the prelude to its salvation.

Next comes an insightful critique of Christian theology in which Ruether argues that sin—the misuse of freedom in the distortion of relationships—must be distinguished from finitude, the good and created condition of human life. This sets up what is probably her most controversial chapter. Unlike many ecological ethicists and post-Christian feminists, she insists that humans did not originally live lightly on the earth in harmonious, paradisiacal groups. Further, the matricentric structure usually attributed to these rhythic societies is inherently unstable and, in fact, contains the seeds of patriarchy; it would thus be dangerous to reinstitute that structure uncritically. After exploring the development of structures of domination in Western societies, she concludes that undoing these structures requires re-establishing more manageable units of local control, ensuring just relations and the just distribution of life’s necessities, and converting a culture of competition and domination into one of compassionate solidarity. In her final section she examines two strands of Christian spirituality—covenant and sacrament—which can support these changes.

Ruether concludes with some general suggestions, ranging from the spiritual to the pedestrian, for beginning the process of earth healing. Her vagueness, although frustrating, is consistent with her emphasis upon conversion as the prerequisite for concrete, local solutions: "Only by understanding how the web of life works can we also learn to sustain it rather than destroy it. This is not simply a task of intellectual understanding, but of metanoia, in the fullest sense of the word: of conversion of our spirit and culture, of our technology and social relations, so that the human species exists within nature in a life-sustaining way."

This compressed version of the book shortchanges its bold theological elements. To begin with, Ruether makes connections between ecofeminism and other ecological spiritualities and ethics. She concurs with the ecofeminists in correlating the mental and mythical misadventures of Western thought with misogynism and destruction of the global ecosystem. Patriarchal patterns are responsible for ecological destruction, and any approach which presumes to correct one without acknowledging its profound connection to the other is doomed to fail.

Ruether attends to both Ecofeminist and deep ecologist solutions. ("Deep ecology" goes beyond ecology to explore the symbolic, psychological and ethical patterns of humans’ destructive relations with nature.) Deep ecologists want to counter Western culture’s anthropocentrism—its tendency to place humanity at the center of the universe and to reduce the nonhuman world to an instrument for human ends—with a theory of an expanded self which calls for identification with the nonhuman world. As Lois Daly has noted, some ecofeminists, while suspicious that such self-expansion perpetuates the patriarchal tendency to reduce others to tools of self-realization, still accept the patriarchal identification of man with controlling reason and transcendent deity, and of woman with physical nature and the immanent earth goddess. They simply reverse the hierarchy.

Ruether takes both Ecofeminist and deep ecologist criticism of Christian thought with utmost seriousness, acknowledging and describing Christianity’s historic culpability for many unjust, world-destroying practices and attitudes. In the process she discovers contradictions—like the tendency to regard finitude as sin and death as evil—which have both hobbled Christian theological reflection and encouraged Christians to pursue ultimately sinful and destructive relationships with one another and their surroundings. But here the resemblance between Ruether and the others ends. For many ecofeminists and deep ecologists, such a critique of Christianity is a prelude to its rejection; it is a signal to create new religious systems, opt for non-Western ones, or return to the beliefs and practices of an era preceding the fall of Western civilization into a world- and woman-denying dualism.

Ruether refuses to allow post-Christian visions the last word. In particular, she rejects the argument that women’s experiences and relationships infallibly refute the patriarchal tradition. No alternative to patriarchy lies dormant in women, waiting to be unleashed. Both women and men require transformation. Gaia and God continues Ruether’s pattern of critical reverence for the Christian tradition: she bets that Christianity, while not inherently superior to other religious traditions, contains fragments that can, in concert with new insights, subvert and transform Christianity’s patriarchal theologies and practices.

Ingrained in Ruether’s argument are solutions to two problems which have long plagued not only ecological ethics but feminist thought and Roman Catholic natural law ethics. First, there is the tension between Western notions of human reason—nature-controlling, deductive and scientific—and a more embodied, feeling, experiential approach which draws on biological and psychological processes. If the rationalist approach is the cause of the environmental crisis, should it be discarded in favor of the second? If not, how can the two coexist? Second, environmental ethicists have trouble balancing the needs of an interdependent system against the rights of its individual elements. This difficulty also dogs feminist and natural law thinkers. Ruether’s solutions to these problems evoke natural law understandings of nature and reason, and of the common good. The connections are implicit, not explicit—she neither employs standard natural law terms nor accepts the tradition uncritically—but they are profound reminders of the Catholic roots of her thought.

The most familiar example of the first problem mentioned above is probably the natural law tradition’s struggle over nature and reason. The writings of Thomas Aquinas and the authors who inspired and succeeded him are ambiguous on the question: Are human beings to be defined by the characteristics which they share with other creatures or by the features which set them apart? Does biological givenness (the law of nature) dictate the structure of human action, or does the equally God-given human ability to reason (confusingly called "natural law" by Aquinas and Roman Catholic tradition) direct human beings to establish sometimes quite novel goals and discern new ways of achieving them?

Feminists, despite a general agreement that both biological and rational nature are to some degree socially constructed, often feel compelled to take sides: either human nature is biological and driven by the laws of nature, or nature is rational and driven by the laws of reason. Many have argued for the second option: nature, or createdness, is a limitation to be overcome. For these feminists, reliance on nature is code language for women’s subjugation. Whenever women’s capacity to bear and nurse children has been recognized as natural to them, this view has been used to derive a moral prescription for womanhood. These feminists would emphasize women’s common human characteristics of rationality and transcendence of nature. Advocates of women’s suffrage and women’s ordination fall into this camp, as do Beverly Wildung Harrison (in some of her work), Shulamith Firestone and others who argue not just for the transcendence of gender roles but for technological and social means of neutralizing sexual difference.

Yet the choice is not so obvious. For other feminists, including ecofeminists, reason is the enemy. They argue that deductive, scientific rationality is a product of the male, body-denying mind. The Christian erasure of gender distinctions in Christ generally implies, they argue, the assimilation of women to masculinity, the shedding of female forms of bodiliness and attachment. As a result, women’s natural, healthy, earthy moral sensibility is discredited and women’s proverbial "irrationality" dooms them to continued subjugation. Rather than sweeping women’s peculiar moral perspective—which is intimately tied to their reproductive capacity—under the rug, these feminists celebrate it as an equally valid or even superior kind of rationality. Natural law thinkers, too, take this position at times: the special structures of the body not only indicate their appropriate use but dispose people to act in particular ways. Women, for instance, are thought of as "naturally" nurturant. Feminist adherents of this position include Susan Griffin, Mary Daly and Naomi Goldenberg.

Ruether resists both extremes by showing the dilemma to be false. Human nature—which means, minimally, the body and its needs and limitations—shapes human reason and reason shapes what we take to be human nature. This much feminists have already shown. Ruether’s argument is more radical. Biological nature gains a normative foothold in her thought, but for a new reason. Human parallels to animal instincts (to eat, procreate, etc.) do not exhaust the information which nature provides to moral reason. Rather, ethics must arise from the sophisticated comprehension of how all of nature works. We must understand not only the apparent conditions of human flourishing but also the conditions of global flourishing (on which human well-being depends). Nature does establish limits which cannot be transgressed: "the laws of Gaia, which regulate what kinds of changes in ‘nature’ are sustainable in the life system of which we are an inextricable part." These limits are morally binding not because they are tests of obedience to a dictatorial God or because they are encoded in our bodies, but because they convey truths about global flourishing. If we do not observe these limits, the global ecology upon which we depend for life will suffer. Yet to understand these "natural" systems and to decide how to transform or conform to them requires peculiarly human reason. Moral reason is of nature, in the most inclusive and interdependent sense of the word "nature." Ruether has thus made important progress toward solving the nature-versus-reason dilemma in ecofeminism, and, if she is heard, in natural law thought as well.

Ecological and feminist thought has also been troubled by the tension between the good of the individual and that of the interdependent system. This tension shows up in discussions of animal rights, species rights and abortion, for example. As in the previous discussion, natural law offers an illustration. The common good is a social, relational good. Security, prosperity, health and culture can be had only through human cooperation in a smoothly functioning, interdependent social order. As it is understood in this century, the common good can be achieved only through a delicate balance of foresight, self-sacrifice, self-actualization and justice. It requires that all be permitted to contribute their gifts to the common enterprise, but that all balance their wants against the needs of the whole. Demanding too much for oneself harms the common good; demanding so little that one lacks the strength, freedom or education to make one’s full contribution compromises the common enterprise as well. The meeting of basic human needs has increasingly been recognized as both a universal prerequisite of individual contribution to the common good and a basic human right. A just provision of the basic requirements for life is now an explicit element of the doctrine.

Feminists have rightly been wary, however, of the common-good tradition’s harsh edge: its ingrained hierarchalism and paternalism. Some few, wise, privileged males have made decisions while others quietly have contributed their particular God-given talents to the social and economic whole, but have had very little power to change it or to alter their assigned roles. This hierarchical vision relegated the nonhuman to the bottom of the organizational pyramid: it was the "stuff’ which humans employed in their pursuit of the common, human good. The result of this sort of anthropocentrism, as Ruether and ecological writers note, is a tendency for human beings—like any species—to "maximize [their] own existence and hence to proliferate in a cancerous way that destroys [their] own biotic support." The traditional interpretation of the common good, in other words, fatally undermines itself by underestimating both the interdependence of human and global well-being and the claim of nonhuman life upon the common good.

But again, rather than throwing away the apple, Ruether cuts out the bruise and makes a pie: the true common good is not, as the natural law tradition claimed, the good of human interrelationship but of global—even cosmic—cooperation. The nonhuman world is not a tool; it is part of the community that contributes to and benefits from the common good. Its ability to make that contribution must be preserved and respected. The result is an expanded vision of the common good which both respects humans’ differences from other creatures and forbids humans to "pull rank" over them. Like John Cobb, Ruether argues that humans’ special ability to view the whole web of life grants them profound responsibilities for other creatures but no privileges over them.

Now that the seemingly inexhaustible earth has grown small, Ruether tells us, this interdependence is especially evident. Moral rules and concepts are authoritative because they are true in a very literal sense. If we keep the covenant—preserve the global common good—we will flourish; if we do not, we and the world will perish.

Ruether’s suggestions for advancing this larger common good are many: eat less meat; design towns and cities in which residences, jobs and necessary goods and services are within walking distance; develop self-sufficient regional industries and agriculture; and abandon patriarchy and become committed to earth healing. Her prescriptions are important and powerfully presented. They are also not unique. Moreover, the impressive breadth of Ruether’s argument makes her susceptible to criticism from a variety of quarters: biblical scholars may disagree with her interpretation of Paul; environmental scientists, with her figures on atmospheric carbon dioxide content; and agricultural and nutritional experts, with her recipe for relying on consumption of seasonal, locally produced foods.

