A Scientist’s Search for Comprehensive Knowledge

BOOK REVIEW:

Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge, By Edward 0. Wilson. Knopf. 352 pp., $26.00.





The subtitle of this book, "the unity of knowledge," will strike some readers as abstruse, yet it directs us to important questions: Can we think about the world and ourselves in anything resembling an integrated manner? Do our moral convictions connect in a reasonable way with what we think about human origins? Is the way we think about the physical world consonant with the way we think about human conduct? Is our view of human nature compatible with our religious convictions? Wilson thinks that the answer to these and similar questions is no, primarily because of scientific illiteracy, but also because of a widespread failure to live up to the intellectual, religious and moral implications of science.

"Consilience" is a l9th-century term connoting a "jumping together" of knowledge "by the linking of fact and fact-based theory across the disciplines to create a common groundwork of explanation." Wilson's "consilience" aims to provide a comprehensive framework for relating all the various disciplines of knowledge under the banner of natural science. Wilson is well qualified to take on this task. He is a distinguished Harvard biologist and popular teacher, Pulitzer Prize-winning writer, sociobiologist, naturalist, authority on entomology and outspoken advocate for environmental responsibility and species diversity.

For our survival and well-being, Wilson says, we need a consensus about our origins, our nature as human beings, our place in the natural world and our purpose, or what it is that makes life worth living. The most credible foundation for this consensus, he insists, is natural science. And the biggest threats to this enterprise come from completely opposite directions--postmodernist denial of scientific objectivity and religious obscurantism and dogmatism.

Wilson believes that evolutionary biology, strategically situated as the bridge between the natural and the human sciences, should replace theology as the "queen of the sciences." "The legacy of the Enlightenment is the belief that entirely on our own we can know, and in knowing, and in understanding, choose wisely."

To a great extent, Enlightenment hope has been realized by 20th-century "hard science." The challenge remaining is to extend well-tested scientific principles into the domain of the social sciences and the humanities. Eventually, Wilson predicts, science will provide a synthesis of all knowledge from all fields of inquiry, from philosophy and literature to art and architecture.

We humans have a tendency to think of ourselves as different from all other animals, as special, noble and created in the "image of God." But like Stephen Jay Could and Richard Dawkins, Wilson rejects anthropocentrism. Since human nature has evolved throughout millions of years of natural selection, he says, the most appropriate science for examining the meaning of human behavior is evolutionary biology and its allied disciplines. Wilson has dedicated his life to persuading us to think of ourselves as animals who, by dint of luck and natural selection, have evolved to possess highly complex brains. For all our intelligence when compared with gorillas and chimpanzees, we are still primates. We should, therefore, not be under the illusion that when anatomically modern human beings emerged 100,000 or so years ago, after millions of years of evolutionary change, they ceased to be influenced significantly by their evolutionary past. We cannot climb up a ladder and kick it away while standing on the top rung.

Wilson takes a "no holds barred" evolutionary view of religion. Religion is the bastion of superstition, dogmatism, fanaticism, tribalism and other atavistic impulses. Whereas Hegel viewed religion as the poor man's philosophy, Wilson regards religion as the poor man's science. Religion was once the only way preliterate people could comprehend the natural world and deal with human suffering. But now we have science, so religion is no longer needed by those who want to know the truth about human life--indeed, it frustrates such a quest. Yet Wilson does not want to extinguish all religion. For the time being, at least, we must keep it in place as an emotional crutch for the weak and as a civic religion that can bind us together in political community. Some day, Wilson hopes, the "evolutionary epic" will replace the biblical mythology as our core religious narrative.

