Millennial Reflections on an Interdependent World

Some months ago the New Yorker carried a "Millennium Travel Advisory" -- a special advertising section concerning a "Global Party" "Talk about the mega super-event of our times," it said. "Will you be on the ultimate New Year's Eve, when the big door swings open on a new era?" The ad touted destinations from Nantucket to Nepal, and it suggested that Bill Gates will be hosting a New Year's Eve bash on Fiji near the international date line.

All the hoopla surrounding January 1, 2000, is rather arbitrary, of course, especially given the vagaries of calendar-making. The practice of numbering years consecutively from the supposed year of Christ's birth didn't take hold in Western Christendom until the eighth century. And there were various ways of reckoning the start of the year in medieval Europe. In England, for example, the year began on December25 and then, from the 14th century until the 18th, on March 25.

Pope Gregory in 1582 set January 1 as the beginning of the year. But European Protestants were slow to adopt the change, and Britain didn't adopt it until 1752. Eventually the Gregorian calendar gained nearly worldwide acceptance. But the Muslim calendar remains official in Saudi Arabia and principalities in the Persian Gulf, while some nations refer to both the Muslim and the Christian eras. For Muslims, whose lunar years consisting of 354 days each are numbered from Muhammad's flight to Medina, the year 1420 began on the first day of Muharram (April 16).

Although India has adopted the Gregorian calendar for secular purposes, Hindu observances are governed by the traditional Hindu calendar. In the traditional Chinese system, 2000 A.D. will be the 17th year in the 78th cycle -- just another year of the dragon. The current Jewish calendar, counting solar years made up of lunar months from a supposed date for the creation, reckons that the year 5761 began on Rosh Hashanah (September 11-12).

Cultural relativity isn't the only problem with emphasizing 2000. Scientists observe that time can be thought of geologically (the Earth having condensed from gases and dust about 4.6 billion years ago) or astronomically (the Big Bang having taken place some 18 billion years ago). The earliest known fossils of homo sapiens date from about 100,000 years ago, and paleontologists tell us that hominid species go back some 4.4 million years. To measure the ages with four paltry digits seems a tad provincial.

Reaching January 1, 2000, reminds me of reaching 1000,000 on the odometer of my '73 VW Bug. At a little past 99,998, I parked it in front of the house until my kids got back from school. Then we went for a ride. We hit 99,999 near the corner of Brook and Claremont, turned right onto Laburnum, and right onto Hermitage. And then, almost precisely at the corner of Hermitage and Nottoway, the big event: 00000. It was as arbitrary a measure of distance as January 1, 2000, is a measure of time. No matter. We cheered. And as we drove home, Katherine asked where we had lived the last time this had happened. Albert asked where we were going tomorrow

Turning the odometer on civilization is an occasion to ponder where we've been as well as where we're going. The last time all the numbers changed, the Song dynasty governed China, and Hindu kingdoms dotted the Indian peninsula. Islamic caliphates, linked by vigorous trade, various political relationships, a common language and a common religion, stretched from India to northern Africa and Spain. The Byzantine Empire occupied Turkey and parts of Greece. German kings ruled the Holy Roman Empire, while feudal precursors of modern nations had emerged in France, England, Scotland, Poland, Hungary and Russia. There were Viking kingdoms in Scandinavia. Kingdoms also flourished along the upper Nile and in west Africa. The Toltec empire had emerged in central Mexico, where Mayan city states were in decline. Huari and Tiahuanco empires collapsed along the central western coast of South America, and many other groups around the world, such as the herders and farmers of central Africa, the Yakut reindeer herders in Northern Asia and the Aborigines in Australia, had not become part of any larger political entity.

Trade routes extended from the Viking kingdoms and Ghana in the West to India, China and Japan in the East. With some 450,000 people, Córdoba in Moorish Spain may have been the world's largest and most prosperous city, although a number of others, including Kyoto, Baghdad and Constantinople, were also prominent. Despite the emergence of some commercial centers, most people in Christian Europe were rural peasants who depended on their lords for work and protection. In fact, the overwhelming majority of people in the world were poor, with high infant mortality and short life expectancy.

When the sun rises on January 1, 2000, it will illumine a highly interdependent world. Financial markets in Tokyo, Hong Kong, London, Toronto, New York, Mexico City and elsewhere are intimately connected. Coca-Cola and Nike and a host of other brand names are internationally recognized -- as are Western forms of popular music and certain sports stars. A thousand years ago sea routes linked empires in trade; during the 20th century markets and manufacturing have become truly global. Mass media, travel and electronic communications have changed the feel of life. The many faces of achievement, beauty, cruelty, care, tragedy, starvation and oppression are routinely accessible.

Political decisions made almost anywhere around the globe can have far-reaching consequences, and regional issues now often have worldwide significance. Economic interdependencies invest specific communities and locations with special importance -- a prime example being the oil-producing lands of the Middle East. Intricate systems of commerce, travel and communications not only bring us closer together, they also seem particularly susceptible to disruptions -- by terrorism and computer viruses, for example. Many nations now have access to technically sophisticated, highly destructive and comparatively inexpensive conventional, chemical and nuclear weapons. (There are now 44 nuclear-capable nations.)

Today we also are aware that the web of interdependency in which we deploy our powers includes a delicate and shared natural environment. Human development has consequences for birds, animals, fishes and plants -- and for the ecosystems that support life. Medicine and biology alter the boundaries and genetic constitutions of life, thereby injecting new urgency into debates about the integrity of nature and human nature. Physics, astronomy and evolutionary biology make us more aware of continuities between humans and other life forms as well as of our common dependence on vast cosmic forces and developments.

During the past millennium, many of humanity's compelling challenges had to do with the building of modern cultures, economies and nations. Now we live in the midst of a single interdependent social and natural ecology, a circumstance that puts pressure on many of our organizations and identities.

Consider the nation-state. For much of the modern period, the international system has assumed the sovereignty of nations within their borders, as if each were an entirely independent individual. Since the end of World War IL however, we have seen nations configured into superpower blocs, the emergence of international concerns about political crimes and human rights, and the willingness of multinational forces to intervene in other nations' internal affairs. Part of the significance of the International Monetary Fund, the European Community and the North America Free Trade Association is that capital, markets and manufacturers are no respecters of political boundaries. Neither are ecosystems, as is apparent from the threat of global warming, and our common dependence on what's left of the world's forests for oxygen. Add to these factors current patterns of immigration, and we begin to sense a trend toward the relativization of state sovereignty.

In a booklet I picked up at the supermarket titled "All New Prophecies for the Millennium," Ernesto Montgomery predicts that the next 1,000 years will be an era of peace, happiness and prosperity when nations abolish war and new medicines enhance longevity. He also says that the existence of the Abominable Snowman, the Loch Ness Monster and the Chesapeake Bay Monster will be confirmed on the same day; that advances in atomic and solar power will eliminate energy shortages; that clothing will be close-fitting and self-cleaning; and that the family car will be replaced by an Astro Craft with a top speed of 600 m.p.h.

My own hunches are neither as long-range nor as specific. During the next century, the Earth will, I think, become an increasingly managed planet. We will see important, sometimes dramatic changes in governments, the use of military power, and understandings of "national interest." Earth's population, which recently topped 6 billion, will probably level off at 9 to 10 billion in about 50 years. Much of the population growth will take place among the 80 percent of Earth's peoples who currently consume only 20 percent of Earth's resources.

It seems unlikely that Earth can sustain 9 to 10 billion people living the way that the richest 1.2 billion do now. We shall therefore face some extraordinary difficult questions. How can the specters of poverty, repression and untimely death be eliminated? How can the rights of persons and the integrity of minority cultures and groups be maintained? Can we devise patterns of economic development, distribution and consumption that are both sustainable and tolerably equitable? How can we protect and enhance the health of our planetary system? Whether or not one envisions a "no growth" world, it seems clear that important decisions will need to be made about how many people are born and where and how they live.

Given the dismal track record of centralized powers, this challenge calls for extending democracy. Within nations, the 21st century will call for participatory forms of government that disperse and balance political and economic powers, protect fundamental rights and enfranchise distinct cultural and ethnic communities. Among nations, the new century will call for representative assemblies and alliances that can mount cooperative efforts to protect the environment, enhance developing economies and ensure freedom from genocide and oppression.

It would be foolish to anticipate smooth sailing. Confronted by injustice, conflicting claims and threats, many will be tempted to lose themselves in pursuit of power and possessions. More than a few persons and societies may intensify narrow devotions to tribe, race, nation and species. Some will trust technology and production to solve every conflict and surmount every limit. Even if we do not succumb to disordered desires, narrow devotions and optimistic delusions, it remains to be seen whether democracies will recognize their international responsibilities and whether they will be able effectively to regulate capitalist economies and markets for the protection of nonmarket values.

Theologically speaking, then, the 21st century seems likely to underscore three aspects of the perennial struggle to understand the world and our place in it. 1) It will demand that we recognize our own interconnectedness, that we understand ourselves as distinct persons and particular communities embedded in an interdependent social and natural world. 2) It will compel us to recognize that, to an unprecedented degree, we determine habitat, and it will therefore demand a heightened sense of human responsibility, an ethic of care for persons and the world. And 3) it will require a deeper sense of purpose than is found in competition, production and acquisition. In short, the 21st century will demand that we attend to what it means to be creatures, to be faithful, and to pursue the true vocation and chief end of human beings.

It is difficult to ponder January 1, 2000, without remembering Deuteronomy 30:19: "Today.. . I have set before you life and death, blessing and curse; therefore choose life, that you and your descendants may live." We might also remember that there is hope precisely in the language of requirement and demand. For we rarely choose life, we rarely change our cherished ways, until we are firmly convinced of their destructive consequences.

During the next century, the consequences of refusing to change will be dire indeed. We will find that we inhabit a world whose meanings and values we neither construct nor control. We will become acutely aware that the world "pushes back." Call it judgment or call it grace. To the eyes of faith it suggests that, like past and present, the future belongs to God.

Toward a New Asceticism

In the theological discourse of our time, the word "asceticism" has become one that collects everything we want to reject in ourselves and in historical Christian tradition. Theologies of embodiment, of play and of sexual identity celebrate the demise of asceticism. We lump together all historical asceticism and indicate our evaluation of it by labeling it "masochism." This method distorts and foreshortens historical phenomena and constructs a past that is nothing but caricature. But an even more unfortunate result of the cavalier treatment of historical asceticism is the loss of ascetic practices as tools for the present care and cure of our own bodies and souls.

When we try to understand asceticism we have to overcome a stereotype of the emaciated ascetic with the tortured face of a determined but inexperienced jogger. This stereotype, even though it was sometimes accurate, does not validate our caricature of all asceticism as anti-life, perverted and masochistic. In neglecting to take seriously the claim of historic Christian authors that changes in the habits and condition of the body open the soil to insight, we ignore a useful tool for the resolution and regeneration of mind and body. Historic authors were unanimous in insisting that Christian asceticism is for the purpose of ordering one’s life, in all aspects of daily thought and activity, toward the new life which has become available to human beings in Jesus Christ.

Asceticism does not necessarily imply a pejorative view of the human body. Historic authors describe two models based on two different rationales for ascetic practices. In the first model there is a closed energy system in which the soul gathers energy at the expense of the body. According to the early church fathers, "When the soul grows strong, the body withers; when the body grows strong, the soul withers." This model conflicts with the Christian affirmation of the body that is implicit in the doctrines of creation, incarnation and the resurrection of the body. Yet this "old asceticism" is the rationale -- implicit or explicit -- which most historical treatises on asceticism assume.

But historic sources describe a second model according to which the cooperative activity of soul and body in an ascetic discipline benefits the whole person. Herein, the body was seen neither as foil for the soul nor as a problem, but as the condition of human being, learning and salvation. The rationale for ascetic practice based on this model assumes the permanent and intimate connection of soul and body so that when the state of the body is altered by ascetic practice, the soul is affected -- opened or made vulnerable. On the other hand, when the body is kept in the same state of nourishment and in patterns of activity, the psyche retains the ironclad protection of its habituated condition. I will call this model "the new asceticism," not because it is never found in historic ascetical treatises -- it is frequently used there -- but because it presents an understanding of ascetic practices which is still important and useful for us.

Because we have collapsed all asceticism into the first model, we have not understood completely the potential usefulness of the second. Ironically, because we have failed to adapt ascetic practices to our needs, we have reverted to the "old asceticism" that we wanted to reject. Because we think that we have rejected asceticism, we do not recognize the extent to which behavior patterns based on the first model are operative in contemporary life. Many of us live in cities with more concrete than green growth; we live with a noise level that fatigues us; we breathe polluted air, and if we run or cycle in order to exercise, we breathe more of it than if we drive or walk. We are ascetics of the "old" sort; we "enrich the mind" and act out our psychic agenda at the direct and daily expense of our bodies. Overeating, promiscuity, drug dependence, overwork, a killing life pace and a polluted environment all drain the body’s energy.

If we could reject such practices. what might constitute a new asceticism for our time? First, it must consist of practices fully as good for body as for soul. The body, described by Christian faith as an integral and permanent aspect of human being, must be explicitly cared for and enhanced by any ascetic practice that we accept as good for our souls. Second, ascetic practices must be temporary, consciously chosen and carefully designed to locate and correct a particular debilitating habit pattern.

These criteria do not permit any general prescriptive rules that would be good for everybody at any one time. They require personalized interpretation based either on self-knowledge or on skillful spiritual direction. No one who does not understand a person’s particular patterns can suggest precisely the ascetic practice that would make these patterns conscious and begin to correct them. Yet because of the uniformity of contemporary culture by which all of us are shaped, we can make some suggestions that are likely to benefit most of us at one time or another during our lifetime.

In Christian tradition, the most consistently emphasized ascetic practice which meets the requirements for a new asceticism is fasting. Even a small experiment like skipping one meal is enough to demonstrate to most of us the degree to which we have become addicted to food, not only as our bodies require and enjoy it, but also for organizing our days. One day’s worth of fasting will demonstrate an astonishingly different experience of time during that day. Thomas Mann’s The Magic Mountain describes the management of time in a tuberculosis sanatorium: so that the day will not weigh oppressively on the patients, it is broken every two or three hours with meals or snacks. Always eating or looking forward to eating, the patients find themselves whizzing through days, months and even years without noticing them.

To a lesser degree, this principle is operative in our lives. Breaking our eating patterns, even briefly, both teaches us the psychological dimension of our attachment to food and to mealtimes, and loosens that attachment so that it never again has quite the strength that it had when we were not conscious of it. Fasting is also good for the body; short fasts lasting from one to three days allow it to rest from its constant labor of digestion.

Another sort of fasting whose usefulness is fully demonstrated only by doing it is abstention from the media. The experience of disorientation and discomfort which is the result of stopping the constant barrage of words and images from newspapers, magazines and television shows us to what a large extent our consciousness is usually controlled and ordered by the media.

Various disciplines of meditation and prayer involving breathing exercises and bodily postures can be useful for gathering and concentrating attention and energy. Physical exercise is also helpful and reminds us of what the fourth century theologian of the desert ascetics, Evagrius Ponticus, called "the grace of the Creator in giving us a body." It is important to become aware of the way in which various forms of exercise translate directly into the "tone" of the soul. In addition, there is the value of temporary, deliberately chosen periods of celibacy, of solitude, of concentration on an important task, even periods of silence. Any of these ascetic practices might at some time be highly effective and valuable for locating and treating the habituation and addiction that result finally in a dullness of body and mind.

They did, in fact, find simple and humble ways to use bodily practices that were helpful. We have ignored the bodily practices that recognize and affirm our incarnated life, in which what we do is as important as what we think. Asceticism is an effective tool for weaving into one’s daily existence the life of Jesus Christ, which is given not only to souls but to embodied human beings.

On Reading Augustine and on Augustine’s Reading

Confessions, by St. Augustine. Translated by Maria Boulding. New City Press, 248 pp., $29.95; paperback, $19.95.

Translation . . . is the creation of something new.

—Michael P. Steinberg

A new translation of a classic text provides an occasion for reading a well-thumbed favorite afresh. Maria Boulding’s translation of the Confessions is the first fruits of the publisher’s ambitious commitment to translate all of Augustine’s voluminous works into English. Boulding’s translation offers English readers the possibility of hearing the voice of an ancient author "speaking in my ear"—just as Augustine claimed, in book 12 of the Confessions, to bear God’s dictation. I will comment on the translation later, but first I would like to consider reading itself, especially Augustine’s experience of reading and his explicit—even anxious—attention to his own readers.

For Augustine, reading was nothing short of salvific. As a young adult, desperately searching for psychological and philosophical orientation, he anguished, "Where can I find the books?," never doubting that books possess the capacity to heal and transform. A bit later Augustine found the books that would excite and incite him—several accounts of people who had abandoned career and family to follow Christ in passionate celibacy. "I was on fire as I read," he recalls. As an author, he expected similar engagement from his readers, engagement that can only be characterized as intense pleasure.