Though Ruether’s Christian ecofeminism may stand on shifting ground and yield no new strategies, this book presents her theology at its most ambitious. She makes an urgent and convincing case for extending the liberation paradigm to all creation, and proves that in the proper hands the movement for earth renewal is not a threat to genuine Christianity but a comprehensive tool for a necessary overhaul of Western theology.

Liberal Questions: A Response to William Placher

William Placher's reply to my inquiries about "postliberal" theology (April 7) is necessarily brief, and this response to him must be briefer than desirable. I think, however, that it is important for this discussion to take place. The "Troeltschian" questions that I have raised—about historical and cultural relativity, about the relation of Christianity to other faiths, and about the relation of Christianity to the methods and findings of modern science—are not foreign to pastors and members of their congregations. Straightforward discussion of them will make some pastors and parishioners very uncomfortable, but others will be relieved to have their ponderings explicitly addressed. I will follow the order of Placher’s reply.

Placher missed what I asked for in seeking a definition of postliberal theology; a genealogy of any movement, theological, political or scientific, does not define it. Such an account, however, does show a particular social location of its inception, at Yale—a place where I taught for 17 years. And Placher specifies some of the authors his generation of graduate students at Yale were moved by their mentors to go beyond. Yet the three Americans named—Schubert Ogden, Gordon Kaufman and David Tracy—if they constitute "the center of mainline academic theology," form an exceedingly broad center, since each approaches theological issues from very different perspectives and comes out with very different systematic positions. The warrant for naming them together, I think, would be that each faces Christian theology with the kind of Troeltschian interpretation of the intellectual and cultural issues that I am suggesting Christians (not confined to theologians) confront in our time. And perhaps one warrant for moving more to narrative theology is that it frees Christians from having to confront the three principal questions I’m raising. Narrative theology can provide relief from these questions by limiting the intellectual and social context within which theologians and pastors can think about what they are saying and doing.

Placher’s qualification, "we inevitably bring.. . assumptions" to a reading of the biblical narrative, despite efforts to avoid starting with a cultural framework, is worth underscoring and applying to the positions of postliberals themselves. Narrative theology, like the wider preference for narrative in scholarly studies, simply begins with a different cultural and philosophical framework than does, for example, Troeltsch.

A different account of Placher’s puzzle over liberalism’s identity in the 1990s is possible, but that would be a digression. It may be helpful to note, however, that an account of the perceptions and interpretations of the cultural context of theology and church life is as important as a description of a current trend in some graduate schools. Liberation theology was de rigueur in many seminaries and denominational headquarters not long ago; an accurate analysis of its diminished visibility and audibility would have to be very multidimensional. So, I think, would any analysis of the apparent effectiveness of postliberal theology and many things similar to it.

Placher’s answer in (1b) to the question about whether God chose to reveal Godself in a unique way in Jesus is as straightforward as anyone could ask for. I can only speculate about how persons who answer so honestly might also go on to say, "Yes, and. . ." or "Yes, but. . ." What are the implications of the "yes" for practical as well as intellectual relations to Jews, Muslims, Buddhists, persons with a powerful sense of divinity who are not in Christian congregations, and others? What inferences are such persons to draw from the "yes" with reference to their religious traditions and life outlooks? Does the "yes" indicate that all others are in error, and that, like the old Roman Catholic teaching, error has to be tolerated because not to do so would affect the common good? Does it mean that the television evangelists—which the old sociologist of religion in me observes—are correct in informing me that if I do not believe that "yes," I am condemned to the fires of Hades?

My guess is that most postliberals do not wish to be confrontational in ways these questions indicate; they do get along with Jews, Muslims and others, and with persons with natural piety. Does the capacity to do so indicate honestly that the religious error of saying "no" is tolerated? Or that one affirms the "yes," but it really does not make that much difference? Or, if my surmise that postliberal Christians are not confrontational is accurate, does that suggest that maybe the "yes" should go on, "yes, but...".

Placher's answer to my question about the relative truth or falsity of religious claims touches upon my comment that current forms of epistemological relativism provide a justification for affirming the truth of beliefs without worrying about whether they are true for more than those who affirm them. This is an important matter both within the boundaries of postliberal—or any other kind of—theology, as well as across the boundaries of theology and other intellectual endeavors which interpret the same phenomena that theology interprets, but in radically different ways. Placher chooses to answer the question more in the latter context than the former. I would like postliberals to address the issues among themselves, and then reflect upon their answers for the wider context.

If all who might call themselves postliberal do not agree on some things (Placher indicates he has some disagreements with Martin Copenhaver and Anthony Robinson), how do they go about deciding which is the most adequate opinion? Placher counsels that we should start with what we can agree to. But something about narrative theology (and narrative in other disciplines as well) that has inhibited its lure is how its proponents decide which narrative is preferable even within the larger whole they generally agree upon—biblical narrative. (In the context of a pedagogical endeavor I recently argued the plausibility of John Howard Yoder’s account of the New Testament narrative of Jesus’ life and teachings, but my narrative-sensitive audience contended that Yoder got the story all wrong.) There have to be criteria for at least plausibility, if not truth claims, to settle differences among postliberal (and any other "school" of) theologians.

Regarding the question (2) about other religions, Placher cites the writings of J. A. DiNoia. I don’t know his work, but I find the phrase "providential diversity of religions" to be interesting, and Placher’s sentence that follows—"Jesus Christ reveals and anticipates the culmination of God’s will for creation, and in that sense Christianity is uniquely right about what is most important in the ultimate purpose of things"—is worthy of some queries. Perhaps I am a skeptic. Perhaps I have studied too many books which question whether there is an ultimate purpose to things, and many which offer different interpretations of the ultimate purpose of things, and some which try figure out how one could decide these matters. Here traditional orthodox Christianity and postliberal versions are, and must be, forthrightly revelational; the "yes" in (1b) and its implications for (2) are backed by a view that what is revealed in Christ reveals the ultimate purpose of things. No evidences from human experiences (Holocaust, hurricanes, slavery) or from other interpretations (evolutionary theory and Marxism) will ever count against the revelation whatever the content of the "ultimate purpose" might be. My own consternation about this view was evoked by one particular Christian interpretation— that God created all things for the sake o f the human. But this is not the place to rehearse the many reasons why I think such a belief is wrong.

It is clear that postliberal theology and church life want to be generous to other religions and can find theological justifications for their generosity. But at the same time they want Placher’s "yes." "It may well be that God’s will is best served by some adherents of other religions pursuing their own traditions to their depths," Placher writes, But it may just as well be that such pursuit "serves God’s will" by demonstrating the limitations of Christian theology and experience. And an old historical relativist perspective reminds me that, like most Christians, my being such is an accident of history and biology just as accidents of history determine other religious traditions and who belongs to them.

Regarding (3), my question about our ability to see our daily lives absorbed by the biblical world, Placher uses anecdotes which, unfortunately, do not address the complexity of my initial inquiry about postliberal theology I agree that visions of the world which try to dictate details collapse. And every tradition or ideology or academic discipline that seeks to transmit and sustain itself over time necessarily is involved in a "cultural-linguistic" method— interpreting realities in the light of convictions. That is a sociological, not a theological, observation.

Placher writes, "But if the biblical world absorbs our world, then we will try (a) not to hold views incompatible with what we take to be its central claims, and (b) regularly to consider whether its categories might be unexpectedly helpful in understanding any aspect of our lives." The (a) part of the sentence seems to suggest that if interpretations of realities from physics to psychology, from biology to dramas cannot cohere with central claims from the Bible, then they are—what? False? Inadequate? Susceptible to having a meaning overlayed on them which irons out tensions or contradictions with the biblical? Is "the biblical world" untouched by insights and knowledge from other sources? Postliberals are liberal if they find the evangelical Protestants’ continuing battle with evolutionary theory to be wrong. And if evolutionary theory can be accommodated by calling creation accounts myths, presumably other aspects of the biblical world need to be corrected or altered in meaning when confronted by materials from more sources of knowledge than I wish to list. Or does postliberal theology invite us to lead lives of what, for decades, was called cognitive dissonance? Alas, there may be more persons in congregations who are disturbed by cognitive dissonance than theologians and pastors acknowledge.

And is there one biblical world? It seems trivial to ask that question, since differences in theology and in religious and moral outlooks and life have appealed to different "biblical worlds," beginning with the New Testament itself. But it has to be asked. (In my daily biblical readings I have been pondering passages I would like never to have to use as texts for sermons. There are many, but from recent weeks, try Psalm 58.)

Placher does not appeal to the notion that the biblical view and Christians represent a "cognitive minority" in contemporary cultural and intellectual life. Some others do, and that may be true as a sociological observation. Minorities do not, for that reason, have epistemic privileges.

Nor do Placher’s anecdotes address my interest in seeing, for example, how political, historical and ethnographic interpretations of the persistent conflicts in what we call the Middle East would be reinterpreted from the biblical view. Would such an interpretation be more accurate? With reference to what? Would it provide a better basis for resolution of conflicts? Would it simply say that the meaning of events is different when seen in the context of a biblical view? If that is the case, would a postliberal reinterpretation of a political interpretation differ, in principle, from the interpretation of Jerry Falwell?

With reference to (b) in the quotation above, I concede that the biblical view might be unexpectedly helpful in understanding aspects of our lives. But so might Gary Becker’s economic interpretation of our behavior or Melvin Konner’s bioanthropological interpretation. Special authority for the biblical view cannot be claimed on the grounds of its potential utility in understanding life; other sources of potential utility can make the same claim. Something more has to be affirmed, namely, that what one understands from the biblical view is deeper or truer. And, again, what are the criteria for evaluation?

On this point, as throughout his response, Placher is duly modest, as we all have to be. He wants to find out how much the biblical world can absorb—which entrails, I should think, determining what it cannot absorb and why it cannot, and judging whether what it cannot absorb is sufficiently reliable as to require discarding something biblical.

Placher’s response in (3b) to the question about God’s intervention in the world should be more complicated than he makes it. My question was not whether God is always acting in the world, but whether God intervenes in particular ways to answer the particular petitions of Christians for particular outcomes. To say that God is always acting in the world is like saying that God is always ordering the world. Neither claim, at that level of generality, helps one judge whether particular "actions" of God are intentional agential responses to particular petitions. Placher’s anecdote is susceptible, as he would readily acknowledge, to other interpretations and explanations than he gives. To take recourse to "some relations of a sort unknown to me between my praying and what happened" is to admit agnosticism.