Wilson also believes that religion and ethics can be "explained" in terms of evolved "epigenetic rules" that serve to promote human survival and reproduction. Epigenetic rules are "hereditary regularities of mental development" that "animate and channel the acquisition of culture." A smile, for example, signifies happiness across all cultures because smiles are genetically encoded responses common to all human beings. Fear of snakes is also universal: Native Americans may fear rattlesnakes and Indians fear cobras, but both fears express the evolved epigenetic rule that instinctively recognizes the potential lethality of snakes. Controversially, Wilson stretches this notion to embrace other behavioral phenomena--many quite broad and all substantially influenced by culture, including incest taboos, status seeking, care for children, sexual behavior, the morality of cooperation and cheating, and altruism. In Wilson's view the Christian ethic of selfsacrifice has functioned to encourage loyalty to the group, thereby tacitly promoting the selfish interests of the individuals who belong to these groups and promoting human survival.

Wilson adamantly rejects theism or belief in a personal God who loves us as individuals and requires obedient love in response. He believes that there is no evidence whatsoever for a transcendent deity who creates, governs and redeems the world. There has been no revelation from on high: the moral requirements of Christianity are not divine commands, but human constructs generated from epigenetic rules for the purpose of securing survival and reproduction. All human communities teach systems of morality in order to encourage conformity and cooperation and to discourage and punish nonconformity and cheating. For Wilson, individuals who are thought of as "good" are usually given rewards by society, such as power, status and health, that in turn contribute to greater longevity and more secure families; those who are "bad" are punished in the same currency.

Yet Wilson is not an amoral Machiavellian. He writes with moral passion about intellectual honesty, freedom of inquiry and ecological responsibility. He has no problem with the Darwinian function of morality, which he thinks ought to promote survival and reproduction. (How he moves from "is" to that "ought" is never clearly explicated.) The problem behind our interminable moral conflicts, Wilson thinks, is that ethics has been too closely identified with religion. Like a number of 19th-century forebears, he wants to sever ethics from its religious base and reconstruct it on the new, more objective foundation of scientific knowledge. The result will be to free morality from a host of evils--parochialism, bias, tribalism, xenophobia, nepotism and other forms of excessive in-group bias (including irrational bias toward members of our own species in exclusion of all other species). Social interactions will then be regulated by a less oppressive and backward moral code, one that is truly objective, democratic and fair to all people. Science thus provides the key not only to greater intellectual coherence, but also to personal and collective moral development.

Contrary to what Wilson himself claims, his interpretation of religion is not the product of a neutral, detached and "objective" standpoint. It is crucial to recognize that as a child Wilson was raised in Alabama as a strict fundamentalist--a perspective he adamantly rejected in college, where he turned away from revelation and embraced science as the best means for understanding the world. After all these years, Wilson seems to continue to identify "religion" with the fundamentalism of his childhood. Indeed, one might wonder whether the moral passion and craving for certainty that he initially learned in fundamentalist circles hasn't been transferred, in a secularized form, to evolutionary theory.

It is thus no coincidence that Wilson always regards religion as the archenemy of evolutionary theory. It is disappointing that, with all the capaciousness of his learning, Wilson has done only casual and ad hoc reading of theology and religion. Christian evolutionary theism, for example, is simply not on his map. To this reviewer, it seems that Wilson's scientific distinction and publishing fame have encouraged a wildly inordinate confidence in his own judgments about religion and ethics.

We should admire his ambition and breadth of vision. Few scientists have sufficient courage and public concern to write a serious book to a popular audience on such an expansive range of subjects. And he is correct to be concerned about the fragmentation of knowledge and the intellectual incoherence that it breeds. The desire for coherence lies deep in the human mind and finds little satisfaction in contemporary society. Information multiplies geometrically, but wisdom and vision seem to recede at the same rate.

It might be helpful to recall some reflections from Karl Barth. Three years after the end of World War II, Barth's work in theological anthropology led him to take up the challenge of evaluating naturalistic examinations of human nature. Science, particularly medical science, had been put to terrible use under the Nazis. Yet Barth was not antiscientific. Instead, he believed that the scientific investigation of human behavior was valuable and should not in any way be opposed by Christians as long as it did not pretend to provide a comprehensive worldview or a "pseudo-theology."