The narrative of another person’s life experience, especially when it is told as dramatically as Augustine’s, holds perennial and intrinsic interest and pleasure for readers or hearers. The Confessions represents one side of an energetic conversation in which the reader’s response is deliberately solicited. The reading pleasure that results from this conversation—different for different readers—is not merely the simple pleasure of hearing a good story, but the complex pleasures of strong feelings—sometimes violent disagreement, sometimes frustration and sometimes a euphoric recognition, produced by Augustine’s text, of the "beauty so ancient and so new," to which Augustine points through the beauty of his prose.

The primary training for any author is reading. From Augustine’s own reading experience, he assumed he knew what any reader expects to experience. And he expected his reader to be as affected as he himself was when he read a powerful book. What was Augustine’s reading practice, and how did it affect not only his authorship but also his idea of the Christian life? Quite simply, Augustine expected reading to be a life-transforming experience. He gives several accounts of such experiences, his own and those of others—experiences that alerted him to the potentially powerful effects of reading. His repeated use of the metaphor of fire in connection with reading points to this. Here is his description of his reading of Cicero’s Hortensius at the age of 19:

The book changed my way of feeling.... For under its influence my petitions and desires altered. All my hollow hopes suddenly seemed worthless, and with unbelievable intensity my heart burned with longing for the immortality that wisdom seemed to promise.... It had won me over not by its style, but by what it had to say.

Augustine was convinced that the truth could be found in books—the right books. But "where are we even to look for the right books? Where and when are we to buy them?" And it was not only a matter of finding the right books; a fruitful method of reading was also essential.

One of Augustine’s most important experiences in his early days in Milan was the discovery of a new method of reading. He had been taught to read in a way that maximally engaged the body and senses: reading aloud, seeing and hearing words, simultaneously moving the lips and projecting the words with one’s breath—an expressive art of tone and emphasis. So he was astonished as a young man, new to the sophisticated imperial capital of Milan, to witness Bishop Ambrose reading silently: "When he read his eyes would travel across the pages and his mind would explore the sense, but his voice and tongue were silent." Augustine and his mother sat watching him for a long time, speculating on why he chose to read in this strange fashion.

In Augustine’s time, reading aloud was a public practice, conducted in a company of people, so that those who were illiterate could benefit. But Ambrose read both in silence and in private, observed but not heard, his thoughts about what he was reading unspoken, inaccessible to others. Fascinated, Augustine immediately began to practice silent, private reading. In the Confessions he reconstructs his first reading of a psalm as a newly converted catechumen. He read, he says, with intense excitement and with a nearly neurasthenic responsiveness:

How loudly I cried out to you, my God, as I read the psalms of David.... How loudly I began to cry out to you in those psalms, how I was inflamed by them with love for you and fired to recite them to the whole world, were I able. ... I shuddered with awe, yet all the while hope and joy surged up within me.... I trembled as I heard these words. ... How these words moved me, my God.. . . As I read these words outwardly and experienced their truth inwardly I shouted with joy. . . . The next verse wrung a cry from the very depths of my heart I read on and on, all afire.

Angels, Augustine comments, read without any such paroxysms of delight and terror. They calmly read an eternal and unchanging word: "Their book is never closed, their scroll never rolled up." Nor are they required to interpret, for what they read is transparent. Human beings, on the other hand, necessarily read discursively, across time in which words sound and pass and perspectives and interpretations change. Somehow it is difficult to imagine that Augustine really envied angels their dispassionate read.

Augustine’s silent reading demonstrated to him that reading could penetrate to and reshape the core of his being. Through this practice he discovered "the eternal reality within." He found the place at which transformation occurs: "There within, where I had grown angry with myself, there in the inner chamber where I was pierced with sorrow. . . and hoping in you I began to give my mind to my new life, there you had begun to make me feel your sweetness and had given me joy in my heart."

Several reading and hearing experiences paved the way for Augustine’s conversion to Christianity. Hearing the story of the conversion of the famous orator Simplicianus, Augustine was on fire to be like him." Shortly before his conversion, Augustine heard about another transformative reading experience. Ponticianus, finding Augustine reading St. Paul’s writings, told Augustine about his own conversion, precipitated by reading a life of St. Antony. Augustine described Ponticianus’s reading as a direct and passionate conversation with the text in which Ponticianus allowed the text to evaluate and judge his life and to point the way to a new life. The metaphor of birth expresses both the labor and the ultimate joy of the experience:

He was in labor with the new life that was struggling to birth within him. He directed his eyes back to the page, and as he read a change began to occur in that hidden place in him where you alone can see.. . . At last he broke off his reading with a groan as he discerned the right course and determined to take it. By now he belonged to you.

Writing the Confessions about a decade after the cataclysmic event that altered the rest of his long and productive life, Augustine gave his readers a detailed account of his conversion—an event intimately intertwined with hearing and reading. The phrase he heard at the moment of his conversion was Tolle, lege; tolle, lege ("Take, read"). To read, for Augustine, was to ingest, swallow, digest and incorporate—to eat the text. Is it accidental that the words ‘Take, read" parallel the central words of the mass, familiar to Augustine from his boyhood, ‘Take, eat"?

Even in his receptivity, however, Augustine was not passive. He considered and consciously interpreted the words, identifying a precedent for his interpretation before he permitted himself to appropriate them:

I stemmed the flood of tears and rose to my feet, believing that this could be nothing other than a divine command to open the book and read the first passage I chanced upon; for I had heard the story of how Antony had been instructed by a gospel text. He happened to arrive while the gospel was being read and took the words to be addressed to himself when he heard, Go and sell all you possess and give the money to the poor: you will have treasure in heaven. Then come, follow me.

Augustine snatched up the "book of the Apostle" he had been reading, opened it, and read in silence the passage on which his eyes first lighted: "Not in dissipation or drunkenness, nor in debauchery and lewdness, nor in arguing and jealousy; but put on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make no provision for the flesh or for the gratification of your desires" (Rom. 3:13-14). "I had no wish to read further, nor was there need. No sooner had I reached the end of the verse than the light of certainty flooded my heart and all dark shadows of doubt fled away." Predictably, one of Augustine’s first postconversion initiatives was to write to Ambrose, asking him what books of scripture he should read. Ambrose recommended Isaiah, but Augustine confessed he could not comprehend the first part of Isaiah. He postponed perusal of the remainder of the book indefinitely.

There is no indication in the Confessions that Augustine expected groups of people to read it aloud together. On the contrary, he always addresses the individual, alone with his private thoughts and memories. He expected his reader to practice silent reading—reading addressed to that interior place, the same place in which he first experienced profound anxiety and later sweetness and joy. This was the reading practice for which Augustine wrote; this is what he expected of, and recommended to, his readers. We 20th-century readers, deeply familiar with a private reading practice that in fact developed in the Christian West from devotional reading, need to remind ourselves of the oddity of private reading in Augustine’s time. In writing his confessions, Augustine adopted and adapted an esoteric reading practice and provided one of the texts that would demonstrate and perpetuate this practice.

Does Boulding’s English translation reproduce the color and urgency of Augustine’s Latin? This is, I think, the right question to ask of a text that explicitly endeavors to communicate to its reader in ways that produce transformation through delight. The trick of Augustine’s Confessions is suddenly to shift perspectives from best human guesses about how we should live to an Archimedean point outside time and space, to the God’s-eye view—and to bring this about requires powerful English rhetoric that matches Augustine’s Latin.

Moreover, one of the most difficult—perhaps ultimately impossible—feats a translator must attempt is to retain the colloquial intensity of the original. What were the buzzwords of Augustine’s cultural moment? Can any 20th-century person recognize them when she sees them? But perhaps Augustine’s text gives some clues: language of the body is a constant in the Confessions. Augustine relentlessly observed his body in order to read the state of his soul. After narrating in detail his bodily motions at the time of his greatest torment, just before his conversion—"I tore out my hair, battered my forehead," cried, groaned and thrashed about—Augustine identifies the moment of transformation in a simple phrase: "My face changed" (mutato vultu).

Boulding translates this as "My expression immediately altered"—a slight but significant elision of Augustine’s focus on his body. Similarly, Boulding offers this translation of the famous phrase with which Augustine introduces his project of confession: "Our heart is unquiet until it rests in you" (in quietus est cor nostrum donec requiescat in te). Although the translation is strictly accurate, it does not succeed—as does the term "restless"—in evoking the physical discomfort of the insomniac fretfully tossing and turning in bed, unable to sleep. Boulding translates for clarity, and she can seldom be faulted on accuracy. However, she tends to tone down the intensity of Augustine’s vivid prose by obscuring the body he was so consistently attentive to, and reliant on, for the power and immediacy of his communication. In fairness, Boulding’s phrases often do match Augustine’s insistent physicality; for example, consider "the innermost marrow of my mind ached," or "habit’s oozy discharge." But there are crucial passages in which Augustine’s body recedes from his text. Augustine’s use of the language of bodily experience is what makes the Confessions communicable to readers of every age.

It may seem nitpicking to complain that Boulding’s paragraph headings, and sometimes her notes, intrude. Many of the notes consist of fussy reminders that a phrase Augustine uses comes from scripture or from a classical Latin author. The only responsible ground for such a complaint is that headings and notes often distract from the mounting urgency of Augustine’s narration and thereby undermine the text’s ability to confront, seduce and transform the reader. Both headings and notes subtly but surely come between reader and text, directing obedience to traditional interpretations that, for example, target "Neoplatonism" as the source of Augustine’s "dualism," and deflect readers rude questions about Augustine’s sexual experience, his attraction to Manichaeism and his polemical stances. Boulding’s notes adopt Augustine’s perspective uncritically, repeating, for example, his belittling disdain for opponents.

For the 20th-century reader, a strong engagement with the Confessions depends on the reader’s ability to recollect spontaneously her own experience, comparable in intensity to Augustine’s. To deflect that rough encounter by directing attention to explanations is to produce a text different from what Augustine wrote. Similarly, to turn Augustine’s poetic prose into verse, as Boulding does at several points, is to impose on the reader a literary self-consciousness that Augustine knew well but declined to use. Rather, his poetry and prose are merged and submerged in his purpose of carrying his reader to the place to which "the whole torrent of our love rushes," the place of highly energized and pleasurable "rest"—"there," where the apparent contradiction of rest and strongly felt pleasure coincide and can be communicated most adequately by Augustine’s inardescimus et imus: we catch fire and we go.

Having said all this, however, I must confess that I am an extremely demanding reviewer of any translation of the Confessions. I have read the Confessions repeatedly, in Latin and English, over a 30-year period, and I bring the jealous attentions of a lover to any new translation of a text so old and so new.

When I first read the Confessions I was irritated by what I took to be Augustine’s scrupulosity (the redoubtable "pear tree incident," for example) and outraged at his characterization of sex as slavery. Later, I questioned the way his narrative marginalizes the women who nourished and supported him. But finally the transformative injunction Augustine heard in the garden in Milan, Tolle lege, "Take and read" (unnecessarily lengthened and diluted in Boulding’s "Pick it up and read"), has oriented and shaped by life. I have learned from Augustine to read for life, for the motivating ideas and the energetic commitment to richness of experience and understanding Augustine derived from reading.

God’s Love, Mother’s Milk

For most Christians, the primary symbol of God’s love and care for humanity is a cross--a reminder of the crucifixion. Yet for approximately the first five centuries of the Christian movement the crucifixion was not depicted visually because it was too closely associated with a shameful criminal death to be useful as a symbol of love and redemption. What complex theological and social circumstances brought crucifixion scenes to prominence as visual statements about God’s love for humanity?

The New Testament assumes that humans are estranged from God and unable to overcome that estrangement. Christ’s death on the cross was a sacrifice for the purpose of removing the barrier between God and humans. Christ is pictured as a sacrificial lamb whose death ransomed humanity. But the New Testament offers no precise explanation of the dynamics of that sacrifice.

Similarly, patristic authors offered no single doctrine of redemption. In fact, until Anselm gave his account of Christ’s salvific work in the 11th century, no treatise was devoted to explaining how Christ’s death saves. Patristic authors tended to see the whole incarnation as crucial to redemption; crucifixion and resurrection were understood as two moments in the same process. Paul’s image of Christ as victor over demons was also prominent in patristic literature. Other patristic writers emphasized Christ as illuminator, Christ as example, the life of Christ as a form of moral instruction, or Christ as provider of incorruption and deification. It was only gradually that Christ’s death as sacrificial victim came to be emphasized in Western theology as the most compelling proof of God’s love.

Consider, however, another visual expression and presentation of God’s love for humanity. Dozens, perhaps hundreds, of late medieval and Renaissance paintings and sculptures depict the Virgin Mary with one breast exposed as she is nursing or preparing to nurse the infant Christ. The origins of the image are disputed, but whatever its origins, depictions of the lactating Virgin acquired new meaning and new urgency in mid-14th-century Tuscany. In communities under siege from plague, wars and malnutrition, the Virgin’s breast was a symbol of God’s loving provision of life, the nourishment and care that sustain life, and the salvation that promises eternal life.

In many of these paintings of the nursing Virgin, Christ twists around to gaze at the viewer, making eye contact that establishes the viewer’s identification with Christ and invites the viewer to share the nourishment of the Virgin’s breast. Paintings also show Mary cupping in her left hand a naked breast that she exhibits to the adult Christ. With her right hand, she points to a group of sinners huddled at her feet, for whose salvation she pleads. The inscription on one such painting. reads: "Dearest son, because of the milk I gave you, have mercy on them." In turn, Christ displays his wounds to God the Father, forwarding the Virgin’s plea for mercy. God the Father completes the circle by releasing the descending dove of the Holy Spirit to bring salvation.

For medieval and early modern people the breast was anything but an abstract symbol. In societies that lacked refrigeration and in which animal milk was thought to foster stupidity in the infant who imbibed it, almost all people experienced their first nourishment and pleasure at a woman’s breast. In texts and images, religious meaning bonded with physical experience to form a singularly powerful symbol. Although theologians may have claimed that crucifixion scenes exhibited the extremity of God’s love for humans, it was scenes of the child suckling at the breast that spoke to people on the basis of their earliest experience.

Several prominent theologians also described God’s love for humanity as that of a mother who offers care and provision to her dependent child, both in her womb and in its early experience in the world. Theologians such as Clement of Alexandria, Augustine, Anselm and Bernard of Clairvaux pictured the Christian’s nourishment as coming from God’s breasts. But it was Julian of Norwich (d. about 1416) who most explicitly analyzed God’s care as closely resembling that of a mother: "The mother’s service is nearest, readiest, and surest: nearest because it is most natural; readiest because it is most loving; surest because it is truest" (Showings, Long text 59).

What happened to the nursing Virgin as symbol of God’s loving provision for humanity? The short answer is that changes in society and religion in early modern Western Europe secularized the breast. In the 15th and 16th centuries, representations of an exposed breast became increasingly realistic. No longer the cone-shaped appendage that emerged at shoulder height from a slit in the Virgin Mary’s garment, her breast now resembled the engorged nursing breast.

Moreover, by the end of the 15th century, exposed breasts were no longer exhibited exclusively in maternal contexts. Mary Magdalene’s naked breasts signified her penitence, extending the meanings of the religious breast. Portrayals of classical subjects, such as Lucretia and Cleopatria, as well as of allegorical topics, increasingly depicted female figures with exposed breasts. Paintings based on stories from the Hebrew Bible, such as Susanna and the elders, Joseph and Potiphar’s wife, and Judith and Holofernes, also featured uncovered breasts. With these new subjects, new meanings emerged. By the 16th century, paintings of the nourishing breast of the Virgin and Mary Magdalene’s penitent breasts were only two among many contexts in which breasts were seen in art.

Meanwhile, the invention of the printing press and the rapid growth of the printing industry permitted and encouraged new images to circulate. Along with Bibles and the literature of the Protestant Reformation, the presses produced medical anatomies and pornography for an increasingly literate public. The printing press democratized erotic images that formerly circulated in limited editions among elite men. When dissection of corpses began to be publicly practiced in medical theaters, medical illustrations--such as those in Vesalius’s 1543 De humani corporis fabrica--drew public interest to mapping the interior of human bodies. Illustrations presented male and female bodies as objects for study, not as subjects of religious experience.

By the 16th century, the depiction of breasts in religious paintings was being challenged by Christians. Some Protestant churches, like Zwingli’s Grossmtinster in Zurich, removed all images from the worship space. Even in Protestant regions (including Lutheran ones) where believers were not iconoclasts, representation of saints and sacred figures became less central in worship and devotion. In Roman Catholic territories, clergy who commissioned paintings were aware that representations of breasts could not be unambiguously directed to religious meaning. At the Council of Trent in December 1593, the Catholic Church rejected "inappropriate" images in religious paintings, a decree that was immediately interpreted as a rejection of nakedness,

By 1750 the public meaning of naked breasts was largely medical or erotic. I have not been able to find a single religious image of the breast painted after 1750. By that time, it was impossible to symbolize God’s love by depicting a nursing Virgin. Meanwhile, crucifixion scenes increased in number and in their graphic depiction of violence and suffering. Mitchell Merbaek’s The Thief, the Cross, and the Wheel: Pain and the Spectacle of Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe documents an increase in the depiction of violence in Renaissance paintings of the crucifixion, which created a dilemma for artists. Since theologians insisted that Christ chose to die for the sins of the human race, he could not be shown as resisting the torture of a slow death on the cross. The two thieves crucified with him were depicted in the throes of hideous torture, their bodies in impossible positions, twisted and broken, but Christ’s body was depicted as relaxed and accepting.