I hoped that my initial question would lead to both theological and religious reflection on whether the Deity is more an impersonal power ordering all things or an intentional agent, active like human agents are. This was one of Troeltsch’s concerns in the face of scientific accounts of events as they were understood in his time. My concern is not only with grand cosmological interpretations of how the universe came to be and what it is likely to become, nor only with sociobiological interpretations of the basis of morals and religions, but also with more particular biochemical genetic research and neurosciences. Barth and others would say that such knowledge is about phenomenal man, and not the real human. And the question is not whether, for example, in the neurological processes and structures there is evidence for God. It is whether such accounts, revisable as they are, require changes in traditional theological interpretations of human "nature" and activity. Placher’s Sam, one might suggest, died of inexorable physiological causes written into the impersonal ordering of nature, ultimately by the Deity.

(4) gets at one of the wonderings which provoked my questions: Is there a right flank to postliberal theology, relative to evangelical Protestantism and other quite conservative theological and religious movements? He speaks for himself, as he does throughout his response, and I find his personal pauses to be helpful. His points are probably acceptable to persons who would consider themselves "liberal" Christians rather than postliberal.

I appreciate that Placher accepted the editors’ invitation to respond to my queries. Both he and I could say much more, press each other for more precision, and do so with mutual respect. My concerns are not only about academic theology and academic theological ethics. They are about the church, ministers and members of congregations. To be sure, the world I inhabited for decades led me to develop most of my closest personal and professional relationships with secularized persons and with faithful adherents of other religious traditions. Academics and intellectuals are members of "the real world," though not the only ones.

I cannot provide numbers, but I am convinced that there are Christians in churches, clergy and others, who would appreciate forthright discussions of answers to my Troeltschian questions. Surely, among various reasons people have left churches or are not joining them is the fact that matters I have raised, and William Placher has responded to, are not openly addressed. That is the point of my conjecture that Christians’ first language, the language used to interpret daily events of many different orders of magnitude, is not biblical. That was the point behind a previous submission of mine to this journal, "Don’t exaggerate!" (Oct. 29, 1997).

In times when other forces determine the interpretations of events, nature, human life and what have you, more than religious ones do, it is, in my view, a temptation to find philosophical, theological and ethical positions that can disengage Christians from intentional interactions with alternatives. Faithfulness to what gives distinctive identity to the religious community becomes the celebrated norm, rather than openness to participation in the intersections of religious and theological outlooks with other outlooks on the same realities that religion and theology address.

No one inhabits only one frame of reference, one community of interpretation, in our society and culture. Religious outlooks do not have epistemic privileges in the intersections. The modern world that Troeltsch construed as the context in which religious life and thought existed a hundred years ago (and Schleiermacher a hundred years before that) is still with us, and more complex than it was then. Theologians, pastors and other Christians have to confront it and respond, even if that makes them despised "liberals."

Just What Is ‘Postliberal Theology?

Reading a recent issue of the Christian Century finally provoked me to register a concern raised by other reviews and articles over many months. It would help me a great deal if the editors and writers would delineate, if not define, the "liberal" we are "post" (see especially "The making of a postliberal," by Anthony Robinson and Martin Copenhaver, October 14, 1998). On the basis of my reading I gather that the word "liberal" has now come to stand for whatever it is that various current authors wish to define themselves against. In midcentury "liberal theology" was what "neo-orthodoxy;" as it was called then, was against. Now, some authors who were earlier classed as "neo-orthodox" are sometimes cited as "liberal Protestants."

Some placement of the position claimed by postliberals would help clarify things. Since postliberal theology seems most interested in defining itself against what one could call its left flank, it might be useful to learn whether it has a right flank against which it would also like to defend and define itself. How "orthodox" does postliberal theology want to be? How biblicistic does it want to be? Is postliberal theology the same as (another. big term) Protestant evangelical theology? If it is not, how does it differ?

But, for the moment at least, postliberals are more concerned with the place they claim to have abandoned than they are with the place they may be headed. Unfortunately, concern does not always translate into c1arity~ and the impressions that postliberals convey about what they have left behind are frequently less than satisfying. So what are the "liberal" forms of Christianity that now are "post"? Is there any consensus about the answer to this question among those who apply the label "postliberal" to others or use it to classify themselves? Who are the "liberal" theologians that now reside on the wrong side of the "post," and why are they called "liberal" rather than something else?

In my retirement I have been rereading a lot of Ernst Troeltsch, partly to commemorate my first study of his work under James Luther Adams 50 years ago. In my reflections about his and others’ works, it seems to me there are three questions that "postliberal" theologians and pastors need to answer clearly.

The big one is also Troeltsch’s main concern: Christianity’s relations to particular historical and cultural contexts at the time of its origins and in the course of its development through the centuries. It is very easy in the "postmodern" (another loose term) period we are passing through to accept a radical historical relativism that qualifies all claims to truth. Indeed, historical relativism can be invoked as a solution to Christianity’s truth claims rather than being seen, as was the case for Troeltsch and some of us, as a major challenge to them. But if a philosophical justification is made for "postliberal" Christianity on the ground of historical relativism, are its proponents ready to accept the implications of that paradoxically universal claim—that is, that there are no ways to grade the better or worse, if not the truth or falsity, of historically relative claims? That there are no ways to judge that one version of "postliberal" theology is better than another version?

Pastors and theologians might find the radical historical particularity of their current religious interests to be satisfying and even marketable. They and others want a particular identity defining the church or Christian beliefs over against whatever they choose to call the other—in the past it used to be called the "world." Certainly concern for the particular identity of Christianity was one of the poles that Troeltsch and those of us influenced by him have to be concerned about. But why is Christianity’s particularity a concern? For sociological and/or psychological reasons? Or are "postliberal" theologians ready to make a stronger historical claim, for example, that God chose to reveal Godself in a unique and exclusive way in a single historical event, Jesus Christ? If they do not make that claim, they can be called "liberal" theologians in the eyes of most "orthodoxies." If they do make that claim, they are "orthodox" and should say so forthrightly. In my opinion Barth was straightforward: it was clear that he was claiming the universal significance of a unique particular historical event because God chose to be revealed in it.

The second question follows from the first: What are the implications of "postliberal" views of Christianity for the unavoidable consciousness of radical religious pluralism, not to mention the plurality of various functional equivalents to religions? Karl Rahner’s idea of "anonymous Christians" was one answer to that question, backed by a complex philosophical and Christian theology. And if "postliberal" Christians accept Rahner’s main point about religious pluralism, even if they reject his terms and theological defense of it, can they still be so comfortable about their satisfaction with Christian particularity? If they do not accept something like Rahner’s view, do they not have to proclaim the "superiority" of Christianity in relation to Judaism, Islam and other non-Christian religions? Troeltsch attempted such a claim—in ways that I strongly reject. If "postliberals" do not want to make that claim, they are certainly "liberal" in the eyes of many orthodoxies.

The third question is about how "postliberal"Christians relate the very reliable findings of various modern sciences to their theologies or religious practices and convictions. There are many dimensions to this question, and I can only be illustrative.

Since first reading George Lindbeck's The Nature of the Doctrine, which has become a defining work for many who call themselves "postliberal," I have been struck by the penultimate sentence in which he commends "the ancient practice of absorbing the universe into the biblical world." I will remark on only two implications of this statement. One is practical. While it would take an empirical study to solve the issue, my hypothesis is that most persons in our culture--liberal, postliberal or what have you—interpret their experiences and "the universe" primarily in terms that are neither biblical nor theological. Various nonreligious interpretations of anxiety inform the lives of many people. Similarly, many people turn to a variety of nonbiblical interpretations to understand experiences of natural and moral evils.

In light of these interpretations, the practical theology of "postliberal" Christianity has to do one of two things: either a) show the falsity or at least inadequacy of nonbiblical explanations and interpretations of events or b) become explicit about the relationships between the biblical theological interpretations of the events to those which are not explicitly biblical. My hypothesis is that very few "postliberal": pastors, theologians, or laypeople use biblical symbols, analogies, metaphors or explanations as their first order of discourse in dealing with life in society, history or nature. If these persons concur in this hypothesis, a daunting pastoral and theological task has to be faced: and interpretation of life on an agential, personal, interpretation of God, they must (to return to previous themes) defend the unique particularity, adequacy and universality of biblical "revelation."

Practical implications, of course, attend such a defense of biblical revelation. For many of those who adhere to such a view of what the Bible reveals—especially the revelation of the Deity as a loving person—particular interventions by God into events, from hurricanes to headaches, are warranted expectations of answers to prayers. Now, if "postliberal" Christians wish to qualify some of the reasonable inferences that can be drawn from very traditional views of divine personhood and activity, they are probably liberal in the eyes of many orthodoxies. If they do not wish to make such qualifications, can they claim to be differentiated from the virtually magical expectations of divine interventions that one hears proclaimed by television evangelists and in "joys and concerns" expressed in Sunday services? If they do claim such a differentiation, on what grounds?

The wider issue is the scope of the context within which Christian life and thought are to be seen, interpreted and understood. Again, Troeltsch’s concerns were on the mark. He was concerned with how Christianity would cope with ‘modernity," which meant coping with historical relativism, religious pluralism and the sciences. Whatever "postliberal" Christianity is, it has to face the realities not only of "modernity" but also of "postmodernity," and it needs to define itself against a right flank as well as a left.

"Postliberal" Christian thought and religious life might be simply an avoidance of the questions, not answers to them, that a Troeltschian "liberal" Christianity asked. But then, how does its agenda differ from very traditional, very orthodox or Protestant evangelical views of the Christian faith? Those questions are still with us. If one wants only to avoid them, and not answer them, please -- editors and authors in the Christian Century -- be straightforward about that.

Scientific Dreamers and Religious Speculation

A genre of writing that fascinates some scholars and clergy consists of books and articles written by scientists who, venturing beyond what can be securely proved, present larger visions of the cosmos, life, the beginning and the end of all things, and the place of the human in the grand narrative. Scientists who write works of this kind arrive at their larger visions in different ways. These visions may be necessary conclusions from scientific work or extrapolations from it; or they may result from inserting other sources of meaning into scientific findings; or they may be the product of a sometimes unacknowledged assumption at work in the background of the scientists’ investigations.

However generated, these visions can display significantly different orientations. Biochemist Jacques Monod’s Chance and Necessity, for example, leaves the reader with a dark existentialist ending in a universe totally indifferent to the human. Physicist Freeman Dyson in Infinite in All Directions, partly in deliberate reaction to Monod, describes a cosmic optimism, an eschatology of hope for life that fits a statement from Jürgen Moltmann’s Gifford Lectures, God in Creation: "...every realization of possibility by open systems creates openness for yet more possibilities." (Dyson reports that he was persuaded that he is theologically a Socinian through a conversation with philosopher Charles Hartshorne.)