Barth's observations were aimed at naturalism in their day, but they clearly pertain to our day as well. As James M. Gustafson has observed, Wilson offers not just an explanatory scientific analysis of human conduct, but the "secular equivalent" of a comprehensive systematic theology. In Consilience, Wilson asks:

Could Holy Writ be just the first literate attempt to explain the universe and make ourselves significant within it? Perhaps science is a continuation on new and better tested ground to attain the same end. If so, then in that sense science is religion liberated and writ large.

This approach is flawed in several ways. First, Wilson seeks to unify knowledge by construing all knowledge as the kind of objective, empirically verifiable information intended by the natural sciences. This project rides on the dubious assumption that there is only one kind of truth, the kind of empirically established explanations attained by scientists.

Certainly the music of Mozart can be "explained" by graphing sound waves, and the paintings of Rembrandt can be "explained" through a chemical analysis of their pigmentation. But how far do these explanations get us in really comprehending the deeper human truths communicated in the music of Mozart or the art of Rembrandt? The same holds for the deeper truths communicated in scripture, doctrine and sacrament. What counts as "knowledge" for Wilson is in effect only one kind of knowledge, not all human knowledge. It ignores what Pascal knew as the "reasons of the heart" that inform the Christian tradition.

Second, Wilson's epigenetic rules deserve critical scrutiny. Of course fear of snakes or of heights can plausibly be regarded as biologically based emotions. Yet most of Wilson's epigenetic rules are only vaguely related to genetics and seem much more the product of culture than biology.

Nature, to be sure, encourages all of us to channel our caregiving more in the direction of blood relatives and reciprocating friends than in the direction of strangers and enemies, so perhaps there is a universally human epigenetic rule to this effect. But this "channeling" assumes radically different shapes in different cultures, ranging from urban to agrarian settings, ancient to modern families, polygamous to monogamous marriages and so forth.

The epigenetic rule is much too general to be very helpful in understanding human behavior. For this reason, Wilson never provides any substantive content to what he calls "innate epigenetic rules of moral reasoning."

The weakest aspect of Consilience is its impoverished and ill-informed treatment of religion. Wilson gives full play to his prejudices and preconceptions in a way that he would find preposterous if indulged in by a scientific colleague writing about science. His proposals regarding religion amount to assertions concocted on the basis of evolutionary hunches rather than conclusions proceeding from carefully constructed arguments.

Wilson rips Christian beliefs from their contexts, simplistically characterizes them and simplistically rejects them. Belief in the afterlife, according to Wilson, justifies indifference to others, exploitation of nature, extermination of infidels and "suicidal martyrdom." While many Christians have been guilty of these faults and others, many other Christians who believe in eternal life have exhibited compassion, justice and stewardship. Wilson never entertains even this kind of simple objection to his position.

He lumps together complex positions within theology under grossly misleading titles like "empiricist" and "transcendentalist." Thomas Aquinas, the great medieval synthesist of faith and reason, is depicted as an exponent of divine-command morality. In order to force Thomas Aquinas into the "transcendentalist" position, Wilson mangles and amputates his thought beyond recognition.

Wilson's book is more significant for the cast of mind that it represents than for its arguments. Consilience represents the increased tendency of the educated mind in our society to feel alienated from religion (if at the same time a bit nostalgic for it), to be suspicious of religious authority, and to find theism implausible. Wilson's interest for us, then, may lie in the fact that he articulates, at least in the "disenchanted" and secularistic tenor of his thought, what many educated people of our society increasingly suspect to be the case: matter and genes really are all that there is or ever will be.

How well are the churches addressing the tensions felt in the minds of many educated Christians who internally hear two choruses: on the one hand, the voices of their pastor and Sunday school, the scriptures and tradition; on the other, the voices of their high school science teacher, their college biology professor and the science section of the New York Times? Perhaps not very well.

Wilson at least shows us what the world looks like from the point of view of a secular, scientifically educated person who recognizes the need for intellectual integration and moral integrity.