Did the increased attention to violent crucifixion scenes arise from social changes in Western Europe? In early modern Europe, a newly patriarchal administration of society developed in many arenas. In economics, commerce moved from the household to a public sphere organized by guilds (from which women were excluded). In lay religiosity, confraternities dedicated to flagellation as the ultimate expression of Christian devotion excluded women. The professionalization of medicine depended in part on controlling midwives and prohibiting women healers. And "the invention of pornography" (the title of a book by Lynn Hunt) claimed women’s bodies as objects of pleasure. Moreover, social realities such as malnutrition, pandemic plague, wars and a syphilis epidemic increased anxieties, leading to a culture of fear in which women were disproportionately scapegoated through the persecution of alleged witches. The secularization of the breast occurred in intimate interaction with these social realities.

There are problems with the crucifixion scene as a representation of God’s love for humanity. It presents a violent act as salvific. Are crucifixion scenes the unconscious origin, deeply embedded in Western Christian societies, of the sacrificial rhetoric that surrounds war? (On the eve of the Iraq war, George W. Bush said, "Americans understand the costs of conflict because we have paid them in the past. War has no certainty but the certainty of sacrifice.") Does the proliferation of crucifixion scenes habituate us to violence? The equation of love with heroic violence and suffering is typically a male-centered perspective. Depictions of the lactating Virgin, of course, also involve expectations about gender. Is God’s love for humanity more adequately represented as the provision of life, daily care and nourishment, or as redemptive suffering?

Perhaps this question needs to be placed in a broader framework. In the religion of the Word made flesh, bodies were always understood to be central. In churches, the senses were purposely and vividly engaged by architecture and decoration that dazzle the eye. The ears were engaged by music and the liturgy of the word. The eucharistic celebration invited worshipers to taste and ingest the bread and wine. We read of churches in which fresh herbs were spread on the floor, their scent rising as the congregation walked about before, during and after the service. Catechetical instruction included daily exorcisms in which the devil was commanded to depart from the new member’s body so that Christ could take residence there. Naked baptism of adults in the full congregation occurred on Easter eve. Scripture urged Christians to "glorify God and bear God in your body" (1 Cor. 6:20). Although records of harsh asceticism have fascinated critics, most ascetic practices were undertaken for the purpose of gently removing distractions to prayer. Bodies were understood to be both site and symbol of religious subjectivity.

The secularization of the breast in early modern Western Europe began a long process in which Christianity came to be seen increasingly as focused on beliefs and doctrines, while bodies and physical practices were marginalized. Both images of the crucifixion and images of the lactating Virgin visualize bodies as capable of communicating Christianity’s central message--God’s love for humanity. It may well be that both images are needed.

But the value of the nursing breast as a symbol of God’s provision might need to be reconsidered in our own time, a time in which the technological capacity for, and interest in, objectifying women’s bodies contributes to eating disorders among young women as well as to rape. Understanding the complex social, religious and technological factors that resulted in the eclipse of the nursing Virgin could prepare the way for a critical recovery of this symbol. In societies in which violence is rampant on the street and in the media, the nursing Virgin can perhaps communicate God’s love to people in a way that a violent image, the image of one more sacrificial victim, cannot.

Michael Harrington: Socialist to the End

The Other American: The Life of Michael Harrington

By Maurice Isserman. Public Affairs, 431 pp.

Countless times in his career, Michael Harrington heard himself introduced as "the author of The Other America, the book that sparked the war on poverty." His other books on democratic socialism tended to get short shrift. Harrington was a friendly, generous figure, not inclined to chide a welcoming host, but these introductions were hard to bear. Sometimes he reintroduced himself: "I’ve written quite a few books since The Other America, some of which might interest you," he would say. He could see his epitaph in the making: "Wrote The Other America, downhill after that."

Maurice Isserman has given us a version of this epitaph that is long on early biographical detail and very short on the aspect of Harrington’s life and work that was most important to him -- the struggle to create a democratic socialist tradition. On all counts except this one, The Other America is a splendidly conceived and meticulously researched biography.

Had Harrington been born anywhere in Western Europe, he would have become a major social-democratic party leader. As it is, he could have become America’s leading liberal intellectual. But he aspired to build a serious democratic socialist tradition in this country, and he had to settle for being America’s leading socialist, which, as William F. Buckley Jr. once teased him, was something like being the tallest building in Kansas.

Born in St. Louis in 1928, Edward Michael Harrington was educated by the Jesuits at St. Louis University High School, where he was called Ned, and by the Jesuits at Holy Gross College, where friends called him Ed. In later life he was sensitive to the resemblance between the Thomistic scholasticism in which he was trained and the Marxist scholasticism that he embraced as an adult. "I have long thought that my Jesuit education predisposed me to the worst and best of Marx’s thought," he acknowledged.

Having graduated from college near the top of his class at the age of 19, he had a few extra years to find himself. To please his parents he spent a year at Yale Law School, which bored him, and a year studying English at the University of Chicago, which he liked, but not enough to hang on for a doctorate. Harrington later claimed that he shed his right-leaning politics at Yale and that his "Damascus Road" conversion to social activism occurred during a summer job in St. Louis working for the public school system’s Pupil Welfare Department. Isserman couldn’t find a Yale classmate who remembered him as a socialist, however, and he reveals that Harrington worked for the Pupil Welfare Department for a total of three days.

It was in Greenwich Village that he started to become Michael Harrington, successor to socialist icons Eugene Debs and Norman Thomas. Upon moving to New York in 1951, Harrington moved into Dorothy Day’s Catholic Worker House of Hospitality, where he promptly took over the Catholic Worker newspaper and became a favorite of the founder. Harrington spent little time actually ministering to the poor in the Bowery -- the newspaper proved more interesting -- but he repeated the Worker’s standard answer to inquirers about why he was living at the House of Hospitality: in order to become a saint. For nearly two years he tried to adopt Day’s anarcho-pacifist politics and her devotion to Catholic orthodoxy, while spending his evenings at the White Horse Tavern. The White Horse was famous in Greenwich Village for the poets and writers who drank there, including Dylan Thomas, Delmore Schwartz, Norman Mailer, William Styron and Dan Wakefield. Young Democratic Party operative Daniel Patrick Moynihan was another regular.

For ten years Harrington was a fixture at the White Horse. He fancied himself a poet and Bohemian, smoked and drank every night, held court on politics and literature, took home a lengthy succession of women, and dropped Day’s anarchism, pacifism and religion, in that order. Under the influence of Bogdan Denitch, then a young operative in the Young People’s Socialist League, Harrington joined the socialist "movement," as the YPSL cadre called their grouplet. He traded one sect for another, while telling himself that this time he was working to end the system that produced human misery rather than merely ministering to it.

The middle portion of Isserman’s story is the one most likely to tax readers’ patience. This section details Harrington’s 20-year career of sectarian intrigue, faction-fighting and movement building as a Shachtmanite. Max Shachtman was a charismatic autodidact, brilliant party hack and spellbinding orator who left his mark on a peculiar mixture of radicals and conservatives. He began his political pilgrimage as a communist and ended it as a father figure to the generation of right-wing socialists who later won high positions in the Reagan administration. In the 1920s Schactman was a Soviet-style communist; in 1929 he cofounded American Trotskyism and was a close associate of Leon Trotsky; in 1940 he founded the post-Trotskyist Independent Socialist League, which espoused what Shachtman called "Third Camp" revolutionary socialism; in the 1950s his theory of "democratic Marxism" provided the ideological scaffolding for democratic socialists who considered themselves too "hard" to join Norman Thomas’s Socialist Party; in the 1960s he moved to the right, joined the Socialist Party, and cozied up to the leadership of the AFL-CIO; subsequently he was revered by neoconservatives as the champion of militantly anticommunist trade unionism.

The Shachtmanites strenuously debated abstruse points of Marxist doctrine in sessions that often lasted through the night. Harrington later described his comrades as "determined but unhysterical anticommunists engaged in seemingly Talmudic exegeses of the holy writ according to Karl Marx." From Shachtman he inherited his signature theories of democratic Marxism and bureaucratic collectivism, as well as his socialist outrage at the communist perversion of socialism. Harrington recalled that when Shachtman gave one of his three-hour speeches on the evils of communism and reeled off the names of socialist leaders murdered by Joseph Stalin, "it was like hearing the roll call of revolutionary martyrs who were bone of our bone, flesh of our flesh." This schooling in the intensely anticommunist faction of the Old Left shaped Harrington’s early conception of the democratic socialist mission but also limited his effectiveness in dealing with the youthful leaders of the New Left during the early 1960s.

In 1960 the nonyouthful socialists of the League for Industrial Democracy tried to regenerate their youth division by funding a new student organization, which was later named Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Having spent two years lecturing at colleges and universities across the country, Harrington was tapped to be the Old Left’s bridge to the student generation. He met several times with Tom Hayden and other leaders of the student movement, trying to convert them to democratic socialism, but they resisted what seemed to them the unnecessary historical baggage of Harrington’s socialism. They felt that a new American radicalism needed to invent its own language and politics, shorn of the anticommunism and statism of the social democratic Old Left, and shorn as well of the Old Left’s alliance with trade unions and Democratic Party liberalism.

"They were in favor of political realignment, but dismissed the liberals who were essential to it," Harrington later remarked. He found their anti-anticommunism inexcusable. For a brief period following the drafting of the Port Huron Statement, the founding manifesto of the SDS, Harrington advised the League for Industrial Democracy to stop funding SDS.

Harrington had been the youngest member of his high school class, his college class, his drinking gangs and his socialist sects; now he confronted younger student leaders who rejected his counsel, and he did not take it well. He damaged his reputation among young radicals just as they began to build a "new left" worth naming. He was right about the oppressive squalor of communism and the necessity of working with liberals, but his manner of admonishing the New Leftists was deeply alienating, and it took him several years to break free from his Shachtmanite muddle after Vietnam became America’s consuming political issue.

Isserman corrects some often-repeated exaggerations about Harrington’s bad relations with the New Left. Harrington never lost his access to the saner leaders of the New Left, and his fame as author of The Other America, which appeared in 1962, gave him an identity to a mass audience that knew nothing about Max Shachtman or the Port Huron Statement. Long after he became famous as "the man who discovered poverty," however, Harrington apologized repeatedly for his generational conflict with Hayden and other New Left leaders. He sorely regretted that he botched his one chance to shape the thinking of a significant student movement. He also sorely regretted that it took him until October 1969 to speak at an antiwar rally, and until January 1970 to call for American withdrawal from Vietnam.

The Other America had inauspicious beginnings. As a professional activist, Harrington was adept at writing and speaking on topics he knew little about. In 1959 he knew a good deal about communism, literary criticism and civil liberties, which were his staple topics for Commonweal and Dissent magazines. He knew little about poverty, aside from his brief experience at the Catholic Worker and various impressions from his lecture tours.

Liberal journals rarely mentioned poverty in the 1950s. They barely recognized that it still existed in America, much less that it deserved to be treated as an important political issue. In 1959 most liberals believed that the basic structural problems of how government and business should work together had been solved. Continued economic growth would mop up the residual "pockets of poverty" left over from the Depression. John Kenneth’s Galbraith’s The Affluent Society and Arthur Schlesinger Jr.’s The Vital Center were the bibles of the new prosperity-liberalism.

The Affluent Society brought out a few naysayers. Economist Leon Keyserling suggested that the established liberalism might be too complacent by half. In 1958 Keyserling noted that more than a quarter of American families reported annual incomes below $4,000. He argued that Galbraith and Schlesinger underestimated the need for a New Deal-type employment policy. A few months later, the social democratic New Leader published a speech by Senator Paul Douglas of Illinois that called for a more aggressive government response to America’s lingering poverty problem.

Commentary editor Anatole Shub sensed a hot topic in the making. He commissioned an article from Harrington on poverty as a social and political issue. Harrington used statistics from the Federal Reserve Board and the U.S. Commerce Department to argue that there were 50 million poor people in the affluent society; as an aid to understanding how this could be trne in 1959, he appropriated the "culture of poverty" thesis of anthropologist Oscar Lewis. The poor were not merely underemployed, he explained; they constituted "a separate culture, another nation, with its own way of life." (This notion had a leftist spin in Lewis’s and Harrington’s usage. In later life Harrington had to defend his understanding of the term in the face of neoconservatives who used the "culture of poverty" idea to attack antipoverty programs.) A second Commentary article on slums decried America’s housing policy as cheap and lacking in compassion.

The Other America padded out the argument of his Commentary articles. The land of the poor was invisible to middle-class Americans because it existed mostly in rural isolation and in crowded urban slums, he observed. This other America was the product of social neglect. "Until these facts shame us, until they stir us to action, the other America will continue to exist, a monstrous example of needless suffering in the most advanced society in the world."

Dwight Macdonald praised the book for 40 pages in the New Yorker. After that Harrington was bombarded with requests for articles, speeches and media interviews. The book became required reading among social scientists, government officials, student activists, and intellectuals. Economic adviser Walter Heller gave a copy to President Kennedy, who may have read it before ordering a federal war on poverty three days before his death. When Lyndon Johnson declared war on poverty -- "that’s my kind of program," he told Heller -- he appointed Peace Corps director Sargent Shriver to head the new Office of Economic Opportunity, who then appointed Harrington to the program’s organizing group. After Shriver briefed him on the agency’s mandate and budget, Harrington warned that America’s poverty would not be ended by spending "nickels and dimes." Shriver replied, "Oh really, Mr. Harrington. I don’t know about you, but this is the first time I’ve spent a billion dollars."

Harrington told that story often in later years to illustrate why America lost its war on poverty. Government spending did increase significantly between 1965 and 1968, he allowed, but this was largely to pay for the war in Vietnam and to fund increases in Social Security and Medicare. The war on poverty was funded at less than 1 percent of the federal budget.

Harrington wore his fame uneasily. He could have used it as a ticket to individual stardom as a liberal (The Other America never mentioned socialism), but instead he used his fame to promote democratic socialism and build new socialist organizations. He could have written pop-level best sellers to boost his name and income -- publishers begged him to write a sequel to The Other America -- but he persisted in writing scholarly books on socialism and the crises of late capitalism. He was a sensational speaker -- expressive, flowing, charming, always with three well-outlined points -- and he greatly enjoyed his lecture tours.

While lecturing one evening in 1965, however, he nearly collapsed from a nervous breakdown. His devastating depression required four years of psychoanalytic treatment; to his understanding -- maternal and paternal influences aside -- the culprit was his unexpected fame. He kept giving lectures, but for years he could not speak without feeling a flash of anxiety that another meltdown was coming. He felt guilty about the money that he earned from his lectures and books; he was conflicted about how to make use of his good fortune. A decade later he embarrassed many of his comrades by spending the money on a move to the suburbs, for the sake of his children, all the while realizing that his wife and children suffered from his long lecture-touring absences from home.

By 1972 Harrington was finished with the right-leaning Shachtmanites, but not with the dream of building an American democratic socialist movement. The Shachtmanites hated the Democratic nominee for president, George McGovern, and made no secret of their belief that a Nixon presidency was preferable. To Harrington and his friends at Dissent, the phenomenon of "socialists for Nixon" deserved a name. Harrington reached for the term neoconservative. The neoconservatives derided the ‘60s generation of newly educated progressives as a "New Class" of self-seeking bureaucrats and opportunists. Harrington saw the same group as the hope of a new "conscience constituency" in American politics. He sought to bring together the McGovern wing of the Democratic Party, the social movements left over from the ‘60s, the progressive unions and the progressive wing of the Socialist Party.

Harrington then walked out of the Socialist Party and in 1973 formed the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee. This organization attracted a strong core of supporters that included sociologist Bogdan Denitch, literary critic Irving Howe, educational leader Deborah Meier, labor leader William Winpisinger, feminist leader Gloria Steinem and Congressman Ron Dellums. DSOC worked primarily as a socialist caucus in the liberal wings of the trade union movement and the Democratic Party. It enjoyed strong support from the Machinists, the Communications Workers and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, and in the mid and late 1970s it made impressive inroads in the Democratic Party, especially at the national party’s mid-term conventions.

Isserman faithfully tracks the in-house debates of DSOC and DSA, in this case informed by personal experience. He belonged to Harrington’s organizations in the ‘70s and ‘80s, and his admiration for Harrington is evident; he calls Harrington "Michael" throughout the book. In one important respect, however, Isserman is atypical of the DSOC progressives of his generation. Isserman made his scholarly reputation as a historian of the Old Left, but from the mid-1970s on, DSOC and DSA mostly attracted members who knew and cared very little about the old sectarian left. Their frame of political reference began in 1965 or 1968 or 1972 or even later. They joined DSA or, especially, DSOC because they heard Michael Harrington give an inspiring speech at their university. Except for an occasional aside ("Here’s a note for the Marxologists among you," he would say), Harrington was usually careful to keep his sectarian socialist past in the past. Some of his books rehashed Marxist debates at length, but never his campus lectures. He knew that there was little in the Old Left to commend to young activists, and he had learned the hard way that they were not interested in any case.