What do theologians or pastors and laypeople make of this Scientific Wisdom Literature? What do they make of "Nova" on television, of Carl Sagan’s rhetorical powers to reinterpret the world in which humans live? Well, different people respond differently, as they have for some time. I remember hearing Ernest Freemont Tittle, a pastor in Evanston, Illinois, quoting well-known scientists in a 1946 sermon, and assuring his congregation that science and religion are compatible. But Tittle’s openness shared the stage with, and was shoved offstage by, other positions less sympathetic to science. Theologians who believed that their task began with exegesis and sturdy confidence in God’s self-revelation in the Bible and history ignored modern science’s possible implications for theology. Such a strongly Bible-based theology might very well find the theology-like speculations of scientists idolatrous, or relevant only to the phenomenal, not the real, world.

Both of these conclusions held sway in different parts of the theological world for some time. The voices of theologians who were receptive to this genre, like Ralph Burhoe, founding editor of Zygon, a journal dedicated to the interchange between religion and science, were seldom taken as seriously by theologians as they were by scientists. For the most part, mainstream theologians dismissed the scientists who produced writings of this sort as philosophically and theologically naïve; and so they judged those theologians who took an interest in them.

In recent years, however, theologians have expressed a remarkable new interest in the sciences, while philosophers of science such as Stephen Toulmin have shown some new interest in theology. In addition, scientists such as Melvin Konner are appealing to "the sense of wonder," involving a sense of the sublime, if not of the divine, to supplement, if not correct, scientific explanations. After an intensive discussion of Erazim Kohak’s profound philosophical and religious meditation on "The Moral Sense of Nature" in The Embers and the Stars, a biophysicist and a primatologist both said, "I like that. I wish I could prove it." I, for one, take such intimations seriously as evidence of profound moral or religious sensibilities and wonder whether the church’s traditional language of theology and religious symbols thwarts not just apologetics but also the moral, spiritual and intellectual nourishment of those uncomfortable with religious institutions.

Enter Mary Midgley’s Gifford Lectures. Her book is a learned, deep and witty critique of the pretensions of scientists who extrapolate larger visions of the cosmos and of the place of humans in it. Their writings (and she says it almost like this) "create a framework of interpretation which can provide overall orientation for human life"—which is Gordon Kaufman’s view of the function of theology. Thus her dramatic title, Science as Salvation. Midgley engaged in a similar venture in Evolution as a Religion. Biologists were the object of her analysis in that book; this one includes them, but concentrates more on physicists.

Midgley, a retired philosophy professor from Newcastle, has published many provocative and insightful books in the past 15 years, combating various streams of uncritically accepted suppositions in science, ethics, philosophy and modern culture as well. Beginning with Beast and Man in 1978, her sprightly style, which does not sacrifice intellectual precision and profundity to her wit, has attracted considerable attention from readers with very different interests. She is surely one of the most readable philosophers writing today, leaving us with similes, metaphors, analogies and one-liners that make profound arguments clear.

A characteristic that pervades much of her writing is to declare a plague on the houses of both extremes when concepts and images are polarized and set in a win-lose "football match." Reasons versus feeling and desire is one such polarity, or Heart and Mind as she titles a book on a variety of moral experiences. She does not eliminate distinctions, but often sets them in a larger context that reveals how they relate variously to each other. Sometimes she summarizes a careful analysis and argument with a single memorable sentence. After discussing proposals about what single characteristic distinguishes humans (such as reason), she asks perceptively, "Why should not our excellence involve our whole nature?" (Beast and Man). In a discussion of recent disputes in ethical theory she gets to the marrow by stating that the debate is "between people who stress the autonomy of morals to avoid debasing them, and those who stress the continuity of morals with other topics in order to make them intelligible." The proper relation, she argues, is a vigorous dialectic, not a subsumption of one task into the other (Mind and Heart).

Her little book Animals and Why They Matter makes a persuasive case for distinctions among values, thus avoiding problems in extreme positions. For example, she states that "rights" is a desperate word. "It can be used in a wide sense to draw attention to problems, but not to solve them. In its moral sense, it oscillates uncontrollably between applications that are too wide to resolve conflicts (‘the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’) and ones that are too narrow to be plausible." Her Wickedness sheds more insight on evil than do many theological treatises, in part because the issues are not framed by the theological question. And Midgley is blunt; if she thinks a famous thinker is dead wrong she declares his or her writing to be "humbug."

Midgley is not hostile to religion and scores points against scientists and others who think that theology has not changed since the condemnation of Galileo. But she is candidly a nontheistic humanist. What I have termed anthropocentrism, Midgley calls "reductive humanism." Her valuations of life, her moral passion directed toward preservation of the earth and toward humane and just social policies are grounded not in a theocentric vision, but a deeply human one.

She explicates her own humanism in the essay "The Paradox of Humanism":

Humanism exists to celebrate and increase the glory of human life, undistracted by reverence for any entities outside it. But as soon as we begin to cut away those entities, valuable elements in human life itself start to go, too. The center begins to bleed. The patterns essential to human life turn out to be ones that cannot be altogether contained within it. They must, if given their full scope, lead far beyond it. To be fully human seems to involve being interested in other things as well as human ones, and sometimes more than human ones.

This kind of humanism is, for some of us, a clue to the presence of the Divine; Midgley, as she makes clear again in the last chapter of Science as Salvation, does not subscribe to that view. "Humanists who do not believe in God or a future life have been in a stronger position to insist on the urgency of making things better at once, in this [life] . . . If this is the only life that anybody has, then the fact that many people must spend it in such misery becomes more obviously and inexcusably scandalous. Salvation is needed now; it can’t be put off to some vaguely planned future state." One striking argument in this book is that the salvation offered by Freeman Dyson, John Barrow and others, as much as that offered by some traditional Christianity, can lead to a reductive humanism antithetical to Midgley’s own.

Midgley admits that theology has not focused her attention. One can believe, however, that if it did, theology would be subject to the same quality of critical analysis and wit that other literature is. Indeed, in a response to another author’s summary of Barth on creation, Midgley wrote, "This sounds to me quite simply mad, and mad for entirely traditional reasons. Where, after all, was Karl Barth when the Lord laid the foundations of the earth?"

Science as Salvation, however, is not, as many Gifford Lectures have been, a systematic statement of the author’s own convictions. It is a brief but trenchant critique of the pretensions of some influential scientific writers and some of their intellectual ancestors.

The book’s title might well attract religious and theological science-bashers. If it does, they will not be sustained; it is not a standard postmodern critique of science. For Midgley, objectivity in science has not given way totally to hermeneutics. "Radical skeptical suggestions that all our knowledge is just a social construction, not shaped by anything outside us, do not make much sense." "Science," she writes, "is important for exactly the same reason that the study of history or of language is important—because we are beings that need in general to understand the world in which we live, and our culture has chosen a way of life to which that understanding is central." Midgley draws from sophisticated feminist critiques of science as sources of insight, particularly about power, and she acknowledges that the West has placed particular confidence in science. But her analyses and arguments do not imply that traditional religion and theology can rest more comfortably with modern science.

Midgley’s main theme is that many people "believe that, on large subjects, it is always safer to be negative, to accept nothing that is not finally proved. Disbelief, as such, is then always preferable to belief, distrust to trust, skepticism to acceptance. Belief always shows weakness." To her, "that idea is doomed because it is wildly and unconsciously selective. It always involves ignoring the mass of propositions we have chosen to believe before we start disbelieving." This theme has deep affinities with H. Richard Niebuhr’s Faith on Earth: An Inquiry into the Structure of Human Faith, as well as Michael Polanyi’s description of tacit knowledge and similar writings. Midgley’s book, however, probes excessive skepticism, uncritical beliefs and unwarranted dreams in a rather dazzling array of particular scientific and philosophical writings, and in 19 brief chapters calls attention to other weaknesses as well.

She addresses so many aspects of scientific theorizing that a brief summary is not possible. To illustrate her arguments I will focus on her critiques of biologist Monod, of Barrow’s and Frank Tipler’s anthropic principle and of Dyson’s vision of a possible eternal future for life. Her analysis of each vision focuses on what happens to the understanding and value of the human. Just as a "reductive humanism" results from not interpreting and valuing the human as part of a larger interdependent whole, so also speculations about a cosmic whole impoverish its richness and value.

Monod was one of Midgley’s targets in Evolution as a Religion, and his Chance and Necessity and similar works by other authors are properly aimed at in Science as Salvation as well. The context of her interpretation of Monod here is Ilya Prigogine and Isabelle Stengers’s Order Out of Chaos. "Scientists found themselves reduced to a blind oscillation between the thunderings of ‘scientific myth’ and the silence of ‘scientific seriousness,’ between affirming the absolute and global nature of scientific truth and retreating into a conception of scientific theory as a pragmatic recipe for effective intervention in natural processes."

Midgley sees Monod as trapped in this oscillation. Monod the puritan minimalist, who shrinks science to value-free fact-finding, seems not be fully aware of the background world picture involved in that activity. Monod the maximalist mythmaker sees only chance and no purpose inherent in the order of things, and has a special concern to remove God from the picture. He uses the casino metaphor: "The universe was not pregnant with life nor the biosphere with man. Our number came up in the Monte Carlo game." (Midgley notes, by the way, that this is a gross insult to casinos, which are purposeful artifacts designed to produce a winner.) Midgley comments that this scheme relegates life to "an unfortunate series of mistakes originating from an initial mistake." Monod depicts a universe without purpose in a depersonalized way in order to achieve a kind of objectivity. Any other view is "animism," clearly something primitive and unscientific.

The universe exists because I am." This graffito, which I read in a toilet stall at Emory University, is the strongest possible formulation of the "anthropic principle," developed and defended by Barrow and Tipler in The Anthropic Cosmological Principle. Midgley summarizes the Strong Anthropic Principle this way: "If we are indeed the only observers in the universe, and if the universe is not real until it is observed, then ‘the universe must have those properties which allow life to develop within it at some time in its history.’" Barrow is aware that this theory skirts teleology and might be borrowed by theology. In trying to avoid such views he draws his arguments from physics and information theory. Humans are a type of computer; our bodies are a particular kind of hardware. The universe would not exist apart from the development of human observers, particularly physicists who can map the surprising coincidences that caused us. Midgley comments, "This claim to a standing independent of teleology seems, however, to be wish-fulfillment. The perspective would not be anthropic if it were not already teleological—if the universe did not demand these observers, and produce them because it needed them." Barrow uses the anthropic principle to develop an interpretation of the whole. Unlike Monod’s view, this approach treats humans as necessary, but reduces them to computerized entities, thus diminishing the richness and value of human life.