 

Debating Darwin: The ‘Intelligent Design’ Movement

BOOKS REVIEWED IN THIS ESSAY:

Darwin's Black Box: The Biochemical Challenge to Evolution, by Michael J. Behe. Free Press, 292 pp., $25.00

Defeating Darwinism by Opening Minds, by Phillip E. Johnson. Intervarsity, 131 pp., $15.99

The Creation Hypothesis: Scientific Evidence for an Intelligent Designer. Edited by J.P. Moreland. InterVarsity, 335 pp., $13.99 paperback.




"The time has come," the lawyer said,

"To talk of many things,

Of Gods, and gaps, and miracles,

Of lots of missing links,

And why we can't be Darwinists,

And whether matter thinks."

-- with apologies to Lewis Carroll



In 1874, 15 years after Charles Darwin published On the Origin of Species, the great Princeton theologian Charles Hodge replied with his own book, What Is Darwinism? Darwin had proposed that natural selection, a blind, purposeless process operating through random variations, had produced the myriad forms of life that inhabit our planet. Hodge contended that this denial of design in nature "is virtually the denial of God." Hodge noted that although Darwin might personally believe in a creator who had in the distant past "called matter and a living germ into existence," Darwinism implied that God had "then abandoned the universe to itself to be controlled by chance and necessity, without any purpose on his part as to the result, or any intervention or guidance." Such a God was "virtually consigned, so far as we are concerned, to nonexistence." Thus Darwinism was "virtually atheistical."



The authors of the three books reviewed here understand Darwinism as Hodge did, and like Hodge they believe that a God who is not involved in creation and with human beings in obvious, highly visible, scientifically detectable ways is no God at all. They seek to marshal evidence for the truth of Christian theism, based partly on the perceived deficiencies of Darwinian evolution. Although certain elements of their position may warrant further consideration, it is neither very convincing nor particularly original.



In the century and a quarter since Hodge leveled his pen at the offending theory, many Christians have come to terms with evolution. They have done this in different ways, however. Some evolutionists who maintain belief in God, especially those who are theologically moderate or conservative such as Richard Behe and Howard Van Till, regard science and theology as separate (though ultimately complementary) modes of knowledge. In this view, science deals with mechanism and material reality ("how"), while theology deals with meaning and spiritual reality ("why"), which are in another domain or on another level. This approach is best summed up in the famous phrase that Galileo borrowed from Cardinal Baronio: "The Bible tells how to go to heaven, not how the heavens go."



Other thinkers, including liberal Protestants such as Ian Barbour and Arthur Peacocke, employ more integrative models. They decry the intellectual schizophrenia and theological insulation of the separation model, pro-claiming instead the need for a genuine conversation between theology and modern science that shapes both enterprises. But much of this conversation is dominated by one side: many leading advocates of integration are process theologians or panentheists (believing that God includes the world as a part of God's being) who call for doctrinal reformulation in light of modern scientific knowledge but do not intend to ask scientists to reformulate their theories in light of theology.



Indeed, none of these Christian evolutionists proposes what might be called a Christian science, one in which Christian beliefs influence the actual content of scientific theories so that the rules of science might be different for Christians than for non-Christians. Instead they represent various Christian views of science in which the rules of science are assumed to be the same for all scientists in a particular discipline, without regard to their religious beliefs, and with differences arising only at the level of personal worldview.



In other words, adherents of all of these views accept methodological naturalism, which claims that scientific explanations of phenomena always ought to involve natural causes--which are usually understood as mechanistic causes operating without any intelligence or purpose apparent within the phenomena themselves. Whether or not any intelligence or purpose has been imposed upon natural processes from the outside is a separate question that science alone is not competent to answer, although scientific knowledge may have some influence on the kinds of answers one might offer. Science is seen as religiously neutral; evidence for or against theism has to be found elsewhere.



The books under review reject the notion that methodological naturalism is religiously neutral. They also reject the idea that evolution is compatible with theism. All three books offer a highly sophisticated form of antievolutionism known as intelligent design theory (ID).