Isserman tracks all of Harrington’s movement activism with commendable clarity, but he takes a light pass at Harrington’s thought. The 11 books that Harrington wrote after The Other America were terribly important to him, especially Socialism (1972), The Twilight of Capitalism (1976), Decade of Decision (1980), The Next Left (1986) and Socialism: Past and Future (1989). Isserman barely mentions them. On Harrington’s scholarly work he settles for a footnote that refers the reader to one of my early books on democratic socialism and to a monograph by Robert Gorman. One problem with this bifurcation of Harrington’s life and thought is that it underwrites the kind of dismissive judgment that sociologist Alan Wolfe recently made against Harrington in the New Republic. Harrington’s books after The Other America were failures, Wolfe says, "because Harrington was too busy fighting forgotten battles to concentrate on the writing of them." Harrington kept plugging for democratic socialism long after he should have gotten his clock fixed. Though Isserman probably does not agree with this judgment, there is nothing in his book to counter it, because he does not let Harrington argue in his own voice.

The driving theme of Harrington’s major works was the modern industrialized societies are moving ineluctably toward some variable form of collectivism. Isserman mentions that Harrington inherited the idea of bureaucratic collectivism from Shachtman, but he does not show how Harrington developed this idea and brought it into debates that had little to do with the nature of communist regimes. For Harrington the serious question was not whether economic planning would take place in the future, but the form in which it would take place. The trend under modern capitalism, he argued, was toward a top-down command-model bureaucratic collectivism in which huge oligopolies administered prices, controlled the politics of investment, bought off the political system, and defined cultural tastes and values while obtaining protection and support from the state. It is not a good thing, he warned, that under modern capitalism effective control over investment, credit and social planning is increasingly vested in the hands of unelected elites that hold their own class interests and which valorize their own class-determined notions of the public good.

For Harrington, democratic socialism was essentially a vision of an alternative future in which democratized. It had almost nothing to do with an inevitably collectivized society was effectively democratized. It had almost nothing to do with economic nationalization and everything to do with economic democracy. As he explained in the Nation in 1986: "The issue of the 21st century and of the late 20th century is, can that collective tendency be made democratic and responsible? Can it be made compatible with freedom?" He believed that freedom could survive the ascendance of monopoly corporations and globalizing markets and technology only if it took the form of decentralized economic democracy. Harrington opposed economic nationalization on both philosophical and programmatic grounds. Unlike the various authoritarian forms of collectivization -- including state socialism and monopoly capitalism -- his form of socialism promoted decentralized worker and community ownership and regionally based economic planning. His increasing emphasis on decentralized forms of socialization reflected the influence of green politics on his thinking throughout the 1970s and ‘80s. Upon being criticized in the Nation for selling out socialism, he characteristically replied: "To think that ‘socialization’ is a panacea is to ignore the socialist history of the twentieth century, including the experience of France under Mitterrand. I am for worker- and community-controlled ownership and for an immediate and practical program for full employment which approximates as much of that ideal as possible. No more. No less."

In his conception, the purpose of democratic socialism was to empower ordinary people and thus preserve and extend democratic freedom. He pointed to the Meidner Plan for Economic Democracy in Sweden and to other experiments in worker and social ownership as examples of the decentralized democratic socialism of the future. Though he took seriously his moral obligation to inspire hope in his campus audiences, he could be brutally realistic and analytical in the drinking sessions that followed his lectures. Even his lectures always warned American audiences that they would never live to see economic democracy in their country. In his last book, Harrington expounded a "visionary gradualist" strategy that conceived the democratic socialist movement as a persistently reformist pressure for further gains toward democratic self-determination. He may have been wrong about the future of capitalism and the viability of democratic socialism, but he did make arguments about these matters that deserve to be taken seriously.

I had my share of arguments with Harrington, mostly about religion and Marxism. An unbeliever with a religious sensibility, he took a Marxist view of religion while sincerely welcoming and respecting religious comrades. His organizations were never lacking in religious leaders; prominent among them were philosopher Cornel West, cultural critic Michael Eric Dyson, labor activist John C. Cort, Dissent editor Maxine Phillips, church activists Norm Faramelli and Jack Spooner, and theologians Harvey Cox, Rosemary Ruether and Joe Holland.

Near the end of Harrington’s life, I strongly criticized some of his arguments, and I waited anxiously for his reaction. "So you think I don’t know how to read Marx, do you?" he teased. "Well, you’re in good company." He relinquished the hope of ever straightening out people like me. But what delighted him in his last years, he said, was that he finally belonged to a socialist organization in which people could criticize each other without generating destructive intrigues, factional schisms and personal attacks. This was, in large part, a personal achievement of Michael Harrington.

It is not only the left that is poorer today for having no one like him. American politics is poorer. Bill Clinton has tacked further and further to the right during his presidency because, lacking any ballast on the left, the politics of triangulation necessarily tilts to the right. Whatever his illusions, this is a political truism that Harrington understood very well indeed.

The Origins of Postliberalism

No theological perspective has a commanding place or an especially impressive following these days. Various theologies compete for attention in a highly pluralized field, and no theology has made much of a public impact. One significant and inescapable development, however, has been the emergence of "postliberal" theology, a major attempt to revive the neo-orthodox ideal of a "third way" in theology.

For nearly as long as modern theology has existed, efforts have been made to locate a third way between conservatism and liberalism. The idea of a third way was intrinsic to mid-19th-century German "mediating theology," which blended confessional, pietistic and liberal elements. Two generations later, neo-orthodoxy issued a more aggressive appeal for a third way. While insisting that he was not tempted by biblical literalism, Karl Barth began his dogmatics by describing the liberal tradition of Friedrich Schleiermacher and Adolf von Harnack as "the plain destruction of Protestant theology and the Protestant church." Emil Brunner’s "theology of crisis" similarly maintained that in different ways Protestant liberal-ism and Protestant orthodoxy both betrayed the Reformation principles of the sovereignty and freedom of the Word of God. Reinhold Niebuhr took a different tack toward a similar end, arguing that fundamentalism was hopelessly wrong because it took Christian myths literally, while liberal Christianity was hopelessly wrong because it failed to take Christian myths seriously.

Neo-orthodoxy was an umbrella term for various profoundly different theologies. It was embraced in the U.S. by thousands of pastors and theologians, who generally got their theology from Brunner and Niebuhr rather than from Barth. American neo-orthodoxy in the 1940s and 1950s typically meant a compound of Brunner’s dogmatics, Niebuhr’s theological ethics, and the scripture scholarship of the biblical theology movement. This movement, a reaction to the perceived sterility of earlier, purely analytic studies, emphasized the unifying themes of scripture and stressed the revelatory acts of God in history as described in the Bible.

The neo-orthodox movement was stunningly successful in reorienting the field of modern theology. The biblical language of sin, transcendence and the Word of God resumed a prominent place in theological discourse.

But in a remarkably brief period of time, the house of neo-orthodoxy crashed. During the 1960s, the theological giants of neo-orthodoxy passed away, James Barr’s claims about the uniqueness of biblical semantics dismantled biblical theology, and Langdon Gilkey exposed the incoherence of neo-orthodox God-language. Gilkey showed that for all of its condemnations of theological liberalism, neo-orthodoxy construed the meaning of the scriptural "mighty acts of God" in essentially liberal terms. Gilkey later called attention to a secularizing trend in theology -- he called it "death-of-God theology" -- which was led by former Barthians such as William Hamilton and Paul van Buren. Shortly after that, the first currents of liberation theology emerged in Latin America and the U.S., making neo-orthodoxy seem stuffy, provincial and oppressive.

Though postliberals’ connections to neo-orthodoxy are not widely touted in postliberal writings, the connections are significant. The postliberal movement is essentially a Barthian project -- one that, in certain respects, is more deeply influenced by Barth than American neo-orthodoxy was in its glory days.

Postliberal theology began as a Yale-centered phenomenon. It was founded by Yale theologians Hans Frei and George Lindbeck, who wrote the movement’s founding texts and who (before Frei’s untimely death in 1988) trained most of its key advocates. Prominent figures in the development of the postliberal school have included such Yale-trained theologians as James J. Buckley, J. A. DiNoia, Garrett Green, Stanley Hauerwas, George Hunsinger, Bruce D. Marshall, William Placher, George Stroup, Ronald Thiemann and David Yeago. A generally younger group of Yale-trained postliberals now contributing to the development of postliberalism includes Kathryn Greene-McCreight, Serene Jones, David Kamitsuka, Ian McFarland, Paul McGlasson, Joe Mangina, R. R. Reno, Gene Rogers and Kathryn Tanner. Numerous theologians from different academic backgrounds share key affinities with the postliberal movement; they include William Willimon, evangelical ecumenists Stanley Grenz and Gabriel Fackre, the late Baptist theologian James William McClendon Jr. and British theologians Rowan Williams and David Ford.

The school’s founding argument was propounded by Frei in The Eclipse of Biblical Narrative (1974). Frei observed that modern conservative and liberal approaches to the Bible both undermine the authority of scripture by locating the meaning of biblical teaching in some doctrine or worldview that is held to be more foundational than scripture itself. Before the Enlightenment, he explained, most Christians read the Bible primarily as a kind of realistic narrative that told the overarching story of the world. The coherence of this story made figural interpretation possible; certain events within and outside of scriptural narrative were viewed as having prefigured or reflected the central biblical events. Jews and Christians made sense of their lives by viewing themselves as related to and participating within the story told in scripture.

Frei argued that during the Enlightenment this sense of scripture as realistic narrative was lost. Because their own rationalized experience increasingly defined for them what was "real," theologians sought to understand scripture by relating it to their own (supposedly universal) "reality." That is, they sought to determine the truth within and about scripture by translating it into the truer language of their own world. The Eclipse of Biblical Narrative offered a richly detailed survey of the ways 18th- and 19th-century theologians overlooked the narrative character of scripture, but fundamentally, Frei argued, there were two main strategies by which modernist (and modernist-influenced) theologians reconstrued scriptural meaning. Liberals looked for the real meaning of the Bible in the eternal truths about God and humanity that it conveyed, while conservatives looked for the real meaning in the Bible’s factual references.

In both cases, the priority of scriptural narrative itself was overturned. Scripture no longer defined the world in which Christians lived in a normative way; rather, the Bible was turned into a source of support for modern narratives of progress or for other doctrinal norms. "All across the theological spectrum the great reversal had taken place," Frei remarked. "Interpretation was a matter of fitting the biblical story into another world with another story rather than incorporating that world into the biblical story."

With the loss of scripture as a grand formative narrative, the Bible became increasingly alien to the church. Its meaning became decipherable only to an academic elite. Liberal scholars looked for culture-affirming eternal truths in scripture and otherwise deconstructed the canonical text into historical-critical fragments. Conservatives and evangelical fundamentalists turned the text into source material for propositions and developed highly artificial harmonizations of conflicting factual statements that created internal "solutions" not found in scripture at all.

Frei gave most of his attention to the varieties of liberalism, but his verdict applied equally to most forms of modern liberal and conservative theology. "No one who pretended to any sort of theology or religious reflection at all wanted to go counter to the ‘real’ applicative meaning of biblical texts, once it had been determined what it was, even if one did not believe them on their own authority," he remarked. The "real" meaning became all-determinative.

Conservatives held out for the literal meaning of various factual references in scripture, and liberals countered that modern science and historical-critical investigations negated literal meaning as an interpretive possibility. In both cases, the sense of scripture as canonical narrative was abandoned.

The seeds of a postliberal third way were planted in this account of biblical interpretation. Frei emphasized the primacy of scriptural narrative for theology. His colleague George Lindbeck added an insistence on the primacy of language over experience and a theory about religion as a cultural-symbolic medium. Drawing on Ludwig Wittgenstein’s analysis of language and the cultural anthropology of Clifford Geertz, Lindbeck’s major work, The Nature of Doctrine (1984), offered an account of contemporary theological options that reinforced and amplified much of Frei’s argument.

Lindbeck argued for a "cultural-linguistic" understanding of religion as opposed to the "cognitive-propositional" and "experiential-expressive" approaches that have, he said, dominated theology during the modern age. Liberal theologies are nearly always experiential-expressive, he argued; they seek to ground religious language upon foundational claims about experiences of religious feeling, moral value, or the like. Most conservative theologies are cognitive-propositional; they claim that doctrinal statements directly or "literally" refer to reality. Lindbeck observed that in their emphasis upon the function of religious language as propositional information about objective realities, conservative theologians tend to confirm the approach to religion taken by most Anglo-American analytic philosophers. Analytic philosophy typically assumes that religious language is meaningful only if it makes universally valid statements about matters of fact in the form of propositions.

Unfortunately for analytic philosophy, no religion can actually be understood on these terms. Lindbeck contended that religious traditions are historically shaped and culturally encoded, and are governed by internal rules. Any explanation of religious belief that disregards these factors will inevitably distort the religious tradition under examination. In the case of Christianity, he observed, it is scriptural narrative that shapes the cultural-linguistic world in which the corporate body of Christ expresses its meanings and seeks to follow Christ. Christian doctrines should not be understood as universalistic propositions or as interpretations of a universal religious experience. Doctrines are more like the rules of grammar that govern the way we use language to describe the world. Christian doctrine identifies the rules by which Christians use confessional language to define the social world that they indwell.

Following Wittgenstein, Lindbeck emphasized the connection between "rationality" and the skillful use of acquired rules. Believers, he argued, can prove the rationality or relevance of their religious tradition (or any tradition) only by skillfully using its internal grammar: "The reasonableness of a religion is largely a function of its assimilative powers, of its ability to provide an intelligible interpretation in its own terms of the varied situations and realities adherents encounter."

Lindbeck’s model of religious understanding did not rule out the possibility of apologetics -- of speaking to people who do not share the linguistic world of Christianity. It ruled out only the kind of apologetic that appeals to reasons that are prior to faith. The logic of coming to believe in Christianity, he contended, is like that of learning a language. Rational arguments on behalf of Christian claims become possible only after one has learned through spiritual training how to speak the language of Christian faith. Moreover, the meaning of Christian language can be found only within scripture. Instead of trying to translate scripture into extrascriptural categories, Lindbeck proposed redescribing reality "within the scriptural framework." In this approach, "it is the text, so to speak, which absorbs the world, rather than the world the text." If theologians allowed the story of the Bible to become their own story, he argued, they would be less preoccupied with making Christianity relevant to the non-Christian world on non-Christian terms.

This principle applied equally to Christian communities: "Religious communities are likely to be practically relevant in the long run to the degree that they do not first ask what is either practical or relevant, but instead concentrate on their own intratextual outlooks and forms of life." Just as individuals are saved by faith, not by works, he reasoned, so are religious communities saved by faith, not by social-ethical success.

Lindbeck cautioned that he was not making an argument for religious withdrawal from social concerns, for faithfulness always bears good fruit in the social realm. It was biblical religion that produced modern science and democracy and other values cherished by Western civilization. But if the world is to be saved from the demonic corruptions of these values, he contended, it will need a revival of biblical religion to accomplish this saving work. Christianity is most redemptive as a force in the world when Christian churches focus their energies on building formative Christian communities that are rooted in the idioms and practices of biblical faith.

It followed for Lindbeck that Christian catechesis is a more appropriate emphasis for churches than the various modern strategies to make Christianity reasonable, attractive or relevant. He pointed out that for the most part, pagan converts to the early church did not absorb Christian teaching intellectually and then decide to become Christians. They were attracted to what they saw of the faith and practices of early Christian communities; only later did they come to understand very much about the faith, after a prolonged program of catechesis made them proficient in an alien grammar and way of life. This is the model that a spiritually serious church should seek to recover in a post-Christian age, Lindbeck suggested: "When or if dechristianization reduces Christians to a small minority, they will need for the sake of survival to form communities that strive without traditionalist rigidity to cultivate their native tongue and learn to act accordingly."

The school of theology founded by Frei and Lindbeck has emphasized the community-forming centrality of scriptural narrative and the countercultural mission of the church. With liberal theology, the postliberal school takes for granted that the Bible is not infallible and that biblical higher criticism is fully legitimate and necessary. With evangelical theology, the postliberal school emphasizes the primacy of biblical revelation, the unity of the biblical canon, and the saving uniqueness of Jesus Christ. In recent years some evangelicals have shown considerable sympathy for the postliberal school (notably Stanley Grenz, Nancy Murphey, Roger Olson and Clark Pinnock); other evangelicals have treated it respectfully while making strong objections against it (such as Donald Bloesch and Alister McGrath).