Midgley’s discussion of Dyson occurs at various places in her book. She admits that Dyson has religious sensibilities and that he acknowledges that his proposal for the continuation of life is speculative. I believe Dyson is more candid about this than Midgley states. In Infinite in All Directions he writes, "Looking to the future, we give up immediately any pretext of being scientifically respectable. From this point on, I make no apology for mixing science with science fiction." He also admits to "mixing knowledge and values," and thus distinguishes himself from Monod’s intention. His futuristic vision combines molecular biology, neurophysiology and space physics to foresee new combinations of biology and computer technology sending new forms of life into outer space to develop where it can and will. Midgley’s criticism of Dyson is multipronged, uncovering his use of physics, his assumptions about biology, economics and his religious and metaphysical assumptions. Space travel, she summarizes, is Dyson’s source of ultimate salvation, "but why this should be the right direction to go in remains quite obscure."

Midgley asks of all she has interpreted:

Is it plain now why I have asked you to take the trouble of examining these strange dreams? The notion they convey that our natural, earthly life can be despised is not just meaningless; it is disastrous.. . . It promotes, here and now, a distorted idea of what a human being essentially is. Its suggestion that our biosphere is merely so much waste matter and the human body, at best, a rather unsatisfactory ship in which the intellect has to sail, expresses an unrealistic, mindless exaltation of that intellect—narrowly conceived as searching for facts—and a corresponding contempt for natural feeling. . . . This remarkably high opinion of ourselves is not needed to support human life.

For Midgley it is better, indeed imperative, to concentrate on bailing out our planet; what we need from scientists is help in formulating a more realistic attitude toward the physical world in which we live.

So where do the scientific dreamers and Midgley’s cogent critique of their pretensions leave us? Monod, Barrow and Dyson, not to mention many others Midgley assesses, are not household names even to many theologians, not to mention pastors and laypeople. Their theories do not directly "create a framework of interpretation which can provide an overall orientation for human life" for most of us ordinary people. The effects of these theories do filter through popular culture, however, and science is perceived by many to be the source of salvation. Midgley’s prophetic message needs to be heard; while the sciences are highly valuable, they must be challenged when they offer soteriological myths. Her challenge is to academic culture; a more pertinent challenge for most of us is the technological impact of sciences. Renee Fox and Judith Swazey, for example, have recently noted how the drive to transplant organs from animals to humans is a Promethean effort to overcome our mortality. The costs of such heroics could be turned to what Midgley cares about, namely poverty, environmental depletion and other dehumanizing social conditions.

Do we only criticize scientists who draw inferences for the meaning and purpose of human life from their larger visions of the cosmos and our place in the grand narrative? We can call them crypto-theologians, fault them as Midgley does on the grounding of their despair or cosmic hope. But what do we do with the deeper human qualities that prompt such visions by Nobel laureates and others? Fundamental "religious" sensibilities, or at least queries, I believe, prompt these speculations. There are ways to engage these authors both empathetically and critically, and to be engaged by them.

What about the laity in the churches? My guess is that biblical concepts, images and ideas do not constitute their overall orientation to human life. Religious leaders, I think, face alternatives not easily reconciled: to try to form communities in which biblical imagery and ideas provide an alternative vision to our cultural ones, or to engage in a process of mutual critique, edification, correction and revision of frameworks that are informed both by our religious traditions and by the sciences and culture. Each alternative has to give reasons for what it gives up. The latter is my preferred alternative. While its theological and pastoral implications are daunting, it might more realistically address the religious and moral sensibilities of many thoughtful people both inside and outside of organized religion.

Families in Crisis

Book Review:

From Culture Wars to Common Ground: Religion and the American Family Debate. Second edition

By Don S. Browning, Bonnie J. Miller-McLemore, Pamela D. Couture, K. Brynolf Lyon and Robert M. Franklin. (Westminster John Knox, 496 pp.)

Though media and church debates suggest that the most pressing sex-related issues today are homosexuality, sexual violence and abortion, the authors of this book argue that there is something more urgent: the crisis of the family. And mainline churches have been extraordinarily slow to respond to that crisis.

Compelling scientific evidence now exists that, on the whole (an important qualifier!), two-parent families are better for children than single-parent families. While this in no way legitimates a return to patriarchy nor any tolerance for abuse, it does require us to adopt a new family ideal: "the committed, intact, equal-regard, public-private family." Churches must take a leading role in promoting this ideal and incorporating it into their preaching, teaching and practice.

This new family ideal takes an entire book to elaborate (with important questions still left unanswered), but can be briefly summarized as follows: it is the voluntary lifetime union of a woman and a man who parent their own children in a relationship characterized by love, justice and equal regard. In this relationship, both the woman and the man play important public (including paid employment) and private (domestic) roles.

This union is neither a revocable contract between independent and equal parties nor mandated by an unchanging divine law which legitimates the subordination of women.

From Culture Wars to Common Ground is not only about the future of marriage and the family, but about the future shape -- if any -- of theology and theological practice. It models and describes an approach to theology that is different and also makes a difference. Like most work in the social and natural sciences (but utterly unlike most theology), it is collaborative. A team of five established and published scholars -- women and men, black and white -- interviewed a wide variety of families, ranging in religious orientation from Jewish to African-American Pentecostal, to white evangelical, to mainline Protestant, to Catholic. Their survey included two-parent and single-parent, poor, middle-class and affluent families.

Although the scholars are all theologians (primarily seminary-based, with interests in practical theology, families and gender and or racial issues), they engage a wide variety of disciplines. History, evolutionary psychology, philosophy, economics, feminism and political theory all inform their work. Shunning the abstraction that plagues this field, they go so far as to make use of quantitative data.

This helps account for one of the book’s most impressive achievements: that it goes beyond the gridlock and one-sidedness that characterize most debates about sexuality and families. The team, assembled by Don S. Browning, director of the University of Chicago’s Family, Religion and Culture Project, refused to limit itself to simplistic, mono-causal explanations of the difficulties facing families. Instead, it chose to confront the bewildering array of pressures, tensions and choices that today face families and couples struggling to make sense of their living arrangements. Little wonder, then, that the team members sometimes found themselves shouting at each other across the table and wondering whether the book would ever get written. Yet get written it did, and we are the richer for it.

The book moves from a thick description and multi-layered analysis of families and the challenges they face to a concrete discussion of how we ought to respond to these challenges. A few examples will illustrate the main themes of the argument and the richness of the discussion.

The authors cite four "massive social and cultural trends" that have had a destructive effect on the American family: "heightened individualism"; the "increased role of market forces and government bureaucracies in family life," or "technical rationality"; the "powerful psychological shifts caused by these forces"; and the "lingering influence" of patriarchy. While all four factors are important, individualism is the most significant. Expressive individualism, for example, causes parents and children to focus on their own needs instead of those of other family members. This tendency interacts with technical rationality, which increasingly forces family members to subordinate the demands of family life to marketplace demands for efficiency and cost-benefit decisions.

In combination, these forces greatly weaken the essential commitments that allow families to survive, let alone thrive. Furthermore, children’s ambivalent interactions with economically dependent mothers and absent or distant fathers combine with the declining though still real influence of patriarchy to place terrific pressure on families.

Children are at particular risk. This is, in many ways, the linchpin of the book’s argument. It is well known that most indices of child welfare -- income, access to health care, physical safety, poverty, self-esteem -- have been declining in the United States. Traditional liberals have long assumed that race and economic disadvantage, compounded by gender discrimination, explain this deeply disturbing trend, and have accordingly prescribed anti-discrimination and income-equity measures to solve it.

This book, however, draws attention to important research which began to surface in the late 1980s documenting that children of single-parent households do worse on a variety of measures of child welfare independent of race, gender, educational level and place of residence. For example, children of single-parent families are 15 percent less likely to finish high school regardless of race, parents’ education or place of residence. Parents spent an average of 17 hours per week with their children in 1985, as compared with 30 hours in 1965. The data bear close scrutiny. (One could now add, for example, the data indicating the greater incidence of violence among cohabiting, as compared to married, couples.)

What light can psychology and biology throw on the situation? An earlier generation was socialized to speak of sex in Freudian terms of "drives" and "repression," while a subsequent one loudly proclaimed that "anatomy" had nothing to do with "destiny." Here, the authors draw heavily on evolutionary psychology, which declares that we are "hard-wired" for certain reproductive behaviors, but not determined by them. Two central concepts emerge in this analysis: the "male problematic" and the "female problematic."

Each "problematic" -- a constellation of problems, really -- is rooted in the different reproductive strategies of male and female mammals. Male mammals are capable of producing a very large number of offspring, but can have little certainty about which are actually theirs. Female mammals are capable of producing far fewer off-spring, but have almost complete certainty about which are theirs. According to evolutionary psychology, the emergence of the human species was accompanied by a change in reproductive strategy, a switch to producing a smaller numbers of offspring whose parents made a correspondingly greater investment in seeing them reach adulthood.

For males, this meant bonding to a single female and making a lasting investment in a smaller number of children, which he could be reasonably certain were his own. For females, it meant bonding to a single reliable male. The development of the human species depended on this investment, an investment which remains as precarious as it is important.

This constitutes the background of what the authors call the male problematic, "the tendency of men to drift away from families," undermining the greater parental investment that this reproductive strategy requires. The corresponding female problematic is the tendency of women "to suppress their own needs and raise children without paternal participation."

This, according to the authors’ analysis, helps to explain why children of single parents do not do as well on average, and provides additional motivation for involving fathers in the lives of their children. It also provides grounds for accepting and deepening contemporary feminist criticism of the traditional ethic of maternal self-sacrifice, which reinforces the female problematic.

What are we to make of these data? One perhaps could argue that the 17 average hours that parents spent with their children per week in 1985 could have been quality time and therefore just as good as, or even better than, the greater number of hours they spent together in 1965. But it is impossible similarly to explain away the poorer educational and employment performance of children of single-parent families. Yet just what our response should be -- as a culture, as the church -- is obviously not something on which we all agree.

When I present these data to my college students, the loudest and quickest responses come from children of single-parent households who say, "This isn’t true of me. The statistics must be wrong." But, of course, they are the ones who have made it to college. Other, usually quieter, responses come from students who confirm that at least some of the data ring true for them, and that they have had to struggle with additional challenges children in two-parent families don’t face. But few students, regardless of background, can think of any alternatives to the way things are.

To deal with the problem the authors champion "critical familism," an endorsement of the value of two-parent families without a return to the rigid sex-role stereotypes and patriarchy of earlier eras. Their book is both a cause and an effect of the broader "marriage movement," a loose alliance of religious, social work, public policy and educational organizations and professionals who seek to promote this vision.

Critical familism favors cultural, religious, market and government measures designed to promote two-parent families while supporting all families, without stigmatizing single parents and their children. It promotes the involvement of fathers with their children and advocates a love ethic of mutuality and equal regard over self-sacrifice.