The essence of ID and the motivation behind it are clearly explained by Philip Johnson. Theistic evolution, he argues, is a "much-too-easy solution" that "rests on a misunderstanding of what contemporary scientists mean by the word evolution." Like Cornell biologist William Provine and Cambridge biologist Richard Dawkins, Johnson defines evolution as "an unguided and mindless process" that admits no possibility of being a divine work. It implies that "our existence is therefore a fluke rather than a planned outcome."



To prevent students from being indoctrinated with this type of irreligion, Johnson offers them a primer on thinking critically about evolution and a brief account of ID. The latter is essentially the opposite of the strong biological reductionism associated with Dawkins, according to which (in Johnson's accurate description) "everything, including our minds, can be 'reduced' to its material base." For Johnson, matter is preceded both ontologically and chronologically by intelligence, in the form of the information necessary to organize it into living things, and this is "an entirely different kind of stuff from the physical medium [e.g., DNA] in which it may temporarily be recorded."



A principal goal of the ID movement is to convince scientists that information cannot and does not spring from matter, which they understand as brute and inert. This is essentially the same dualistic conception of matter that was shared by 17th-century founders of mechanistic science such as Rene Descartes, Robert Boyle and Isaac Newton. Although the mind-matter distinction remains philosophically problematic, and although some types of dualism may be possible to defend, most contemporary scientists (including most Christian scientists) no longer hold to this type of dualism, even if they retain the mechanistic science with which it was once linked. The same is true of many contemporary theologians, especially those committed to panentheism or process theology. They generally hold a more active view of matter and its capabilities, believing either that matter itself can think or that cognition arises out of it in some naturalistic manner yet to be determined. An important flaw in the program of the ID adherents is that they don't really confront the fact that the philosophical landscape has changed, and they fail to engage those Christian thinkers who recognize this.



Johnson bases his case substantially on Michael Behe's notion of "irreducible complexity"--the idea that because certain parts of living organisms are so complex, and are composed of many separate parts that cannot function properly on their own, we cannot account for them (in reductionistic fashion) as merely the products of blind selection. Rather, we are forced to invoke a deus ex machina who assembled the parts supernaturally according to a preconceived design. Johnson uses this strong form of the teleological argument to challenge both materialism and naturalism. He calls his strategy "the wedge" and sees himself opening up a crack in scientific materialism.



Behe attempts to widen that crack. A biochemist at Lehigh University, he is not a creationist in the sense in which that word is most often used. For example, he believes that the earth is billions of years old, something self-styled scientific creationists deny, and he thinks that natural selection can account for much of life's diversity, which an old-earth creationist like Johnson probably does not accept (if so, he is awfully quiet about it). What natural selection cannot explain, in Behe's opinion, is how the original building blocks of living things were formed.



Darwin's Black Box, a detailed study of certain biochemical machines in humans and other organisms, is aimed at realizing one of Darwin's worst nightmares. Darwin worried that the origin of complex organs such as the eye would be difficult to explain in terms of the gradual, stepwise evolutionary process outlined by his theory. The best he could do was to speculate that the complex eye might have developed from simple light-sensitive cells that could give a competitive advantage to an organism that possessed them. But the molecular biology of vision, as Behe notes, was a "black box" to Darwin. Darwin and his contemporaries took the simplicity of cells for granted, treating them as black boxes that needed no further explanation.



Now that we know how complex even the simplest cells are, Behe argues, we can no longer ignore the question of how they originated, nor can we deny the lack of progress in answering that question within a Darwinian paradigm. Behe examined every issue of the Journal of Molecular Evolution (a top journal in the field) since it began in 1971. He could not find even one article that "has ever proposed a detailed model by which a complex biochemical system might have been produced in a gradual, step-by-step Darwinian fashion." This lack of an explanation, Behe says, is "a very strong indication that Darwinism is an inadequate framework for understanding the origin of complex biochemical systems."