At the same time, many old-style conservative evangelicals have warned that postliberal theology is but the latest manifestation of a deadly neo-orthodoxy, which is all the more pernicious for its seeming affinity with conservative aims. In an early negative judgment on Frei, Carl F. H. Henry summarized the problem: Narrative theology drives a wedge between biblical narrative (which it plays up) and historical factuality (which it plays down). Moreover, by failing to ground their assertions about scripture in a logically prior doctrine of biblical inerrancy, the narrative theologians undermine their purported desire to uphold the unity and authority of scripture. Narrative theology has no substantive doctrine of biblical inspiration, no objective theory of biblical authority, no objective criterion for establishing religious truth, and only a partial account of scriptural unity. Furthermore, Henry noted, much of scripture consists of nonnarrative material, which makes the narrative category insufficient by itself to account for the canonical unity of scripture. As for the postliberal claim to eschew the experiential subjectivism of liberal theology, Henry charged that in elevating narrative over factuality, narrative theology becomes unable to distinguish truth from error or fact from fiction.

This critique made some telling points, some of which have been registered by others more sympathetic to postliberalism. For example, Harvard theologian Ronald Thiemann, who studied under Frei, objects that the cultural-linguistic model makes talk about the "text" stand in place of Christian talk about God; Yale biblical scholar Brevard Childs rejects Lindbeck’s talk about the text creating its own world. This way of speaking about scripture is rooted in the spiritual practices of the liturgical churches, Childs observes, not "the way the Bible actually functions within the church" -- apparently meaning, in this case, the nonliturgical churches.

Frei never claimed to have worked out satisfactory answers to such criticisms, and Lindbeck doesn’t claim to have done so either. But the postliberal founders have addressed many of these issues. In a pointed reply to Henry, for example, Frei admonished that such terms as "truth" and "reference" and "historical fact," which Henry relied on, are more ambiguous than is often recognized.

Indeed, Henry’s rationalistic evangelicalism epitomized Lindbeck’s cognitive-propositionalist type of theology. To Henry, the metaphors and narratives of scripture carry meaning as religious truths only if they are restated in propositional form. For this reason he regarded scriptural narrative as secondary in importance to the doctrines that scripture contains. Frei countered that this is not a biblical way of thinking. Though the Bible obviously contains multiple literary forms, he observed, it conveys meaning and truth primarily through narrative. Doctrines are conceptual redescriptions of biblical stories; they arise from the stories and point back to them. Though such redescriptions are surely needed in theology, he allowed, they are not the primary basis of theology. Biblical truth is conveyed primarily through stones.

Consider John 1:14: "And the Word became flesh and dwelt among us, full of grace and truth." As a doctrinal statement, he observed, "the Word became flesh" can be understood only through the gospel story. Its religious meaning is not an independent proposition; it is comprehensible only as a sequence enacted in the gospel-narrated story of the ministry, death and resurrection of Jesus.

Frei did not deny that biblical truth is often cognitive or that it is sometimes expressed in scripture in propositional form. His argument against evangelical rationalism centered on its claim that truth can be expressed only in propositional form.

Like Barth, Frei contended that much of scriptural narrative is history-like without needing to be historical. The purpose of the Gospel stories is to narrate the identity of Jesus, he argued. For this reason many of the Gospel episodes function as illustrative anecdotes. They show us the kind of person that Jesus was. The test of their truth is not whether the particular incidents that they describe took place, but whether they truthfully narrate the identity of Jesus to us. The same principle applies to other scriptural narratives.

It followed for Frei (as for Barth) that it is fatally misguided for Christians to suggest that archaeology or form criticism or any other critical discipline should be the judge of how seriously Christian readers take the witness of scripture. The Christian in-dwells the narrative world of scripture and lives through its meanings. She does not decide whether scriptural testimony should be taken seriously on the basis of the most recent issue of the Biblical Archaeology Review. To her, the God described in Genesis is real whether the patriarchs really lived or not.

Does this mean that Frei-style narrative theology simply waves off the question of historical factuality? If biblical narratives do not derive their meaning by referring to historical events or ontological realities, how can biblical theology be anything more than a symbolic or mythical construct? If biblical theology makes no claim at all to a historical basis, doesn’t the narrative strategy simply reduce biblical truth to being merely a good story?

Many evangelical theologians have followed Henry in charging that Frei is hopelessly cut off from historical reality. Others have argued that Lindbeck too settles for a merely descriptive intratextual strategy that makes no normative truth claims.

Critics have also complained that the writings of Frei and Lindbeck are highly formal and that Frei’s prose style is evasive and impenetrable. Alister McGrath confesses that he is "verbally defeated by Frei’s prose, which is the most opaque I have ever been obliged to wrestle with." Frei was apparently incapable of writing in a way that was not highly allusive, elusive and vexatious. His keen intuitive sense of the nuances and complex interrelationships between arguments was evident to his students, but this same gift made it painfully difficult for him to make a clean or orderly account of his arguments. As George Hunsinger remarks, "The tortured syntax so often evident in his prose seemed to be matched only by the profundity of insight which that very syntax seemed at once to promise and yet also so vexingly to withhold."

Frei’s major constructive work, The Identity of Jesus Christ (1975), epitomized these qualities. The book was filled with disjointed fits and starts that tied up his argument and nearly strangled it. Moreover, some of Frei’s more lucid passages were calculated not to give comfort to many readers, especially evangelicals. A strong case can be made that historically the Christian story is not at all unique, he suggested: "This being the case, I shall not attempt to evaluate the historical reliability of the Gospel story of Jesus or argue the unique truth of the story on grounds of a true, factual ‘kernel’ in it. Instead, I shall be focusing on its character as a story." Later he argued that we know almost nothing about the historical Jesus apart from the gospel story and that "it is precisely the fiction-like quality of the whole narrative" of Jesus’ passion and resurrection that makes his identity present to us.

Frei recognized, however, that the Gospel narratives themselves do not support a sharp dichotomy between the gospel story and historical factuality. He noted in particular that the question of historical factuality is raised very forcefully in the stories of the crucifixion and resurrection. Mythical narratives always seek to sacralize fundamental religious symbols, but in the Gospels Jesus insists on the unsubstitutable uniqueness of his person and mission. He does not symbolize any mythical type or theme but is presented as unreplaceable. For this reason, Frei observed, the cross and resurrection story virtually forces readers to ask whether the events it describes actually took place. In other words, in the cross and resurrection story, the bond between the meaning of the story and what Jesus did is very tight, whereas in the story of the woman caught in adultery (John 8: 1-11), the story is true whether or not it actually occurred, because it shows us the kind of person that Jesus was.

Having emphasized that human minds on this side of eternity cannot comprehend the nature of the resurrection, Frei was careful not to make definitive statements about the content of the Easter proclamation. We cannot claim to know the manner of Christ’s presence in his resurrection appearances, he cautioned. Elsewhere he remarked that this was the problem with speaking of the resurrection as a historical fact.

"Of course I believe in the ‘historical reality’ of Christ’s death and resurrection, if those are the categories which we employ," Frei said. The problem is that the language of "historical factuality" is not theory-neutral and does not deserve to be absolutized. "There was a time when we didn’t talk, as many people have talked for nearly two hundred years now, about Jesus Christ being ‘a particular historical event,"’ he observed. "And it may well be that even scholars won’t be using those particular terms so casually and in so self-evident a fashion for much longer. In other words, while I believe that those terms may be apt, I do not believe, as Dr. Henry apparently does, that they are as theory-free, as neutral as he seems to think they are. I do not think that the concept ‘probability’ is theory-neutral. I do not think that we will talk theologically in those terms, perhaps, in another two generations. We didn’t talk that way three hundred years ago.

To say that the resurrection must be a "fact" of "history" is to make history contain something that obliterates its boundaries. If the resurrection actually occurred, it is an event without analogy. "History" as a category is too impoverished to contain it, and the usual historiocritical questions about the relative probability of different explanations are rendered useless. At the same time, Frei acknowledged, the gospel story clearly makes claims that are not less than historical. "If I am asked to use the language of factuality, then I would say, yes, m those terms, I have to speak of an empty tomb. In those terms I have to speak of the literal resurrection."

Near the end of his life Frei reflected that his personal stake in Lindbeck’s argument was very deep, and he exhorted Lindbeck not to back down from his truth claims about the truth status of Christian language. Frei lived long enough to see the emergence of a postliberal school, to which he bequeathed some vexing questions. Is the postliberal conception of Christian truth merely descriptive and evocative? Is it enough for theologians to say that biblical truth is the capacity of the text to draw readers into a new framework of meaning that makes sense of one’s life and world?

In the next issue I will look more closely at those questions and at the possible future of postliberalism.

The Future of Postliberal Theology

Postliberal theology has affirmed the decisive significance and the integrity of the biblical narrative. But in what way do postliberals affirm the truth of Christianity? Are they merely saying that the Bible is true in the way that a work of fiction is true? Is it sufficient for the church to claim that biblical truth lies in the capacity of the scriptural text to draw readers into a new framework of meaning that makes sense of one’s life and world.

Much of the literature generated by and about postliberal theology has debated these questions. Meanwhile, the postliberal school founded in the 1970s by Hans Frei and George Lindbeck has entered its second generation and is showing signs of producing a variety of offshoots. As a school the postliberal project has been shorter on movement-consciousness than many previous schools of its kind, such as Boston personalism or the biblical theology movement. More important, the family resemblances among the different kinds of postliberal theology are getting thinner as the protegés of Frei and Lindbeck rethink what it means to say that Christianity is true.

One option for postliberal thinkers is to adhere to the idioms, or at least the general approach, of Frei and Lindbeck. This option describes a range of thinkers, including Garrett Green (Connecticut College), Stanley Hauerwas (Duke Divinity School) and William Placher (Wabash College). In this approach, the postliberal answer to the truth question is that scripture is true in the manner of its distinctively mixed genre and that, yes, it is enough to say that biblical truth is the capacity of the text to draw readers into a Christian framework of meaning. Philosophically, this stream of postliberal thinking draws chiefly on the work of Ludwig Wittgenstein, whose writing on "language games" emphasizes that meaning arises as a function of learning the internal coherence of a language.

A second strand of postliberal theologians seek to recover a premodern understanding of truth in order to secure the claims of Christian faith. One of the chief proponents of this view is Bruce D. Marshall (St. Olaf College), who in several essays and in his recent book Trinity and Truth maintains that theology must return to the rich trinitarian theism of Thomas Aquinas to get its bearings. However, informed by contemporary nonessentialist analytical philosophy, Marshall argues that even Aquinas was wrong in trying to Christianize epistemological realism.

A third trend in the postliberal school takes a very different tack, arguing that postliberal theology as a whole is overly preoccupied with epistemological debates and is too much focused on conserving tradition. Those who press these concerns, such as Kathryn Tanner (University of Chicago Divinity School) and Serene Jones (Yale Divinity School), work with a post-modern understanding of culture and a strong commitment to feminism. They are, in effect, rethinking the relation of postliberal theology to liberal theology in what way does it go beyond or counter classic liberalism?

These distinctions are not rigid; the movement remains very’ fluid. In recent discussions with Green, Hauerwas, Placher, Tanner and Marshall, I focused on these questions: Is postliberal theology distinguished fundamentally by its position on the nature of religious truth? Is postliberalism indeed a distinct alternative to theological liberalism and conservatism?

The truth question looms large in postliberal theology, and especially among the critics, who maintain that postliberal theology is deficient as a way of rendering Christian truth claims. Theologians pressing this criticism include Ian Barbour, Donald Bloesch, Brevard C. Childs, Gary Comstock, Alister McGrath, C. John Sommerville and Mark Wallace.

The attention to this issue bothers some in the postliberal school. "I think the epistemological realism-antirealism debate is overblown in its theological importance, and I try not to engage it," Tanner remarks. Hauerwas also dissents from the idea that "we need an epistemological theory’ about realism and antirealism." On the strength of Wittgenstein’s analysis of language and Alasdair MacIntyre’s analysis of language and social science, Hauerwas is predisposed "to leave behind epistemology." But if he had to choose between philosophical realism -- the belief that the objects of our thinking correspond to real entities -- and antirealism, then "I’m clearly a realist," Hauerwas says.

Green says epistemological questions can’t be avoided, but he has his own particular way of addressing them. Instead of investing theological significance in a theory about how the mind intuits objects of sense data, or about the reality of the world external to consciousness, or about the extent to which the mind is creative in producing experience, Green focuses on the role of imagination, a term which refers in ordinary conversation to fantasy and illusion, but which also refers to discovery, illumination and reality. Green argues that the truth question is unavoidable for theology precisely because God encounters us in the imagination.

Green’s version of postliberal theorizing on knowledge is compatible with the "cautious realism" that Placher also upholds. Placher cites Frei’s Barthian-like emphasis on the factual historicity that the gospel narrative contains, and, with Lindbeck, Placher argues that the relativity of our understanding does not negate or preclude the reality of that which we seek to understand. In The Nature of Doctrine, Lindbeck accepts Aquinas’s assertion that while we cannot begin to imagine what it means to say it, we must affirm that God is really good. Placher explains: "The significatum of our claims about God [in this case, that God is indeed good] corresponds to what is the case about God, but the modus significandi [any understanding we may have about what this claim means] doesn’t."

Placher’s book The Domestication of Transcendence elaborates this argument with the implicit purpose of showing that postliberal theology is not antirealist. "The reading of postliberal theology as antirealist can admittedly appeal to occasional unfortunate passages, but it seems to me a clear misreading of the texts taken as a whole," he contends.

Marshall would go a step further. In his influential essay "Aquinas as Postliberal Theologian," he argues that the realism of Aquinas complements Lindbeck. Marshall’s major work Trinity and Truth offers a rich blend of arguments drawn mainly from Aquinas, Lindbeck and analytic philosopher Donald Davidson. With Aquinas, whom he lands as the church’s best theologian of the divine triune ground of truth, Marshall argues that Christian theology must be "robustly trinitarian." With Lindbeck he argues that experience is belief-dependent and that experience therefore cannot provide the ground of meaning or the justification for beliefs (as Schleiermacher-style liberalism assumed). With Davidson he affirms a strong version of philosophical antifoundationalism, claiming that beliefs can be justified only by other beliefs. Put differently, beliefs are justified by their coherence with other beliefs that are not seriously questioned at a given time.

Says Marshall: "We cannot even figure out what sentences mean, and therefore what the contents of belief are, without relying on the concept of truth and the processes by which we decide whether sentences are true." The antirealist position is thus unpersuasive, he contends. At the same time, the notion that truth means "correspondence with reality" is vacuous, for truth does not submit to intentional definition or informative equivalents. This is the crucial point at which Marshall parts company with Aquinas. Aquinas believed that a Christianized epistemological realism is viable as a theory of truth. Marshall counters that no epistemological theory provides a conceptual equivalent to truth. Truth is conceptually basic. At the recent American Academy of Religion convention, Marshall clarified that his thinking is "realist" if realism merely refers to the belief that there is a world created by God that is neither God nor us. But in most philosophical discussion, he observes, realism usually means a commitment to the correspondence theory of truth, the law of the excluded middle and a nonepistemic view of truth.

Trinity and Truth argues that this package of philosophical presuppositions is not the basis on which the credibility of Christian beliefs should be judged. Instead of subordinating Christian claims to realist (or other) canons of truth that stand outside Christianity, Marshall proposes, Christian thinkers should argue from an explicitly Christian standpoint. The justifying ground of Christian belief is the trinitarian and incarnational logic of biblical narrative as expressed in Christian liturgical practices. God grants us true beliefs in order to give us a share in God’s life. "I am bending the antiessentialist philosophical tradition to Christian purposes," Marshall explains. His rethinking of the postliberal project amounts to a Christian reconceptualization of the correspondence theory of truth. In the movement of God’s Word in preaching and sacrament, God brings about a correspondence of our whole self to God’s self. The outwardly moving, self-relating divine ground of truth serves God’s purpose of making us bearers of Christ’s image by bringing us to true beliefs about God’s Triune self.

This argument brings postliberal theology closer to the idioms of Thomist metaphysics than anything that Hans Frei could have imagined. Marshall’s debt to Aquinas is deep and longstanding. With tongue slightly in cheek he remarks, "I used to believe that everything I believe, Aquinas also believed, but now I realize that Aquinas was wrong about a few things."

Marshall reports that the argument of his book first occurred to him when he read Lindbeck’s Nature of Doctrine. "Lindbeck brought home to me, as did Hans Frei in a different way, the idea that Christians can and should have their own ways of thinking about truth and about deciding what to believe," Marshall explains. "They need not take their truth claims on loan from some other intellectual or cultural quarter, or regard the only alternative to epistemic servitude as isolation from the broader human conversation about what is true."

The first part of this sentence is the Barthian key to postliberal theology; the second part underscores the determination to avoid the charge often leveled at postliberals -- of wanting to take up residence in a ghetto of "intratextuality" and rely on "revelational positivism."

Though Marshall’s argument is laden with the kind of category-splitting epistemological theorizing that Hauerwas usually resists, Hauerwas’s forthcoming Gifford Lectures will commend Marshall for advancing Barth’s project. Barth is the hero of Hauerwas’s lectures, and the closing chapter gives a prominent role to Marshall’s case for conceiving the Christian God as the truth, though it also suggests that Marshall underestimates the problem of cultural accommodation in modern theology.