The authors’ emphasis on love as mutuality and equal regard is one of the most important contributions of the book, and a good example of how they integrate a variety of perspectives. Accepting the feminist criticisms that the ideology of love as self-sacrifice has played a role in the systematic subordination of women’s needs and abilities, they define love between husband and wife primarily as mutuality. Even the love between parent and child, despite the profound helplessness of the human infant, should and does move in the direction of equal regard. Nevertheless, they concede that self-sacrifice must continue to play a role within this ethic of mutuality.

All this may sound well and good (or bad, if you remain convinced that dismantling patriarchy is more important than involving fathers in families, or if you think that James Dobson has the last word on family dynamics), but what next? What, specifically, can be done? This is where the book shines. The team recommends specific strategies for building a new critical familism. Many have public-policy implications, but most are directed toward churches and religious communities.

The public-policy recommendations include providing state-supported marriage and family education, developing a "family-friendly" workplace, and moving toward a modified "fault" divorce law in cases involving dependent children. But state and market solutions, while indispensable, cannot by themselves create stronger families characterized by more mutuality. Churches must take a leadership role in this area. The authors challenge churches to recover the idea of the family as a locus of religious observance, to develop a "bilingual theology" that addresses the needs of intact families and also the realities of other family forms, to critically confront divorce as a sign of failure and yet support those who are divorced and directly to take up the issue of father absence.

There is much to praise in this book. It is an exemplary piece of religious and political discourse and action. It does not bow down before the American religion of freedom and does not hesitate to criticize revered icons of the right or the left. The authors use theological terminology but argue in categories accessible to "believers" and "nonbelievers" alike. They use a far broader range of metaphors for God than the vague and exhausted concepts of "love" and "acceptance" that plague liberal Protestantism. They recognize the positive role of power in family relations, and insist on justice within the family as well as in society. That they are able to combine the traditional feminist concern for women’s well-being and justice with a nuanced attention to families, children and men is particularly commendable. Moreover, it is refreshing to see men present in the debate as something other than problems to be addressed in the third person.

Another important achievement is that the book calls churches, and theology, to accountability for the impact of their discourse. Even after social scientists had accumulated data demonstrating that the optimistic predictions concerning the impact of divorce and single-parent families on women and children had failed to materialize, most mainline churches ignored this evidence, continuing to say little or nothing about the issues. This left church members without guidance as they struggled to sort out complex personal issues.

In contrast, From Culture Wars to Common Ground actually confronts the specific questions that so much theology and religious discourse ignore. And it calls on churches to do the same, and to make critical use of data in doing so. The focus on data raises questions, of course. Even if children generally do best in two-parent families, that does not demonstrate that particular children would automatically do better if they had two parents. Even research that seeks to account for other variables does not demonstrate the truth of that argument. In other words, statistical correlation does not prove causation.

The same holds true for understanding the motivations behind divorce. The book could have been much more forthright about acknowledging the unhappiness felt in many marriages. Many, perhaps most, people who abandon marriage do so because they feel that they have compelling reasons. The data indicate that the consequences of divorce are statistically serious, even catastrophic; but the unhappiness that leads to divorce remains a serious matter. All the book’s emphasis on eros and mutuality rings rather hollow without a frank acknowledgment of that. Nor does its rhetoric of eros reflect how little genuine eros is actually permitted to women and men in the midst of an ostensibly salacious society.

The hollowness of this appeal to eros seems to be related to a failure to make more explicit the tragic character of human existence. The Christian traditions to which the authors appeal are primarily Catholic and Calvinist, traditions that respectively view marriage as sacrament or covenant. Notably missing from the study is the Lutheran view of marriage as an order of creation that serves as a restraining dike against sin, but which does not and cannot play a role in human salvation. While the Lutheran view is often (justly) accused of pessimism, it does have the virtue of acknowledging the inevitability of imperfection and unhappiness in an institution which is, as the authors admit, only a subordinate and temporal good. If marriages and families will often be unsatisfactory and unhappy, as will all of created life, then perhaps self-sacrifice will need to remain a permanent fixture of families, and not merely a means to the end of mutuality (though it will be that too).

The growth in the number of single-parent families and the powerful evidence that children of single-parent families do not do as well as children of two-parent families could also be interpreted differently. The authors take these data to mean that, since what is now being attempted is not working, a return to something like what went before is called for. But a radical critic might just as well propose that something completely different is needed. The authors present only two main choices: either a continuing increase in the number of one-parent families or a return to more or less re-formed two-parent families. Is it self-evident that these are the only two alternatives? Or are there others, such as more extended families or kibbutz-style arrangements? Or are there as yet undreamed-of versions of families awaiting us in the future?

This brings us to a final question: What about same-sex couples and parenting? The committed two-parent family of From Culture Wars to Common Ground is a mother-father family. Though the book neither attacks nor denigrates same-sex parents, it does not make clear where they fit into its ideal. This is different from the authors’ approach to single-parent families; they urge the church to support single-parent families in every way possible, even while continuing to articulate the view that the mother-father family is the ideal. The writers may well believe that the present state of mother-father and mother-only families (which together constitute the great majority of families) more urgently needs to be addressed than does the issue of same-sex couples, but it is perplexing not to see that argument made more explicit.

How new will "critical familism" be? History never moves backward, and the past never returns. Family structures will never again be exactly the same as they were in the past. History never disappears, either, and the lessons of our evolutionary and cultural past can be ignored only at our peril. The families of the future will both be different from and continue to mirror those of our bio-cultural past. But since the publication of this book no one can deny that families are in crisis, and that there is an urgent need for church and society to respond to that crisis.

Why Troeltsch? Why today? Theology for the 21st Century

Ernst Troeltsch died 70 years ago, and his theology was shortly thereafter declared dead as well. Famous in his own generation as a theologian, philosopher, historian and politician, he was soon forgotten, or remembered as the best example of what not to do. For Karl Barth, Troeltsch was the last theologian of the 19th century; a man whose failure revealed the true character of liberal theology. Barth’s judgment shaped an entire generation of theologians.

But all that has changed. Interest in Troeltsch’s thought is greater today than ever before, and also more widespread, attracting attention in Eastern and Western Europe, North America and Japan. What began about 20 years ago as a trickle of articles, dissertations, books, translations and reprints in German, English, French, Italian and Japanese has become a steady stream. Far from being the last theologian of the 19th century, Troeltsch is coming to be seen as the first theologian of the 20th century—or perhaps even the 21st.

But why do the life and thought of this early 20th-century man now seem so relevant? Because Troeltsch, at the beginning of this century, was keenly aware of many trends that became apparent to most observers only at its end: the collapse of Eurocentrism; the perceived relativity of all historical events and knowledge (including scientific knowledge); an awareness that Christianity is relative to its Western, largely European history and environment; the emergence of a profound global pluralism; the central role of practice in theology; the growing impact of the social sciences on our view of the world and of ourselves; and dramatic changes in the role of religious institutions and religious thought. Moreover, he was a profoundly interdisciplinary thinker whose contributions embraced philosophy, history, sociology, philosophy of history, ethics and politics.

Precisely because Troeltsch understood the forces that were and are shaping 20th-century religion and society, he can provide us with needed perspective on contemporary theological and religious movements. Furthermore, his willingness to confront some very difficult theological is-sues—issues that the intervening generation of theologians mostly ignored or evaded—makes his insights uniquely instructive. The issues Troeltsch confronted are many, but I will focus on three: 1) Christianity as a historical, relative phenomenon, 2) Christianity as a social phenomenon, and 3) theology as a practical discipline. Troeltsch’s contributions are far more complex than this division suggests, but it provides a convenient format in which to summarize his chief insights. Then in light of this summary, I will explore how a theology informed by his insights might differ from what we see in theology today.

"Everything is tottering!" Troeltsch exclaimed at an 1896 conference, initiating an exchange that ended with Troeltsch slamming the door as he left the room. Everything is tottering, because Christianity was now known to be a historical phenomenon. From the beginning, Troeltsch took a historical approach to the study of religion and theology. He was convinced that there was no reason to exclude Christianity from the history of religion as a whole. The Bible, Jesus and the church were all part of history; they were neither exempt from historical investigation nor entitled to a privileged historical method. This meant that almost all of late 19th-century theology was on shaky ground.

The modern study of history had established that Christianity was not a supernatural phenomenon that had just appeared in history without cause or antecedent. On the contrary, Christianity was influenced by a host of non-Christian and non-Jewish factors. Christianity could not, therefore, on historical grounds be proven final or absolute. Troeltsch stated this conclusion in The Absoluteness of Christianity—tentatively in the first edition of 1902, emphatically in the second edition of 1912. Nor could Jesus be exempted. He too was relative to his origins and history, influenced by the spectrum of opinions and practices of the Judaism of late antiquity.

But relativity is not the whole story for Troeltsch. The fact that Christianity and Jesus are both historical also demonstrates their relatedness. And what is more, it demonstrates our interrelatedness with them. We can dispense neither with the historical Jesus nor with the revered Christ; he remains indispensable, for "we possess these religious powers of the present only in association with the present and revered person of Christ."

The historical character of all religion that Troeltsch recognized still serves to check the shallow individualism and subjectivism so characteristic of our age. Faced with the awareness that everything historical is also relative, the individual is tempted to think (with Kierkegaard and the early Barth) that history is without significance, or indeed that nothing has any significance. But a study of history, on the contrary, demonstrates that religion is not a purely subjective phenomenon; it is rather a historical phenomenon that shapes and transcends individual experience. Individual belief is historical, relative and related. The autonomous individual never—not even in the case of Jesus—spontaneously produces faith within his or her isolated individuality. The individual needs the stimulus and impetus of history—and of community. Troeltsch understood these relationships and thus paid careful attention to religion’s social dimension.

Troeltsch began to address the social context of religion partly as a result of his friendship with the sociologist Max Weber. He had already called attention to the historical relativity—and relatedness—of Christianity; he now began to note its social and institutional relativity—and relatedness—as well. The result of this interest was the nearly 1,000-page work, The Social Teachings of the Christian Churches and Groups (1912), which remains a classic of religious sociology, social history and ethics.

Christianity, Troeltsch taught, can assume any of three basic social forms or types: the church, the sect and mysticism. The church, into which one is born (like the medieval Catholic Church), is distinguished by an ethic of conservation and compromise in its relationship with the surrounding society; the sect, which one must join as an adult (like the Anabaptists), rejects the surrounding society and has an ethic of rigor, perfection and transformation; the mystic is primarily a subjectively religious person who is not linked to any particular religious body (or, if linked to one, does not find it very important). The church emphasizes the sacraments and education; the sect emphasizes conversion and commitment; the mystic emphasizes inner experience. All three types are authentically Christian, each has roots in the New Testament, and all three have decided strengths as well as weaknesses, according to Troeltsch.