Reviewers in scientific journals are generally highly critical of Behe. But some of the critics, including biochemist James Shapiro of the University of Chicago, think that Behe has pinpointed a real problem in evolutionary theory, a problem that invites novel approaches--though not the invocation of an intelligent designer, which would mean giving up hope of a scientific (or naturalistic) solution.

Notre Dame philosopher of science Ernan McMullin argues perceptively that Behe's proposed solution is itself just another "black box," for his appeal to ID slams the door on further inquiry at the level of secondary causes, denying in principle our ability to learn how irreducibly complex structures were assembled. Van Till takes this point further, arguing that we must distinguish between the claim that the world is a product of creative intelligence (a belief he shares with the ID camp) and the additional claim, implicit in the ID position, that certain products of that intelligence could not have been assembled naturalistically.



Behe realizes that it will be difficult for most scientists to give ID fair consideration, mainly for philosophical rather than purely scientific reasons. The scientific community, he notes, is committed to methodological naturalism, which rules out a priori any appeal to design. Furthermore, "many important and well-respected scientists just don't want there to be anything beyond nature." It's true that many scientists regard methodologi-cal naturalism as intimately linked to the worldview of philosophical materialism. A challenge to one is a challenge to the other. But there is no necessary connection between the two positions. Many scientists (including most Christian scientists) accept methodological naturalism without extrapolating from it to philosophical materialism.



Since the ID proponents reject the middle-ground position of a theist who practices methodological naturalism, their challenge will probably produce more heat than light. This likelihood is increased by the highly apologetic thrust of certain essays in The Creation Hypothesis, edited by Biola University philosopher J. P Moreland. Consider, for example, the title of the essay by Canadian astrophysicist Hugh Ross, head of Reasons to Believe, a Pasadena-based ministry specializing in apologetics: "Astronomical Evidences for a Personal, Transcendent God." Or consider Moreland's own essay, "Theistic Science and Methodological Naturalism," which presents the two as competing alternatives. The latter distinction is drawn even more starkly by Johnson, who refers elsewhere to methodological naturalism as "methodological atheism" and to those Christian scientists who defend it as "mushy accommodationists."



As Moreland defines it, theistic science claims that God "has through direct, primary agent causation and indirect, secondary causation created and designed the world for a purpose and has directly intervened in the course of its development at various times," including "history prior to the arrival of human beings." Primary causes are "God's unusual way of operating; they involve his direct, discontinuous, miraculous actions," whereas "secondary causes are God's normal way of operating." Either way, Moreland stresses, "God is constantly active in the world, but his activity takes on different forms."



In spite of this clear affirmation that God is never absent or inactive in the creation (and similar statements by others), the ID program is widely viewed as being committed to a "God-of-the-gaps" theology. In such a theology (as Dietrich Bonhoeffer noted with objections) God is invoked only when natural explanations fail.



It is not accurate to say that Behe and Johnson's God is merely a God of the gaps, if by that we mean a God who has nothing else to do but occasionally fine-tune the clock-like workings of the universe. Nevertheless, their argument does rely on a God-of-the-gaps strategy. That is, they argue from the existence of gaps in our knowledge of nature to the existence of gaps in the actual processes of nature, and on the basis of these gaps they infer that there is an agent outside of nature. What makes this a sophisticated God-of-the-gaps theory, and distinguishes their project from garden variety creationism, is that they justify their appeal to divine causation by pointing not simply to the absence of plausible naturalistic explanations but to the presence of an irreducible complexity which suggests to them that no naturalistic explanation for the phenomenon in question can be found.



Pointing out the inadequacies of any received theory, including Darwinian theory, is important work. But to my mind, the most important part of the ID program is not what it denies but what it affirms, namely, that some real causes might not be purely mechanistic, and that this line of inquiry might prove productive. Some interesting and fruitful science has been done by scientists who hold such a view. Newton, for example, offered no mechanical explanation for gravitation (prompting Leibniz to call it a "perpetual micracle"). Kepler based his hypothesis about the orbital radii of the planets on the assumption that God, in laying out the solar system, used the five Platonic solids as "archetypal causes."