Hauerwas remains ambivalent about the use of the term postliberalism ("I’ve never really thought of myself as being positioned beyond liberalism," he says), and he says he puts little stock in Lindbeck’s theory of religion. Yet his writings are filled with attacks on theological liberalism, and he shares with Marshall the postliberal insistence that Christian speech is supposed to reflect the practices of Christian communities. "What was important to me in Lindbeck’s book was his understanding of the church as the naming of Christian practices that put it at once in service to and over against the world."

For Hauerwas, accommodation to non-Christian assumptions is the fundamental failure of liberal theology. He sees such accommodation in the thought of theologian James Gustafson when he assumes the role of an "onlooker," posing questions to the Christian tradition.

In a 1998 exchange with Placher in the Christian Century, Gustafson charged that postliberals never give straight answers to questions about the historical credibility of biblical narrative or about the relation of Christian truth to the truth of other religions. In Gustafson’s rendering, postliberal theology is essentially a strategy to avoid such questions "by limiting the intellectual and social context within which theologians and pastors can think about what they are saying and doing." To Gustafson, the whole project smacks of a tribalist theology which exalts faithfulness to community identity "rather than openness to participation in the intersections of religious and theological outlooks with other outlooks on the same realities that religion and theology address."

Hauerwas challenges what he takes to be Gustafson’s effort to assume the position of a naturalistic historian and thereby seize the high ground. Like Ernst Troeltsch, Hauerwas remarks, Gustafson is trying "to find a place to name history outside history . . . and it won’t work." For his part, Hauerwas says, "I’m a historicist all the way down." Hauerwas adds that he admires Gustafson for being at least a consistent Troeltschian. "He’s willing to give up the christological claims in order to be a Troeltschian." Hauerwas adds: "That Gustafson never enters into argument with Barth seems to me quite indicative."

This point often arises in conversations with postliberals. Though it is not quite true that Gustafson and other liberals "never enter into argument against Barth," there is a pronounced tendency in liberal theology to dismiss Barth’s idea of truth as the self-authenticating word of God. Postliberals rightly complain that liberal critics repeatedly inveigh against a hoary insulated "neo-orthodoxy" that has little to do with Barth’s rich and profound thinking.

As a rule postliberal thinkers are not categorical in defining their relationship to liberal theology. Many postliberals acknowledge that their positions on the historicity of biblical narrative and the religious truth contained in non-Christian religions are compatible with liberalism. In emphasizing the priority of the biblical narrative, they do not aim to set up Christianity as a totalizing ideology that provides what Gustafson calls "epistemic privileges." To say that Christians should allow the biblical world to absorb their own world, Placher explains, is to affirm that Christians should resist viewpoints and ideologies that are incompatible with the central claims of scriptural teaching and that Christians should consider whether scriptural narrative "might be unexpectedly helpful" in understanding their own lives.

To Green, postliberal theology is most valuable as a critique of theological liberalism. Its greatest challenge is to make Barthian claims about theology make sense to people who are not disposed to like them. "The part of The Nature of Doctrine that remains most compelling to me is its persuasive diagnosis of the fatal weakness of theological liberalism -- its ‘experiential expressivism’ -- and the corresponding reminder that religion, like language and culture, shapes our most inward experiences rather than ‘expresses’ them," Green remarks. He judges that the biggest problem for Lindbeck-style theology is its failure to explain how the passive, receptive aspects of religion relate to religion’s active, reconstructive aspects. Green’s theorizing on imagination aims to tackle this problem, though he concedes that his thinking about imagination thus far has been fixated on its reproductive character at the expense of its active capacity. A more dialectical understanding of imagination could aid the cause, he allows, of making orthodoxy more generous and compelling.

"One of the hardest things about trying to follow Karl Barth is his apparent lack of interest in the liberal question of how theology can meet the challenges of modernity: historical criticism, the collapse of the ‘house of authority,’ the apparent disjunction between scientific and theological thinking, etc.," Green reflects. "I believe that valid Christian responses to these ‘liberal’ questions are implicit in Barth’s theology, but they are couched in terms that most moderns simply cannot or will not hear."

Green views himself as taking a different approach from those -- he would include Hauerwas in this camp -- "who want simply to oppose Christian to secular-humanist approaches and sensibilities." Postliberal thinkers have to find new ways to connect with the secular people who surround them, Green urges. They have to speak the gospel in ways that secularized modern people can hear: "That’s what led me to imagination in the first place, and I still believe that one can be true to the task of theology without compromising the essentials as did theological liberalism."

Lindbeck’s Nature of Doctrine grew out of his personal involvement in the ecumenical movement. He was seeking to account for the modern phenomenon of theological consensus in various interdenominational discussions. This ecumenical concern is reflected in the postliberal commitment to developing Frei’s "generous orthodoxy." In different ways, Green, Placher, Hauerwas and Marshall are all committed to renewing an orthodox Christian center. While disclaiming any nostalgia for neo-orthodoxy, the postliberal theologians are advancing the old neo-orthodox project of rethinking Christian orthodoxy in a modern spirit.

Some postliberals, such as Lindbeck, are especially interested in pursuing theological dialogues with evangelicals. Others are more interested in conversation with the Catholic tradition. Hauerwas observes that while Placher remains "determinedly Reformed" in his approach to theology, "some of us are definitely becoming more Catholic in our thinking." He does not believe that postliberal theology is likely to speak increasingly in an evangelical voice "unless you think that the most determinative evangelical voice among us today is that of John Paul II."

A significant trend within the postliberal movement agrees with Hauerwas and Marshall that the best way to a generous orthodoxy heads in a Catholic direction. Theologically, philosophically, historically and liturgically, this group believes, evangelical Protestantism is too thin to be the best interlocutor for a vital Protestant theology of the new century. Hauerwas explains: "The problem with the evangelical voice is too often all it voices is the New Testament and now. That simply gives Christians an inadequate resource to confront the kind of world in which we are living."

For Hauerwas and Marshall, the postliberal turn to Aquinas and the spiritual practices of the liturgical churches is linked to the original postliberal project of rethinking Christian orthodoxy in a postliberal spirit. Frei was an Episcopal priest; Lindbeck is a Lutheran ecumenist. Hauerwas remarks, "For me and my people, we will speak for the Catholic voice." He expects that this is the future of evangelicalism too: "My own hunch is that evangelicals will increasingly move in a more churchly traditional manner for a recovery of the Catholic tradition."

For years Gustafson, Max Stackhouse and others have charged that postliberal theology risks ghettoizing the church with its fixation on liturgical practices and on the ecclesial context of Christian speech. Meanwhile, liberation theologians have protested that postliberal theology is more concerned with Christian catechesis, formation and liturgy than with the struggle for social justice.

A mostly younger group of postliberals has taken up these criticisms. Kathryn Tanner, for example, criticizes postliberal theology for its tendency to insulate the church and theology from cultural pluralism, external criticism and issues of social justice. Serene Jones, David Kamitsuka (Oberlin College), Ian McFarland (Aberdeen), Gene Rogers (University of Virginia) and British theologians Rowan Williams and David Ford share affinities with this "progressive" form of postliberalism.

Tanner’s work reveals how different strands of thought are pushing postliberalism in new directions. She is significantly shaped by her sense of the postmodern intellectual climate and specifically by her understanding of postmodern culture. In Tanner’s telling, the modern view of culture conceives of culture as a self-contained unit with clear boundaries that separate one culture from another. Modern social theory and anthropology emphasize the way cultures provide norms that sustain social stability. Postmodern theory, on the other hand, plays up the lack of secure boundaries. It attends to hybrid cultures and to interactive boundaries. Unlike the idea of culture as a consensus-forming social phenomenon that resists change, the postmodern spirit is more impressed by the lack of consensus in cultures and by the dynamics for social change that already exist in cultures.

Tanner believes that modern theology has relied too much on a view of culture as a self-contained entity, and she argues that postliberal theology shares this deficiency. While postliberals have rightly perceived the importance of culture for Christian identity, they misuse Wittgenstein to serve their orthodox ends, says Tanner. Whereas Lindbeck and his followers invoke Wittgenstein to provide a rule-oriented "grammar" of Christian identity, Wittgenstein himself wanted to show how problematic is the idea of following a rule. "Wittgenstein maintains there is no way to single out the rule that is being followed by observing purported instances of its application," Tanner says. "While the postliberals are right about what leads to uniformity in the process of rule following, the Wittgensteinian point is that nothing fixes these communal norms in place."

Christian identity based on shared beliefs is a mirage, asserts Tanner. She presumably means that the identity is a mirage except as it is the product of a decidedly ungenerous orthodoxy. She contends that Christian identity exists in shared questions and discussion topics, not in shared beliefs. Under the authority of God’s free Word, she contends -- her work retains some Barthian glosses -- Christian identity is constituted "by a community of argument concerning the meaning of true discipleship." She views her work as "a revised postliberalism" that addresses many of the worries about its conservative methodological tendencies -- for example, tendencies to insulate a Christian perspective from external criticism, and to ignore serious diversity, contest and change within Christianity." To her the term postliberal implies, or at least should imply, that one has moved through and beyond liberalism, not necessarily against it.

"The new and improved postliberalism I’m talking about incorporates the best of a Troeltschian liberalism within a theological method focusing on Christian particulars," she remarks. "I start where postliberalism usually starts but burst the usual boundaries of discussion by attention to the way the wider culture and other religions are contested ingredients from the first in a Christian viewpoint." In agreement with Troeltsch, Tanner opposes all claims for the absoluteness or superior truth of Christianity. Christians must not claim that Christian revelation makes Christianity superior to other religions, she believes: "What Christianity has going for it is its substantive proposal of a way of life -- a way of life over which Christians argue in the effort to witness to and be disciples of Christ, and with which they enter into argument with others."

Tanner’s brand of postliberalism places her closer to the classic liberal theologian Albrecht Ritschl than the neo-orthodox Barth on the fundamental question of the rules for making Christian claims. For Tanner, Christianity is true to the extent that it inspires attractive communities of faith. Metaphysical claims are out, as are Barth’s claims for theology as the explication of revelation.

Though she disclaims a substantive continuity with much of the liberal tradition, Tanner acknowledges that methodologically her work proceeds along liberal lines. To her, the boundaries of Lindbeck’s theory of religion provide no protection from the issues liberal theology has engaged. For this reason she refigures the ideal of a third way. She is interested is not so much in a third way between liberalism and conservatism, she explains, as in a third way between Yale postliberalism and the Chicago school of liberalism.

Today the advocates of Yale postliberalism and Chicago liberalism are probably outnumbered by those who, like Tanner, are trying to build bridges between these approaches. In many instances, the development of postliberal theology is following Barth’s own theological trajectory. Whereas in the 1920s and ‘30s Barth claimed that the liberal theology in which he was trained was a terrible distortion, a wrong turn and a betrayal of Christ, in later life he took a more constructive and occasionally irenic approach to liberal theology. He wrote appreciative statements about Schleiermacher, he allowed that Schleiermacher might be interpreted as a theologian of the Holy Spirit, he emphasized the humanity of God in contrast to the Wholly Other, he called human beings "covenant-partners of God," and he looked for "parables" of grace and truth in non-Christian religions and ideologies. Though Barth grieved in his later life that most theologians rejected his approach to theology in favor of current cultural and hermeneutical fads, he looked for Word-oriented allies wherever he could find them, and for the most part he did not persist in claiming that liberalism was the fatal problem in modern theology.

A significant sector of the postliberal school has similarly reconsidered its characterization of liberal theology as alien or fundamentally mistaken. Whether theologians like Tanner can move in this direction without giving up the Barthian heart of the postliberal experiment remains to be seen.

Part of the complexity in charting the theological world comes from the fact that Lindbeck’s influential account of liberal theology as "experiential-expressivist" describes only a small part of actually existing theological liberalism. Lindbeck’s "experiential-expressivist" model does a reasonably good job of accounting for the romantic and mystical streams of liberal theology, but it does not account for variants of liberal theology that make gospel-centered claims (such as the tradition of evangelical’ liberalism), that base their affirmations on metaphysical arguments (such as the Whiteheadian process school) or that appeal to gospel norms and metaphysical arguments (such as the Boston personalist school). These are the most important schools of American liberal theology ot the past century. Moreover, Lindbeck’s account of theological liberalism fares no better as a description of the theologies of such contemporary liberals as Brian Gerrish, Landon Gilkey, James Gustafson, Peter Hodgson, Marjorie Suchocki or David Tracy. His critique misses at least this much of the target. In that regard, Tanner is right not to follow those postliberals who invest great significance in Lindbeck’s critique of theological liberalism. And she is right that theology must come to terms with a more pluralistic understanding of culture. The emergence of a multiculturalist, strongly feminist "Barthian" trend in theology is a most welcome development in a field that has known more than its share of stodgy antifeminists.

But in moving away from Barth’s Word-oriented approach to theology, the postmodern revisers may be relinquishing the Barthian impulse that gave postliberal theology its dynamism and coherence. They could be lapsing into the kind of postliberalism that has no "post" at all.

There is an equal danger that Thomist-leaning philosophical theology could have a similar effect in a different direction, trying to save theology by modernizing Aquinas. The Thomist postliberals and the postmodernist postliberals will relinquish too much if they disparage the credibility of doing theology in Barth’s style as exegesis of God’s free, self-authenticating, Spirit-illuminated Word. Barth’s warnings against embedding Christian truth claims in any prior theory of knowledge apply in the present case: if Christianity has no eschatological Word to explicate, then we are left only with liberal naturalism and historicism.

Barth insisted that to hear scriptural narrative as God’s Word has nothing necessarily to do with defending its historical character or some particular historical element within it. His point was not that scriptural narrative contains no historical elements, but rather that the Bible’s historical elements are always mixed with myth, saga and related forms of expression as vehicles of the Word. The Word is apprehended as event. It is never an object of perception or cognition. It does not seek to be mastered in order to be understood; rather it seeks to lay hold of us.

Postliberal theology at its best has held fast to these Barthian themes. It has embraced Barth’s nonfoundationalist spirit and his methodological pluralism while correcting his dogmatic lapses, his lack of interest in interreligious dialogue and his antifeminism. If truth is grace, it can be known only through grace. Postliberal theologians would do well not to give up this Barthian principle.

Reinhold’s Era

Book Review:

The Serenity Prayer: Faith and Politics In Times of Peace and War. By Elsabeth Sifton. Norton. 349 pp.

 

From the mid-1930s to the mid-1950s Reinhold Niebuhr spent his summers in the northwestern Massachusetts village of Heath, where he often spoke at the Heath Union Church. In the summer of 1943 he wrote a notable prayer: "God, give us grace to accept with serenity the things that cannot be changed, courage to change the things that should be changed, and the wisdom to distinguish the one from the other."

Though the Heath parishioners were mostly Congregationalists, the vacationing summer congregants were mostly Episcopalians, with a heavy sprinkling of Episcopal theologians and church leaders. One of them, Howard Robbins, was sufficiently struck by Niebuhr’s prayer to remember it several months afterward. Bobbins was dean of the Cathedral of St. John the Divine in New York City and a leader of the Federal Council of Churches. In 1944 he included Niebuhr’s prayer in a booklet of prayers and services that the Federal Council published as an aid for army chaplains. Shortly thereafter a fledgling organization named Alcoholics Anonymous asked Niebuhr if it could use the prayer.

AA refrained the prayer in the first-person singular; changed its first clause to the simpler "what cannot be changed," reduced its second clause to the weaker "change what can be changed," added some extra clauses that sounded nothing like Niebuhr; and made the prayer famous. Since Niebuhr didn’t believe in copyrighting prayers, he had no way of controlling the fate of his own, though he shook his head at its appearance on bookends, tea towels, key chains and coffee mugs. In 1951 a University of Kiel professor named Theodor Wilhelm published the prayer in a book of his own under the pseudonym Friedrich Oetinger, which launched a German tradition of attributing it to the 18th-century Swabian Pietist F. C. Oetinger; Catholic-artifact versions of the prayer attributed it to St. Francis of Assisi; Hallmark cashed in on the prayer; and it was immortalized on thousands of plaques featuring Albrecht Dürer’s praying hands.

In this unusual memoir Elisabeth Sifton, Niebuhr’s daughter; uses the prayer’s context and career as an entry point into Niebuhr’s world. Sifton, who was four years old when her father wrote the Serenity Prayer, is a perceptive interpreter of her father’s temperament, friendships and thought. Her book strengthens our understanding of Niebuhr’s friendships with such luminaries as Episcopal Bishop Will Scarlett, Methodist Bishop Francis McConnell, Anglican Archbishop William Temple, English politician Stafford Cripps, historian R. H. Tawney, poet W H. Auden and theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer. More distinctively, it offers an unforgettable portrait of the summertime context in which Niebuhr consorted with Protestant ecumenists, traded wisecracks with Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter (an agnostic among the Heath clerics) and wrote most of his major works.