But the most rapidly growing type, Troeltsch held, was mysticism—and studies of contemporary American culture confirm his analysis. "Mysticism," in this sense, does not refer to miraculous visions or signs or supernatural experiences. Instead, it signifies a personal and subjective form of religion that is more internal than external, more individual than institutional, more experiential than scriptural. For the mystic, Troeltsch said, membership in church or sect is of no significance—it is the free personal experience that matters.

This kind of mysticism abounds in all ages, in churches and in sects, and outside of any formal religious body—from medieval mystics to modern Quakers to contemporary college sophomores who talk about their personal "spirituality." But the modern era in particular has seen a tremendous growth in Troeltsch’s mystical type, as the authority and influence of both churches and sects have declined. A noninstitutional mysticism was already, according to Troeltsch, "the secret religion of the educated classes." Today we must add: not so secret anymore.

Troeltsch himself was deeply attracted to mysticism. In part this attraction was rooted in his antagonism to dogmatism and authoritarianism, and no doubt it also grew out of his awareness of historical relativity. Yet Troeltsch was no simple individualist, which is what makes him so very refreshing today. He knew that religion would die without symbol, cult, and myth. And he knew that religion would grow socially and ethically impotent without institutions. So despite his own attraction to mysticism, he knew that it was an inadequate and unsustainable expression of religious faith. Troeltsch could never overcome this contradiction between vital personal religious experience and its institutional mediation, and it remains a problem for us today—one far more serious than that of relativism.

Following Schleiermacher, Troeltsch refused to call his theology "dogmatics." The whole idea of dogma—timeless, nonhistorical facts about God, Jesus, the church and so forth—had been completely undermined by the study of history. "We are no longer in the business of fixing permanent dogmas from an inspired Bible. Instead, we formulate teachings which express the essence of Christian piety," Troeltsch wrote. In other words, theology is inextricably linked to practice.

Theological statements do not describe objective facts about God and salvation, according to Troeltsch. Instead, they "express the preconditions and contents of the Christian consciousness of faith, i.e., a living, practical-theoretical orientation to God, the world, and humanity." It is a "theology of consciousness" instead of a "theology of facts," for God "can never be known apart from subjective experience." Troeltsch argued that religion is primarily a matter of experience and subjectivity, not dogma and fact. "It comes not from the desk, but from life." In his later writings he also came to emphasize the role of decision in relation to the religious life.

But Troeltsch’s religious decision was not like that of Kierkegaard, which supposedly took place apart from social-historical conditions. Troeltsch never capitulated to mere subjectivism. Knowledge of God is never possible apart from subjective experience, but it is always more than subjective experience. Troeltsch maintained that such knowledge is "not a frivolous subjectivity but something that takes shape within us, overwhelming us with an irresistible inner sovereignty." Or put another way, subjectivity "does not mean a matter of arbitrary taste, but a subjectivity which is saturated with God." In other words, Troeltsch believed that authentic subjectivity involves more than the mere subject alone. Genuine faith "lifts the individual subject above its own limitations and brings it into full and living contact with the divine life for the first time."

This observation brings us back once more to Troeltsch’s emphasis on the indispensable role that history and community play in Christian life. To re-emphasize a cardinal point of Troeltsch’s thought, faith—even in the case of Jesus—is never spontaneously produced by an autonomous subject. Faith needs the stimulus and impetus of history and community. Any attempt to sever these ties that bind would result in the destruction of genuine religion, and in "an utterly individual, personal, and emaciated mysticism." Troeltsch’s theology is a highly sophisticated combination of personal experience and social history, of subjectivity and historicity, of individual and community.

What do Troeltsch’s life and thought mean for today? His relevance can be indicated with regard to three contemporary theological movements: postmodern theology, narrative theology and liberation theology. All three movements share some of his interests, yet each displays serious deficiencies that Troeltsch’s work can illuminate and help correct. Not that Troeltsch has all the answers, or that his theology itself can be revived lock, stock and barrel. For all his achievements, scarcely one stone of his theology can be left standing on top of another. But theology today will have to reckon with these very stones, or else stumble over them.

Postmodern theology: The desire to be postmodern often outpaces the ability to articulate just what postmodernity is all about. An enormous number of intellectual and pseudo-intellectual movements now rally to the postmodern juggernaut, often with contradictory agendas. Since pluralism is itself a hallmark of postmodernism, generalizing about the movement is dangerous. But in most respects, postmodern theology as represented by figures such as Thomas Altizer and Mark C.Taylor rejects any attempt to formulate enduring principles and doctrines or to identify any ontological or foundational reality. It also rejects Enlightenment beliefs that there are universal truths of reason, that history is characterized by progress, and that rational science and technology are the solution to our problems. Postmodernists tend to be particularly critical of the claim that science knows the "real" world. This devaluation of science is usually coupled with the rejection of all dualisms: mind/body, man/nature, man/woman, and so on. Finally, postmodern theology declares that the modern era—that is, the one characterized by all those Enlightenment beliefs—is now over.

Troeltsch has great affinities with many postmodern in-sights; indeed, he anticipated many of them. He was aware that scientific knowledge is relative to its time and culture, just like religion. He knew that all values are in flux, and that true knowledge of value is always a challenge and a process. Yet he was also aware, in a way that many post-moderns are not, that no one can completely break with the past; any claim that one has done so is illusory. Compared with Troeltsch, much of postmodernism can be seen as more hypermodern than postmodern. It is largely another attempt to carry out the old Enlightenment program of demolishing tradition, ritual, cult and historical narrative, except now without the Enlightenment’s faith that reason and technology can assume their place. At the same time, much postmodern thought perpetuates Romanticism’s narcissistic glorification of emotion and irrationality, except now without the romantics’ esteem for tradition and the people. Postmodernism is simply the Enlightenment once more with feeling—combining the worst excesses of rationalism and romanticism.

In terms of Troeltsch’s writing, postmodernism is closely linked to what he called mysticism—and it shares in that religious type’s contemporary inevitability and in its inadequacy. Troeltsch does not provide us with a solution to the problems that postmodernism both reflects and raises, but he can help puncture the pretensions of those varieties (and they are many) that pretend to have left the Enlightenment behind while continuing to perpetuate some of its most unfortunate errors. History, community and tradition are the true basis of autonomy and decision. As Troeltsch understood, these features of human experience cannot be separated.

Narrative (or postliberal) theology: The major rival to postmodern theology in intellectual circles is the narrative theology movement represented by such figures as Hans Frei, George Lindbeck and (in a maverick version) Stanley Hauerwas. Narrative theology accepts the premises of post-modernism at many points but draws a radically different conclusion. Since we cannot survey history from some universal, purely rational point of view, narrative theologians argue, we have no choice but to operate out of the historical narrative in which we find ourselves—and for the Christian theologian that means the Christian narrative, shaped by the story(ies) of Jesus Christ as found in the Bible. The Christian narrative embraces within itself the claim that the meaning of all history is to be found in Christ, narrative theologians say, but they also hold that such a claim cannot be demonstrated from a standpoint outside the narrative. In the cases of Hauerwas and Lindbeck, at least, this line of reasoning is linked to a preference for the sect type of Christian community.

Of all the theological options on the horizon today, narrative theology has the most direct ties to Troeltsch, though they are not usually acknowledged. The narrative theology movement itself may be traced back to H. Richard Niebuhr’s The Meaning of Revelation, a book in which Troeltsch’s emphasis on history and subjectivity appears on nearly every page. But contemporary narrative theologians seem to have forgotten two lessons from Troeltsch that they should have remembered: that the narratives themselves are historical and relative, and that we find ourselves participating not in one but in many different narratives.

For instance, Hauerwas lives not only within the Christian narrative but also (as he has said) within the Texan narrative, and he shares in an academic narrative and a personal narrative as well. These are all creditable stories, but how are they to be distinguished? And, more important, what about the narratives that he excludes, such as the liberal democratic narrative or the feminist narrative? Moreover, the Christian narrative itself exists in a wide variety of versions, and it has never existed in such magnificent isolation as narrative theology seemingly supposes. Starting from the time of Jesus, it has woven together diverse narratives: Pharasaic, Zealot, Hellenistic, Stoic, Platonic, Catholic, Russian, Anabaptist, African and so on throughout history. The Christian story has never been monolithic. Narrative theologians must come to terms with the relativity of the Christian narrative.

Liberation theology: Liberation theology is multifarious and diverse. It embraces German political theology, Latin American liberation movements, African-American theology, feminist theology, womanist theology and many more varieties besides. Generalization is dangerous here too, but it is safe to say that liberation theology is characterized by an emphasis on the experience of oppression and a Marxist-inspired social analysis that divides society into oppressor and oppressed. Practice (or praxis) is central to liberation theology; such theology seeks to be part of the historical political project of liberating the oppressed.

Troeltsch also has much in common with liberation theology. He emphasized theology as a practice, and his own practice became increasingly political. He was one of the first theologians to make a positive (though also critical) use of Marxist thought. Yet he pointed out both the limitations of Marxist tools and the hazards of simplistic appeals to experience. Through these criticisms, Troeltsch can provide us with a needed sense of perspective on the liberationist project. Any criticism of the liberationist program is perilous, for it can quickly put the critic in the uncomfortable position of seeming to favor the oppressor. How can one "criticize" the experience of the victim of domestic abuse or incest, the child refugee who has seen his family slaughtered by the national police, or the mother who must watch her children starve? We cannot. But although we dare not criticize the experience, we can and must be willing to challenge some interpretations of that experience. Much liberation theology exhibits a dangerous tendency to jump from the experience of suffering to the assertion that some x must be the cause of that suffering, whether that x be capitalism or patriarchy or Eurocentrism.

A fine example of such a short-circuit was the recent Presbyterian study document on human sexuality that was justly excoriated by Camille Paglia for its exceptionally shallow analysis. Overall, the entire field of Christian social ethics—liberationist or not—pays scandalously little attention to empirical data and social science, as when Karen Lebacqz cites the Hite Report as though it were a statistically representative sample of sexual attitudes and behaviors, or when Michael Novak draws simplistic comparisons between Japanese and Latin American political economies. Troeltsch, by way of contrast, was well versed in the social science of his time, and sought to make careful use of it in his theological, political and moral judgments. In this respect, the contemporary practical theology movement (represented by Don Browning, among others) is much closer to Troeltsch’s standard.

Why does the Troeltsch revival continue? Because the questions he raised are still worth asking, because his attempts to deal with these questions are still instructive, and because he can provide us with perspective on what is happening today and is about to happen tomorrow. He is, indeed, only now coming into his own.