For ID to fit into this category of fruitful science, however, its advocates will have to spell out much more closely what an account of the origin of biological diverisity based on ID would look like and show how this perspective would further scientific inquiry rather than hinder it. I remain skeptical that this will happen, but the movement is still in its infancy, and it has some very bright people associated with it. They may prove me wrong.

Thus far ID is only a highly sophisticated form of special creationism, usually accompanied by strong apologetic overtones that tend to keep the debate at the ideological level. All too frequently science becomes a weapon in culture wars, denying in practice the clean theoretical distinction between science and religion that is otherwise widely proclaimed. Provine has said that "evolution is the greatest engine of atheism ever invented." Johnson would agree, though of course he thinks the engine is faulty while Provine thinks it's true. Johnson's audience would be much smaller if scientists like Provine and Dawkins did not make it so easy for him to equate evolution and methodological naturalism with atheism, but in fact that pair does speak for a good number of scientists and other academics. Because their approach flies in the face of the beliefs of many religious Americans, antievolutionism is not likely to go away any time soon, whether or not Johnson and his associates convince many scientists to adopt their program.



We could move a long way toward correcting the excesses of both the Johnsons and the Provines if public education were more genuinely pluralistic. As long as public education essentially ignores the religious values of many families and pretends to remain neutral toward religion while actually promoting secularism, many religious people will feel disenfranchised. Johnson is at his best when he decries what he elsewhere calls "scientific fundamentalism," the tendency of scientific materialists to monopolize the conversation about science in public schools.



Johnson effectively analyzes the film version of Inherit the Wind, the play that depicts the Scopes trial as the triumph of academic freedom over an ignorant, intolerant fundamentalism. Henry Drummond, whose character is loosely based on Clarence Darrow, warns Matthew Harrison Brady, the character drawn from William Jennings Bryan, not to deny others freedom of thought, and asks him to consider that there could come a time when a law would be passed "that one Darwin should be taught in the schools!" This, Johnson tells us, is exactly what happened:



The real story of the Scopes trial is that the stereotype it promoted helped the Darwinists capture the power of the law, and they have since used the law to prevent other people from thinking independently. By labeling any fundamental dissent from Darwinism as "religion," they are able to ban criticism of the official evolution story from public education far more effectively than the teaching of evolution was banned from Tennessee schools in 1920s.

Johnson wants Americans to think more critically about evolution and about tough religious questions related to it; so do I. In my opinion, the teaching of evolution should be coupled with serious discussions both of its perceived religious implications and the various ways religious thinkers have responded to it. Public schools seem unable to undertake such highly inclusive, controversial conversations, given the prevailing interpretation of the antiestablishment clause of the First Amendment. An accomplished legal theorist, Johnson might better direct his efforts toward persuading his colleagues to reconsider their interpretation of the Constitution rather than toward criticizing the basic tenets of what remains scientifically a well-supported theory of the origin of biological diversity.





Science and Religion: Getting the Conversation Going

Like many other pastors, I received a formal education that was rich in the humanities

and spiced a bit by the social sciences -- particularly the subjects related to the helping

professions. But the natural sciences were, like green vegetables, endured in small

helpings and seldom savored. Indeed, I suspect that most pastors have only a minimal

understanding or appreciation of the natural sciences. Though our attitudes toward the

sciences may range from benign condescension to outright hostility, we rarely feel

compelled to broaden our awareness in this area in order to minister or theologize more

effectively.

Yet I have become convinced that pastors must reach out to scientists and must increase

their ability to understand and speak in the context of the natural sciences. For if we

presume that the gospel addresses the destiny of all creation, we do well to understand

the tools that reveal that creation. Moreover, many of the great religious and ethical

issues of our day are rooted in the world of science and technology. The dilemmas of

euthanasia, the wonders of genetic engineering, the mixed blessings of atomic energy,

the obscenity of environmental pollution, the depletion of natural resources -- all of

these concerns are legacies of a scientific culture. If religious people are to have a voice

in determining the uses of knowledge, we must have a rudimentary understanding of the

values, perspectives and methods that placed these issues in our culture's lap.