Sifton is nostalgic for the "astonishing summer invasions" of her youth, though she grew up among equally stimulating company at Union Theological Seminary. During the school year she and her Anglo-Catholic mother, Barnard College professor Ursula Niebuhr; usually attended services at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine, or St. Paul’s Chapel at Columbia University, or James Chapel at Union Seminary; occasionally they attended the East Harlem Protestant Parish or heard Harry Emerson Fosdick preach at Riverside Church. For Sifton, Union’s nondenominationalism stripped its services of religious interest. She had a similar reaction to Riverside, "despite Fosdick’s rousing sermons and the rather-too-glamorous sound of Virgil Fox’s organ." On most Sundays Niebuhr himself was out of town speaking at college chapels.

At Heath, however, her father took a regular preaching turn, the congregants were family friends and the cast of supply preachers included Robbins, Episcopal bishops Charles Gilbert and Angus Dun, Episcopal theologians William Wolf and Sherman Johnson, Presbyterian theologian Robert McAfee Brown and Episcopal rector Worcester Perkins. "These were men who had learned how not to have needless liturgical or doctrinal disputes, and they were good, conscientious people." Sifton recalls. "I thought of them as typical American clergymen: how wrong I was! Little did I know how unusual was their sturdy broad-mindedness, how atypical their devout modesty. I grew up completely insulated from the barbarous, self-congratulatory sloth of what journalists call Mainstream American Protestantism, and it took me decades to realize this."

Mainline Protestantism takes many lumps in her account. To Sifton, the CHRISTIAN CENTURY’S Charles Clayton Morrison, "he of the pious do-nothing school," typified the Protestant mainstream. Morrison had a certain "earnest" goodness, she allows, but he and other mainline pastors "completely failed" to face up to the crises of the 1930s. They "snoozed optimistically through the gray years of 1930-42, reassuring their congregations that soon all would be well." Later they treated the rise of fascism as a challenge to hold onto their pious, isolationist moralism.

Sifton ignores the fact that during the same period Niebuhr was often wildly wrong on the issues of the day. She doesn’t acknowledge that her father’s socialism was radical and militant in the 1930s, that he postured about the need for "very considerable violence" to secure social change in America, and that he harshly condemned the New Deal throughout Franklin Roosevelt’s first three terms. In her rendering Niebuhr was always a pragmatic realist and progressive who wanted only to make the structures of modern society "more fair."

Her lack of interest in tracking his zigzagging on political issues and his theological development leaves her unable to deal fairly with the criticisms he received in these areas. In Sifton’s account the problem was always that mainline Protestant leaders were too sanctimonious, weak-minded and comfortable to follow Niebuhr’s lead.

This perspective has its drawbacks, but it also contributes to the book’s value. Sifton wonderfully conveys the social atmosphere of her father’s historic and brilliant opposition to American isolationism. She describes Niebuhr’s amazement at the deep hostility that he provoked among antiwar Protestants and secular pacifists, recounts his whirlwind of travel and lecturing that was "not easy for his wife, one has to note," and emphasizes the importance of his friendships with Scarlett, McConnell and Auden. She quotes a Chicago theologian’s reproach to Niebuhr: the theologian could "no longer be silent at your shocking disregard for the fundamental decencies of your Christian ministry and professorship." Protesting that Niebuhr wrote "feeble yet sinister sophistries" about the unrealizability of Christian ideals, the theologian blasted Niebuhr’s additional "sophistry" about the moral value of war, which was "Hitlerism at its worst." No matter how wealthy and famous Niebuhr’s books made him, they were nothing but "brazen and shameless" apostasy: "You are a shocking spectacle to God, Jesus Christ, and humanity. Some of us, who are willing to be poor, unrenowned and unpopular, know the truth."

Sifton replies that this kind of attack imagined huge royalties that didn’t exist and showed that liberals can be fundamentalists too. She recalls Niebuhr’s wish that the war resisters hated him less and Hitler more. In a powerful 1940 article Niebuhr protested that America’s dominant liberal culture was too appeasing and moralistic to fathom "what it means to meet a resolute foe who is intent upon either your annihilation or enslavement." Sifton identifies with her father’s indignation at American obliviousness. By 1940, she observes, it had been seven years since Hitler destroyed democracy in Germany and five years since he issued the Aryan decrees. What were Americans waiting for?

Sifton ignores the fact that as late as March 1939, even Niebuhr was passionately opposed to preparing for war. In 1937 he condemned Roosevelt’s naval buildup as a "sinister" evil, declaring that it had to be "resisted at all costs." The next year he blasted Roosevelt’s billion-dollar defense budget as "the worst piece of militarism in modern history." Right up to the Munich crisis Niebuhr insisted that the best way to avoid war was not to prepare for it; collective security was the realistic alternative to war. He wanted the U.S. to enact neutrality legislation and to voluntarily support League of Nations sanctions. Sifton never mentions any of this, but Niebuhr’s strident opposition to Roosevelt’s preparations for war helps us to grasp the revulsion against war that his generation felt after World War I. Even for Niebuhr, Moral Man and Immoral Society did not lead straight to the interventionism of 1940; he had had to struggle for eight years to get there. Then he had to fight very hard to bring others along -- a story that Sifton helps us see in a fresh way, even though she was only a toddler at the time.

One of Sifton’s chief arguments is that it is ridiculous for theologians and historians to describe Niebuhr as a "major Protestant leader" of his generation. She recalls that for 30 years, even though her father often spoke in college chapels, only a handful of churches invited him to preach in their pulpits. In her recollection St. George’s Episcopal Church in New York was the major exception. Niebuhr was taken seriously by "a small minority of intrepid souls," she observes, but most American church leaders and churchgoers "simply didn’t want to listen. . . . They pussyfooted around feel-good mega-preachers like Norman Vincent Peale or Billy Graham -- who like so many of their successors never risked their tremendous personal popularity by broaching a difficult spiritual subject, and rarely lifted a finger to help a social cause.

Niebuhr wearied of the pious irrelevance and timidity of church people, she says. This was the key to the "atheists for Niebuhr" phenomenon. It was not merely that Niebuhr attracted "cheering secular friends" who were "oblivious of his theology." Niebuhr himself came most fully alive in the company of his political friends, especially Joseph Rauh, Walter Reuther, Hubert Humphrey John Kenneth Galbraith and other leaders of Americans for Democratic Action. Sifton explains that the ADA liberals were "a welcome relief from the sometimes inane, always piously cautious, and frequently self-congratulatory churchmen among whom he might otherwise have had to spend his time. Even at the seminary one had to guard against the constant threat of sanctimony, whereas the ADA people were exuberant, skeptical, and energetically committed, after all, to democratic action."

It is chastening to be reminded that Niebuhr’s influence on people was small compared to Peale’s or Graham’s. If one is inclined, like me, to take comfort in the thought that at least Niebuhr and Paul Tillich had a significant public impact, a certain defensiveness against Sifton’s statements on this theme is inevitable. Niebuhr had a tremendous impact on the fields of Christian social ethics and modern theology, and many of us who labor in these fields are grateful for it. He also influenced leading political realists such as George Kennan and Hans Morgenthau; in recent years he has been claimed by neo-liberals and neo-conservatives in both political parties; and in the 1950s and ‘60s he was a cherished influence on Martin Luther King Jr. and Abraham Heschel. According to one story, when the New York City Council voted in the late 1970s to name the corner of Broadway and 120th Street "Reinhold Niebuhr Plaza," none of the Christians on the council knew who Niebuhr was, but all of the Jews did.

Sifton takes no interest in current academic debates over her father’s theological method, and she ignores liberationist critiques of his nationalism, cold warriorism and androcentrism. She says nothing about the precipitous decline of Niebuhr’s influence after the emergence of liberation theology. She does take a quick pass at the usual picture of his later career, briefly asserting that the image of Niebuhr as an "in-house establishmentarian gadfly" underestimates the ironic, tragic and pathetic aspects of his later life. And she pauses a bit longer over the cultural fate of his passionate philo-Semitism.

Niebuhr despaired over much of the non-Jewish literature on Zionism and Jewish existence, a literature which, in Sifton’s telling, consisted of "pretentious nonsense, offering specious reasoning, idiotic psychobabble, or poor contrasts between Jewish and Christian ethics that slandered the first and misapplied the second." She observes that things have gotten much worse in the 30 years since her father’s death. Niebuhr’s philo-Semitism was embattled in his time, but it would find little place at all in today’s intellectual culture. While guarding against nostalgia for what was, after all, a terrible time, she fondly recalls the score-keeping discussions her parents conducted with Frankfurter and Isaiah Berlin: "We all knew who the friends had been -- but oh the guffaws and acerbic dismissals of the enemies: the appeasers, the reactionaries, the anti-Semitic Jews, the isolationists. the Nazi sympathizers, the bad Germans, the Germans who thought they were ‘good’ but weren’t!"

Sifton went to Radcliffe College and the University of Paris before starting a career as an editor at Viking Press, but her memoir is pervaded by a feeling of disappointment. Her home discussions while growing up set a standard that was hard to match afterward; the church leaders that she knew at Heath were more interesting than those she met afterward: she agrees with her father that the generation that succeeded him fled into the "cellars of irrelevance."

In 1932 Niebuhr suffered a stroke that ended his circuit-riding days and spurred the Niebuhr family to make retirement plans. They sold the stone cottage in Heath, bought a comfortable home in the historic valley town of Stockbridge, Massachusetts, where medical care was readily available, and prepared for Niebuhr’s 1960 retirement from Union. Berkshire County had hills that Melville and Hawthorne had climbed, beautiful historic towns, grand houses, the Boston Symphony Orchestra and the Atheneum library, but to Sifton it seemed a poor trade for the modest farms and captivating friendliness of Heath: "It was more like exurbia for the power elite." While her father fell into a morose depression and her mother struggled with a difficult new situation, Sifton stewed in adolescent rage.

Worse yet, Republicans won the White House. Niebuhr told his daughter sadly "You poor girl, you’ve never lived under a Republican administration. You don’t know how terrible this is going to be." Sifton rightly concludes that everything her father wrote about American politics took for granted that there is little point in writing if one had no concept of America’s spiritual and cultural identity. His "constant gripe" about American politicians was that they were "stupider, prouder, more self-righteous, more moralistic, more vain-glorious than the American people on whose behalf they spoke." Niebuhr was convinced that ordinary American Christians made better Christian realists than their political leaders did.

As an ethicist he moved from the imperatives of the gospel ethic of sacrificial love to the requirements of ambiguous situations, always under the mediation of the principles of justice -- freedom, equality and order. This method of ethical reasoning has puzzled and divided Niebuhr’s interpreters, as has his religious sensibility as a whole. He was deeply prayerful and profoundly religious, yet also hyperactively worldly and allergic to the expressions of piety that many Americans identify with faithfulness. One of his interpreters, John Murray Cuddihy, wrongly believes that Niebuhr was totally politicized; another, Richard Wightman Fox, offers a highly skillful and better informed interpretation, but still presses too far in the same direction.

For many years Ursula Niebuhr and Sifton chafed at interpreters who didn’t capture the Reinhold Niebuhr they knew or who sometimes got him quite wrong. That experience moved Ursula Niebuhr to publish her correspondence with her husband, and now Sifton has described the family and social atmosphere behind his work. The Serenity Prayer gives us a strong dose of the politicized Niebuhr, but it also splendidly conveys the hopeful, ironic, polemical, prophetic spirit of a great theologian who prayed from the heart and unfailingly asked himself, "What does the gospel ethic mean in this situation?"

Rauschenbusch’s Christianity and the Social Crisis

In the 1880s Walter Rauschenbusch was a Baptist pastor in the Hell's Kitchen district of New York City, where he served a poor, hurting, immigrant congregation and where he converted to the social gospel. His searing encounter with urban poverty, especially the funerals that he performed for children, drove him to political activism and a social-progressive understanding of Christianity.

He later recalled that during his early ministry he had six books in his head: five were scholarly, one was dangerous. Three times he tried to write the dangerous one but had to put it aside, and each time he came back to it, he found that he had outgrown the manuscript and had to start over.

In 1891 Rauschenbusch decided, with deep sadness, that he had to resign from the ministry because he was going deaf. A surflike roar in his ears made it very difficult to do pastoral tasks; he called it "physical loneliness." He was offered a teaching position at Rochester Theological Seminary, but doubted that teaching would work any better than ministry for a deaf person. His idea was to resign his position, go abroad for a year, write the dangerous book and launch a literary career. His congregation insisted, instead, that he take a paid sabbatical which he gratefully did, in Germany.

There he labored on a book titled Revolutionary Christianity, which argued that Christianity should be essentially revolutionary, in the manner of Jesus. Until then Rauschenbusch had preached the liberal idea, derived from Albrecht Ritschl, of Christianity as an elipse with two centers: eternal life as the goal of individual existence and the kingdom of God as the goal of humanity. The old pietism and the social-ethical Jesus of modern theology folded together. But in Germany it occurred to Rauschenbusch that Jesus had one center, the kingdom of God. Jesus proclaimed and launched a postmillennial idea of the coming reign of God; and the church was supposed to be a new kind of community that transformed the world by the power of Christ's kingdom-bringing Spirit. Rauschenbusch later recalled: "Here was a concept that embraced everything. Here was something so big that absolutely nothing that interested me was excluded from it. … Wherever I went, whatever I touched, there was the kingdom of God. It carries God into everything that you do."

In Revolutionary Christianity Rauschenbusch contended that the kingdom of God is always at work toward the realized life of God. He stressed that this idea was beautiful, comprehensive, filled with justice-making ethical content and evangelical: "You have the authority of the Lord Jesus in it."

But the year passed, the book never quite came together, Rauschenbusch returned to his congregation, and the following year he married a schoolteacher, Pauline, who helped him cope with his worsening deafness. They made pastoral calls together, and their marriage was a sustained love affair, mutually supportive and affectionate. The next time Rochester Theological Seminary called, in 1807, Rauschenbusch felt that he was ready for an academic career. His father had headed the German department at Rochester Seminary for many years, and for five years Rauschenbusch carried on his father's work, teaching English and American literature, physiology, physics, civil government, political economy, astronomy, 'zoology and New Testament--all in German--in addition to raising money for the German department.

This exhausting regimen left no time for his own work, and the German-American community that he served was mostly hostile to the social gospel. Finally, in 1902, the seminary's position in church history opened up, and that is why the greatest works of the social gospel have such a strong historical bent.

While learning his new field of church history, Rauschenbusch spoke at civic groups and churches about the social gospel, helped to organize the Federal Council of Churches and wrote pamphlets for an outfit called the Brotherhood of the Kingdom (which, after a brief debate, admitted sister members). And he started thinking again about that big, dangerous book.

He went back to his sprawling manuscript to see what he could salvage from it, and he found a few things, especially the starting point: Jesus and his kingdom. That was the basis for a mostly new book that he finished in 1907: Christianity and the Social Crisis. The first part described the essential purpose of prophetic biblical religion as the transformation of human society into the kingdom of God. The second part explained why the church had never carried out this mission. The third part urged that it was not too late for the church to follow Jesus.

Rauschenbusch realized that the key to the book was the second part, but he feared that the third part would get him fired. It had a blazing manifesto for socialism in a closing 80-page chapter titled "What to Do." For his analysis of what happened to Christianity, he leaned on Adolf yon Harnack, but argued that no one had given a satisfactory answer. Rauschenbusch implied, but was too modest to say, "No one until now." In his view, every chapter of Church history could be titled "How the Kingdom of God Was Misconstrued in This Era, or Replaced by Something Else."

Revolutionary Christianity had patches of labored writing and clumsy connections, but all was smooth and sparkling in Christianity and the Social Crisis. The book enthralled a huge audience with its graceful flow of short, clear sentences, its charming metaphors and its vigorous pace. It was filled with sharp moral judgments, especially against priestly religion, capitalism and social oppression, but the book also showed Rauschenbusch's tender heart for individuals. His basic argument was that prophetic religion is the "beating heart" of scripture, that the prophetic spirit "rose from the dead" in Jesus and the early church, and that Christianity is supposed to be a prophetic Christ-following religion of the divine commonwealth.

Rauschenbusch knew about the recent apocalyptic turn in German scholarship, and he did not oppose it outright. He reasoned that Jesus undoubtedly shared some of the eschatological consciousness of a conquered people, just as he shared the commonplace belief in devils. But the apocalyptic thesis depended on a handful of "coming Son of Man sayings" that were overwhelmingly outnumbered by social-ethical sayings; Rauschenbusch judged that Mark 13 sounded more like the early church than like Jesus; and he held out for the social-ethical Jesus of the parables and the Sermon on the Mount.

Christianity and the Social Crisis was skillfully fashioned and perfectly timed. Instead of getting fired, Rauschenbusch returned from a sabbatical in Germany to find that his book was a supercharger for a movement. It went through 13 printings in five years, sold 50,000 copies and set a new standard for political theology. It built upon works by American social gospelers Washington Gladden, Josiah Strong, Richard Ely, Shailer Mathews and Francis G. Peabody, but nothing like Rauschenbusch's stunning conflation of historical, theological and political arguments had been seen previously. The book had a huge impact at liberal seminaries. Politically it was more radical than the thought of most social gospelers, but it was rightly viewed from the beginning as the greatest statement of the social gospel movement.