Not in My Backyard!

In government circles it’s called the "NIMBY problem." Whether the proposal is for AIDS clinics, halfway houses for prison parolees or dumps for toxic and nuclear waste, it is usually met by the opposition of citizens’ groups who shout NIMBY -- "not in my backyard!"

Yet these components of modern life must exist in somebody’s backyard. As James Wall pointed out in "Storing Nuclear Waste: My Backyard or Yours?" (Nov. 9) , "What to do with nuclear waste is a problem that requires a moral examination precisely because it is so filled with uncertainty that we dare not resolve it without some sense of a higher purpose at stake." Without determining a higher purpose, we will never overcome the NIMBY obstacle.

NIMBY expresses our desire for self-preservation. People perceive the location of hazardous-waste landfill in their neighborhoods as a threat to their. own and their families’ health. Also, most people do not trust industrial or governmental leaders. History supports this suspicion. From 1980 to 1985 the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency recorded 6,928 accidents -- an average of five per day -- involving toxic chemicals and radioactive materials at American plants. A congressional research team in April 1985 concluded that nearly half of the 1,246 hazardous-waste dumps at surveyed showed signs of polluting nearby groundwater. The Office of Technology Assessment estimates that at least 10,000 hazardous waste sites in the U.S. now pose a serious threat to public health and are in dire need of cleaning up. During the 1970s, leakage from steel drums holding low-level nuclear waste brought about the closing of disposal sites in West Valley, New York; Sheffield, Illinois; and Maxey Flats, Kentucky. One could recite a lengthy litany of foul-ups, safety violations and instance of mismanagement, stupidity and cost-cutting. All this has diminished public confidence in government and business leaders. Motivated by fear and distrust, people join citizens’ action campaigns, hire lawyers to file class-action suits, and even take to the streets to protest the apparent threat to their safety and health. This seems the democratic thing to do, the right thing to do.

But is it? Our perspective changes quickly when we try to view NIMBY in light of the needs of society as a whole. We need waste dumps just as we need prisons and halfway houses. Our society as a whole needs somebody’s backyard. Yet in an age in which public participation is becoming integral to decision-making, we find that virtually no one wants to make a backyard available. NIMBY is becoming NIABY – "not in anybody’s backyard!"

Over the next decade our nation will face increased pressure to find a home for toxic refuse. The people’s mood, however, is one of refusal. Many states will run out of landfill sites in the early 1990s. but voter referendums are turning down new site proposals. Standards have now been set for disposal of hazardous wastes, but local citizens’ groups have petitioned to block the construction even of sites that would meet those standards. The Federal Nuclear Waste Policy Act has mandated that deep-mine disposal of high-level radioactive effluent and spent fuel rods from nuclear reactors commence by 1998, but states with proposed geological sites are screaming foul. What we have is a standoff; government agencies are instructed to establish dump sites, while local citizens’ groups prevent those agencies from performing their task.

We need ethical reflection on the situations. There have been two approaches to NIMBY that could be dubbed "ethical." In the case of the already alluded to defend-the-underdog approach, we assume that government agencies and associated industries conspire to exploit citizens by dumping toxic garbage on a community to the financial benefit of some power elite. The local citizens are the underdogs. The ethical thing to do seems to be championing the underdogs’ cause against the monolith of governmental and industrial power.

Although defending the defenseless is laudable, as a general rule this policy has two weaknesses. First, government and industry are not always marshaled against the people. Quite frequently government-agency employees who set and enforce policy are very conscientious and are simply doing the best they can, given their mandate from the legislature. Second, the defend-the-underdog approach looks after the interests of only a particular community; it does not take into account the good of the whole society.

A second approach concerns the wider issue of environmental protection. I call it the constipate-the-system strategy. This approach assumes that if all communities take the NIMBY attitude, government agencies will not be able to find any backyard in which to dump toxic chemicals and nuclear waste, and the system will become plugged. To relieve this constipation. we must consume less -- and to that end, nuclear power generators must shut down. This would force that industry out of business and perhaps even reduce our dependence on non-biodegradable petrochemicals. However, regardless of one’s position on the desirability of nuclear power or of petrochemicals. the toxic and radioactive waste cannot be wished out of existence. We still must find a place for waste ‘that has already been generated, and the longer we postpone dealing with it directly, the more we increase the danger of contamination.

The process of determining just whose backyard will play host will undoubtedly raise questions of justice. For precedents we may look to past experience with public works projects in general, such as dam construction. Here we can borrow a bit from John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice and assume that justice may be done even if the dam’s location causes some individuals the inconvenience of having to move their residence. In these cases, the ethics of justice make two demands: that the negative impact on the environment and on certain people will be offset by a clear benefit to the larger society, and that individuals and communities suffering adverse effects are offered a means of redress and are duly compensated. These criteria of justice can also apply to waste-dumping disputes.

The goal of redress and compensation will be impossible to achieve completely, however, because future generations, though among those to be affected by toxic waste storage, obviously cannot take part in negotiations about where to place that waste today. Once a hazardous-waste landfill has been filled and covered, it remains dangerous for decades. Certain nuclear wastes are extremely long-lasting in their toxicity. Some repositories may remain dangerous for thousands of years. The Department of Energy estimates that it generally takes 1,500 years for the relative biohazard index of high-level wastes to arrive at that of the ore from which it was made. For spent fuel it takes 10,000. And a site that contains plutonium 239 will be a threat for 250,000 or even 500,000 years. Our planet and its life-forms will inherit certain risks and, unless we make plans, they will inherit none of the benefits of waste disposal. A responsible ethic demands that we consider the good of the whole of society, temporally as well as geographically.

First, our basic criteria should be safety and permanence. Waste-disposal methods should not threaten the safety of those who live near disposal sites. Chemical toxicity and radioactivity levels should be kept as low as reasonably achievable in order to protect the biosphere. And we need to be confident that future generations will enjoy the same protections we wish for ourselves. These two criteria imply that we are responsible for developing the technology to secure permanent safety, or at least keep our waste in monitored retrievable storage.

Second, locations for hazardous-waste facilities should be determined primarily by technical ability to preserve safety and permanence. Some places make better hosts for waste facilities than others. For example, a chemical-waste landfill should be placed in an area that does not flood more often than once a century. The soil beneath should be heavy so as to resist the flow of water. The best sites have a thick natural layer of clay. Much more care needs to be taken in choosing locations for deep-mine repositories for high-level radioactive waste. A suitable disposal site for mined geologic waste must include the following characteristics: the rock mass’s previous geologic history should indicate probable stability for the next 10,000 years or more; it should be relatively isolated from circulating ground water; it must be capable of containing waste without losing its desirable properties; and it must be amenable to technical analysis.

Third, as mentioned above, the location of a waste facility is just if the repository can be reasonably expected to contribute to the good of the whole society, and if those persons and communities suffering adverse effects have a means of redress and are duly compensated. Sometimes businesses or the government attempt to buy a community’s compliance by offering more than appropriate or just compensation. They may offer a host community money to build a new town swimming pool or rebuild roads, and in general infuse the economy with outside wealth. The DOE, for example, offered the state of Nevada $10 million per year to relinquish its legal right to object to hosting a high-level nuclear repository, and $20 million per year if the site were to be chosen. Such over-compensation is extortion if demanded by the host community, bribery if offered by the authorities.

Extortion and bribery neglect two important considerations. Such a practice reduces the government’s motivation to apply its best technology and most vigilant management to the safekeeping of waste; it assumes that the right to increase the risks to public health and the environment can be purchased. Second, it contracts only with the present generation and ignores the future. Those living today increase their wealth, but those who come after us inherit only the toxic threat.

Compensation could be ethical if it addressed the first criterion mentioned above -- namely, the projected benefit to the commonweal. This requires a mutual relationship between part and whole: the good of the whole society benefits the individual person or community, while the achievements of the individual or community benefit the whole. Justifiable compensation (to the degree that it could be accurately calculated) would pay for actual damages or loss, including decreased property value or loss of environmental beauty and tranquillity. The difference between overpayment or bribes and ethical compensation will be very difficult to determine. The disruption of a host community’s quality of life cannot be easily measured in terms of dollars and cents; therefore rectification of known error should lean toward overpayment rather than underpayment.

In some cases the roles are reversed, which clouds the issue of redress. The EPA is now offering $50,000 grants to citizens’ groups that commission evaluations from experts of their own choice. Some communities, seeking financial income to offset high unemployment, decide on the basis of their findings to invite waste facilities into their backyard. The Alabama-Coushatta tribe of native Americans in East Texas, for example, has proposed building a waste incinerator on its land. The people of Chenois, Missouri, have asked for a hazardous-waste dump and received a permit, leading surrounding communities to lodge a legal protest. We may in the distant future have to reassess the ethics of this kind of practice, because we might wake up some day to find that we have dumped all our toxic refuse in poorer communities -- that the rich have exploited the poor once again.

Fourth, we should not ask residents near a disposal site to do anything we would not be willing to do if we were in their situation. Not all community residents will wish to sell their property and relocate if a waste facility is planned for their area. The repositories should be made as safe as possible for those remaining in the neighborhood. One test of such safety would be the willingness of those most in the know to live on site.

Fifth, we owe our progeny knowledge of the hazard. Withholding knowledge from future generations excludes them from our ethical community. At minimum we owe them an on-site warning that explains the dump’s contents. If possible, we should compile and make available a complete description of the landfill or. repository holdings. We should also take all feasible measures to ensure the site against vandalism or sabotage.

This leads directly to a sixth principle: the user should plan for future facility management and accident indemnification. The generation enjoying the benefits of producing chemical and radioactive waste should consider investing a portion of today’s profits in an endowment fund, gathered perhaps from a pollution tax. This endowment fund could support site management for decades, if not centuries. Some of the interest could be drawn for maintenance expenses, while the bulk of the principal would create an accident insurance fund. Interest over a 100- or 1,000-year period might grow to quite a sum. Barring unforeseeable circumstances, the fund could eventually provide a fortuitous compensation for the welfare of the future.

Finally, we need to employ our best technology and best management with painstaking care. No matter how ethically conscientious our vision, execution may fail to provide the greatest safety and permanence possible. We must encourage the highest quality of workmanship over the long haul. Financial constraints may tempt us to cut corners on quality. Because of the long-term and perhaps even boring nature of the work, we may slacken our concentration. But commitment to safety requires that we muster our best technology, and commitment to permanence requires that we be vigilant in establishing long-term management policies. All of us have an interest in solving the NIMBY problem. We should solve it justly. We will not be able to move beyond our current impasse until individual communities begin to work together with government agencies while sharing a vision of the good of society as a whole.