That movement had many faults and limitations, some of which Rauschenbusch shared. Most of the movement was sentimental, moralistic, idealistic and politically naive. It preached a gospel of cultural optimism and a Jesus of middle-class idealism. It was culturally chauvinist and thoroughly late-Victorian. It spoke the language of triumphal missionary religion, sometimes baptized the Anglo-Saxon ideology of Manifest Destiny, and usually claimed that American imperialism was not really imperialism, since it had good intentions. The social gospel helped to build colleges and universities for African Americans, but only rarely did it demand justice for blacks; it supported suffrage for women, but that was the extent of its feminism. It created the ecumenical movement in the U.S., but it had a strongly Protestant, anti-Catholic idea of ecumenism, and Rauschenbusch was especially harsh on this topic. Most social gospel leaders vigorously opposed World War I until the U.S. intervened, whereupon they promptly ditched their opposition to war (with the brave exception of Rauschenbusch). After the war they overreacted by reducing the social gospel to pacifist idealism; by then Rauschenbusch was gone.

The succeeding generation was very hard on the social gospel. On occasion Reinhold Niebuhr allowed that Rauschenbusch was more prophetic and a bit less idealistic than the movement, but he never pressed the point, and he blasted both Rauschenbusch and the movement repeatedly. Niebuhr taught, wrongly, that the social gospel had no doctrine of sin and, more justly, that it was too middle class and idealistic to be a serious force in power politics. After Niebuhr's generation had passed, liberationists judged that the social gospel and Niebuhr's Christian realism were too middle class, white, male-dominated, nationalistic and socially privileged to be agents of liberation.

Yet for all its faults and limitations, the social gospel movement produced a greater progressive religious legacy than any generation before or after it. Christian realism inspired no hymns and built no lasting institutions. It was not even a movement, but rather a reaction to the social gospel--a reaction centered on one person, Reinhold Niebuhr. The social gospel, by contrast, was a 60-year movement and enduring perspective that paved the way for modern ecumenism and social Christianity. It had a tradition in the black churches led by Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Reverdy Ransom, Benjamin E. Mays and Mordecai Johnson. It had anti-imperialist, socialist and feminist advocates in addition to the mushy reformers. And it created the ecumenical and social justice ministries that remain the heart of U.S. social Christianity.

The social gospel made a novel, radical and far-reaching contribution to Christianity and society by claiming that Christianity has a mission to transform the structures of society in the direction of equality, freedom and community. If there was such a thing as social structure, redemption had to be reconceptualized to take account of it; salvation had to be personal and social to be saving.

The greatest apostle of that gospel, Rauschenbusch did not rest on moral idealism alone; he had an answer to the apocalyptic thesis, though for decades he and the social gospel were ridiculed for holding out; his systematic theology had seven chapters on sin and what he called the kingdom of evil; and he preached the coming commonwealth of God with unparalleled brilliance and inspiration.

I close with two statements from Christianity and the Social Crisis. The first is a warning that moral idealism alone will never create a good society: "We must not blink at the fact that idealists alone have never carried through any great social change. … The possessing classes rule by force and longstanding power. They control nearly all property. The law is on their side, for they have made it. … For a definite historical victory a given truth must depend on the class which makes that truth its own and fights for it."

But that was never his first or last word. First and last he always qualified the idealism in another way: that the commonwealth of God is the very life and word of the Lord Jesus, and that it must be struggled for even though it cannot be fully attained: "We shall never have a perfect social life, yet we must seek it with faith. … At best there is always an approximation to a perfect social order. The kingdom of God is always but coming. But every approximation to it is worthwhile." That was the radical core of the social gospel.

Axis of One: The ‘Unipolarist’ Agenda

Many critics of the U.S. plans for going to war in Iraq point to oil as a motive. If that is true, it is worrisome indeed. But the policymakers who have long demanded this war are more concerned with ideological and strategic considerations than economic factors. The Bush administration is loaded with policymakers who have long maintained that the U.S. should use its overwhelming economic and military power to remake the world in the image of Western capitalist democracy. While holding office they cannot say that, but they did say it when they were not in office and they are closely allied with people who are saying it plainly.

After the Soviet Union imploded in 1991, a number of hardline anticommunists began arguing that the U.S. must use its military and economic power to remake the world and put down Americas remaining enemies. They declared that the "unipolarist moment" had arrived: the U.S. needed to use its overwhelming military and economic power to create a new Pax Americana. Not all hardliners went along with this transition. A few of them defected from the cause, notably Edward Luttwak and Michael Lind; and some rediscovered their realism, such as Irving Kristol and Jeane Kirkpatrick. Kristol characteristically opined that "no civilized person in his right mind wants to govern Iraq."

But a version of the unipolarist ideology was adopted by some key figures: Elliott Abrams, John B. Bolton, William F. Buckley Jr., Stephen Cambone, Richard Cheney, Angelo Codevilla, Eliot Cohen, Devon Gaffney Cross, Eric Edelman, Douglas Feith, Frank Caffney, Donald Kagan, Frederick Kagan, Robert A. Kagan, Robert Kagan, Lawrence F. Kaplan, Robert Kaplan, Charles Krauthammer, William Kristol, I. Lewis Libby, Joshua Muravchik, Michael Novak, Richard Perle, Daniel Pipes, Norman Podhoretz, Donald Rumsfeld, Ben Wattenberg, James Woolsey, Dov Zakheim.

In his article "Universal Dominion: Toward a Unipolar World," Charles Krauthammer spelled out the unipolarist idea: "America’s purpose should be to steer the world away from its coming multipolar future toward a qualitatively new outcome -- a unipolar world whose center is a confederated West." Elsewhere he explained that unipolarism refers to "a single pole of world power that consists of the United States at the apex of the industrial West."

The term didn’t catch on, but the idea was seized upon by hawkish conservatives and neoconservatives. Ben Wattenberg urged nervous politicians not to be shy about asserting American superiority; "We are the first universal nation. ‘First’ as in the first one, ‘first’ as in ‘number one.’ And ‘universal’ within our borders and globally." Because the United States is uniquely universal, he reasoned, it has a unique right to impose its will on other countries on behalf of an American-style world order. With a lighter touch, Wattenberg declared, "A unipolar world is a good thing, if America is the uni."

Joshua Muravchik put it this way: "For our nation, this is the opportunity of a lifetime. Our failure to exert every possible effort to secure [a new world order] would be unforgivable. If we succeed, we will have forged a Pax Americana unlike any previous peace, one of harmony, not of conquest. Then the 21st century will he the American century by virtue of the triumph of the humane idea born in the American experiment.’

These comments were made in the early 1990s, when there was a debate within the first Bush administration about unipolarism. In 1990 Secretary of Defense Richard Cheney quietly commissioned a new strategic plan. Paul Wolfowitz (undersecretary for defense policy), Lewis Libby (Cheney’s chief of staff) and Eric Edelman (Cheney’s senior foreign-policy adviser) outlined a policy of U.S. global domination. Pentagon Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Colin Powell countered with a case for a moderately conservative realism that was backed by Secretary of State George Schultz and National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft. Though Cheney leaned toward Wolfowitz’s strategy, the realists held the upper hand in George H. W. Bush’s administration. Cheney’s attempt to create a new big-picture strategy was derailed by the Persian Gulf war and the leaking of Wolfowitz’s plan to the press, and the unipolarists despaired of Bush’s lack of ideological vision. A few of them supported Bill Clinton in 1992, largely because Clinton campaigned that year as a democratic globalist.

But most of the Pax Americanists stayed in the Republican Party, and Clinton soon disappointed the others. In 1997, a group of unipolarists led by Cheney, Libby, Wolfowitz, Elliott Abrams, Eliot Cohen, Frank Gaffney, Donald Kagan, Norman Podhoretz and Donald Rumsfeld founded the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), which issued a statement of principles that called for an aggressive American policy of global domination. This group forged an alliance with George W. Bush, who carried a personal grudge against Saddam Hussein and who turned out to be a strident unilateralist and debunker of humanitarian nation-building.

Two months before the presidential election of 2000, the PNAC unipolarists issued a position paper titled "Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century" that spelled out the particulars of a global empire strategy: repudiate the ABM treaty, build a global missile defense system, increase defense spending by $20 billion per year to 3.8 percent of gross domestic product, and reinvent the U.S. military to meet expanded obligations throughout the world. When Bush won the presidency, the Pax Americanists (notably Bolton, Cambone, Cheney, Cohen, Cross, Feith, Libby, Perle, Pipes, Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz and Woolsey) won numerous positions in his administration.

In the early months of Bush 43, as the current administration is called by insiders, Powell selectively resisted the aggressive unilateralism of Cheney, Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz. Donald Kagan, who co-chaired the PNAC position paper on defense policy, contends that before 9/11, the unipolarists were losing the argument in the Bush administration. After the fiendish attacks of 9/11, however, the unipolarist view of the world blended with the fight against terrorism.

On September 14, Wolfowitz declared at a press conference that the U.S. government was committed to "ending states who sponsor terrorism." That remark earned a public rebuke from Powell, who countered that America’s goal was to "end terrorism," not launch wars on sovereign states. The differences between these objectives soon blurred in the Bush administration’s rhetoric about the war on terrorism, however. On September 20, Bush declared that any nation that sponsors, aids or harbors terrorists is an enemy of the U.S. One year later, he issued a remarkable document titled "National Security Strategy of the United States of America," which declared the right of the U.S. to wage preemptive wars on rogue states. The following month, Wolfowitz asserted: "This fight is a broad fight. It’s a global fight. . . . The war on terrorism is a global war, and one that must be pursued everywhere."

To keep track of what the unipolarists are thinking, one has to pay close attention to those who didn’t take jobs in the Bush administration. Wolfowitz and Perle were sharp polemicists before they took the positions as, respectively, deputy defense secretary and chair of the Pentagon’s defense policy board. In office they speak mostly bureaucratise. Among their ideological allies in the private sector, the talk goes way beyond Iraq. The unipolarists are pressing Bush not to back away from the implications of his speeches and policy statements.

Boston University professor of international relations Angelo Codevilla argues that America’s world war against terrorism must begin by overthrowing Iraq, Syria and the Palestinian Authority; eminent conservative William F. Buckley Jr. asserts that the U.S. is in a world war against all nations that shelter terrorists and that Iraq is merely a "manageable" opening target: Frank Gaffney who heads the Center for Security Policy, maintains that the United States must take the fight to Iran and the Palestinians and that Bush needs to sweep away: most of the longtime professionals in the State Department and the CIA: neoconservative Norman Podhoretz believes that "we ought to kill" the PLO and the regimes in Iraq and Syria, that the United States must overthrow Iran and Lebanon as soon as possible, and that Egypt and Saudi Arabia belong on the list of enemy regimes; Yale classicist Donald Kagan admonishes that the "Arab street" only makes anti-American noise when America shies away from using its military power.

It has long been assumed in unipolarist circles that Iraq, Iran and North Korea constitute an "axis of evil," as Bush called these nations last fall. Wolfowitz singled out Indonesia, Pakistan and Yemen as high-priority targets of the fight against terrorism. Much of the in-house debate among unipolarists concerns the ranking of Syria, Egypt and the Palestinian Authority on this list. One of the most prominent advocates of permanent war is Robert Kaplan, who combines a fervent militarism with a Samuel Huntington -- style "clash of civilizations" realism. Kaplan goes very near the heart of the matter when he says: "The real question is not whether the American military can topple Saddam’s regime but whether the American public has the stomach for imperial involvement of a kind we have not known since the United States occupied Germany and Japan."

The unipolarist ideology by whatever name, adds a fourth party to the foreign-policy debate, which has otherwise involved 1) liberal internationalists, who seek world peace and stability by securing collective agreements from nation states to comply with international law; 2) realists, who seek to ensure a balance of power among competing regimes; and 3) principled anti-interventionists, who renounce the use of military force for all reasons besides self-defense. Unipolarism is essentially a nationalistic and militaristic version of the liberal internationalist vision of world democracy.

To the unipolarists, America must not shrink from its moral and ideological obligation to establish a new Pax Americana, because it is the exemplar and guardian of the liberal democratic idea. No other nation has the means or stature to put tyrants in their place or uphold the rules of a liberal democratic world order. The unipolarists emphasize the categorical difference between classic imperialism, which ruled by direct conquest and the subjugation of populations, and aggressive American leadership, which advocates democracy and freedom, not empire.

Krauthammer has recently capsulized the argument: "The future of the unipolar era hinges on whether America governed by those who wish to retain, augment and use unipolarity to advance not just American but global ends, or whether America is governed by those who wish to give it up -- either by allowing unipolarity to decay as they retreat to Fortress America, or by passing on the burden by gradually transferring power to multilateral institutions as heirs to American hegemony. The challenge to unipolarity is not from the outside but from the inside. The choice is ours. To impiously quote Benjamin Franklin: "History has given you an empire, if you will keep it,"

The unipolarists may be granted their semantic insistence that this kind of "imperialism" deserves to be called something else, for they do not aspire to occupy any particular land without the consent of its people. But the U.S. makes a mockery of its democratic ideals when it bullies other nations to serve U.S. interests and pretends that its bullying deserves to be called justice or idealism. And it is ridiculous for American unipolarists to insist that any conceivable American occupation of Iraq, North Korea, Iran or Syria in the wake of the carnage and killing of war will be welcomed as a liberation by the majorities of these countries populations.

The U.S. spends as much on defense as the next nations combined. When military spending by U.S. allies is excluded, the United States is spending nearly twice as much on "defense" as the rest of the world combined. American troops are stationed in 75 countries; each branch of the armed services has its own air force; and in the next year we may learn if the U.S. can pull off what it has been preparing to do since the end of the cold war: fight two regional wars at the same time. After 9/11, most Americans are quite happy to spend more on warfare than the next 15 nations combined. They trust in the assurance of our leaders that if we overwhelm our enemies and kill enough of them, we will be safe.

A true realism would distinguish between international police action to curb terrorism and wars of aggression against governments and their civilian populations. Realism tells us that there will always be bad leaders who have to be coped with and contained. But a war fought for the reasons that we are being given leads inevitably and necessarily to more wars, exactly as its unipolarist advocates insist. We cannot diminish terrorism by incinerating Muslim nations and causing most of the world to despise the U.S.

Even if it lasts only three weeks, this war could be a terrible disaster in moral, political and economic terms. We are being led to war against Iraq by people who know very well that this war will lead to further wars and that even a $380 billion defense budget barely begins to pay for the first war. The economic costs of unilateral war, occupation and reconstruction will be staggering. Bush administration officials admit that they have no idea how much the war against Iraq will cost; their current estimates range from $50 billion to $200 billion. On February 5, Rumsfeld informed the House Armed Services Committee that the military buildup against Iraq has already cost $2.1 billion and that further costs of the war will require a separate spending bill.

Pro-war liberals like Peter Beinart. Jonathan Chait and Senator Joseph Lieberman contend that the United States will rebuild Iraq after destroying it. They overlook the fact that Afghanistan is still waiting for an economic infusion, and in the case of Iraq, the U.S. will be bombing, destroying, killing, occupying and rebuilding nearly by itself.

President Bush and his key advisers show little concern about the costs of the war and the occupation, because occupation is a necessary means to their goal of "a transformed Middle East" and an American-dominated world. Since they can’t say that, they have stumbled in explaining why the U.S. must go to war. They began by claiming that we have to overthrow Saddam because he is building a nuclear bomb. That didn’t pan out, so they switched to the claim that he is connected to terrorism. That didn’t pan out either, so they switched to the possession of weapons of mass destruction. They found no hard evidence of that either, so now Americans are being called to war because of Saddam’s lack of cooperation with inspectors.

Significantly, the Bush administration turned to Powell to make its case for going to war on this basis. Americans remain skittish about the unilateralist militarism of Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz. Powell’s insistence on winning a United Nations Security Council mandate for war may well deliver the political goods that the unipolarists could not have won on their own

I assume that Saddam possesses biological and chemical weapons, like other thugs of his kind, and that the United States, working through the United Nations, has just cause to pressure his regime to disarm. But Saddam was not chosen as America’s first target of preemptive war because he poses an immediate threat to the U.S. He was chosen because he is not strong enough to have to be dealt with diplomatically, like North Korea or China, and because his regime is the key to what the unipolarists call "a transformed Middle East" -- one that serves American economic and security interests and that renounces its hostility to Israel.

The Pax Americanists are determined to establish a major American military presence in the Middle East: they dream of toppling nearly every regime in that region. Unipolarists often refer to this process as "draining the swamp." At the moment it is prudent for them to focus their mass-media attention on the present war, not the permanent war, but they take the permanent war for granted.

President Bush is fond of declaring that America invades and fights only to liberate, never to conquer. I do not doubt that he is sincere in perceiving himself and his country in this way, for this self-perception is widely held in the U.S. Many Americans actually believe that we should be welcomed as liberators whenever we invade another country. For decades Americans felt safe from the problems and dangers of other countries, often while being oblivious to the suffering that we caused in the world. On 9/11 we lost the former illusion, but our leaders are invoking that experience to reinforce our hubris and our obliviousness to the consequences of our actions.