Furthermore, and perhaps most important, we minister within a society heavily

influenced by science and its methods of seeking truth. At the university where I

minister, I am continually struck by the dominance of science and engineering; often it

is to students in these disciplines that I attempt to communicate the glorious, yet often

subtle, mystery of the gospel. If preaching and teaching are to be meaningful to these

persons, we must find ways either to speak within their frame of reference or to expand

their frame of reference to include our own. With that need in mind, I would like to

suggest some themes that offer points of contact between the worlds of science and

religion.

The quest for intelligibility. In the popular mind, the essence of science is

experimentation, which produces data observable to the senses. But though science

does indeed rely on empirical methods of research, and though scientists may regard

empirical data as the only relevant kind, empirical research is only the means, not the

goal, of science. The raison d'etre of science is not the generation of data but the

attainment of intelligibility. Scientists look for patterns that relate one bit of sensory

data to another, and it is these patterns of intelligibility which constitute reality, not the

data themselves. Most of modern physics, for example, points toward a structure of

reality that cannot be visualized, or described in standard language. But the insights of

physics are "true" or "real" because with them the behavior of matter becomes

intelligible.

Understanding science as the search for the intelligible is significant, because it

suggests that science and religion share the same ultimate goal -- to give intelligibility

to the world and human experience. Religion does not use empirical methodology with

anything like the rigor of science, but it does seek in its own way to make human

experience intelligible. What is love? What is the destiny of humanity? What is

humanity's status in the universe? Why do the innocent suffer? Why must we die? These

are questions that prompt us to seek intelligibility. They are also questions that

empirical methodology cannot answer.

If science and religion really are mutually exclusive ways of gaining intelligibility, one

would expect religious fervor to wane in places where scientific inquiry is highly

valued. But that does not seem to be the case. At our major universities, for example,

there is currently a resurgence of conservative evangelical and charismatic religious

groups. There is a multitude of reasons for this trend, but the strength of these groups,

many of which make virtually no concessions to the scientific mind-set, suggests at the

very least that students are not finding sufficient intelligibility in the laboratory.

Some might say that it is not the budding scientists and engineers who are fueling the

religious resurgence. Yet, in my experience, this group is often two or three times more

heavily involved in religious activity than is the university population as a whole. The

students who are most aware of what scientific tools can reveal appear to have some

awareness of those tools' limitations.

This phenomenon should remind us that theology, if it is to be taken seriously, must

effectively address the deepest human concerns about meaning and value. As George K.

Schweitzer told a group of campus pastors, "The problem of science and religion is not

an intellectual one. The 'scientific' critique of religion can be answered so that religion

is not unreasonable. In the popular mind there is, however, a difference of credibility.

The problem is that science is good at what it does, explaining the physical world;

religion does not seem to be nearly as effective at its task."

The strength of conservative religion among students in the sciences may also suggest,

however, that there is a tendency for people to compartmentalize reality. Among the

students with whom I minister, I sense very few ethical qualms or even questions

regarding the use of science and technology. They look to religion primarily for

personal support, a sense of belonging, and hope for the future. Their faith has little or

no impact on vocational plans. Thus, ministers are called to walk a difficult tightrope:

without forgetting that religion offers a different kind of intelligibility than science

does, we must refuse to allow faith to become privatized. The intelligibility we offer

must include a discernment of how science can be most humanely employed.

Except in the minds of fundamentalists, religion has long since stopped trying to lend

intelligibility to nature in the way science does. And science seems to be recognizing

the limitations of its methodology -- its inability to give intelligibility to all of what

humanity experiences. Once we accept the fact that the quest for intelligibility requires

many tools, perhaps we can allow the scientific saw and the religious hammer to pursue

the common goal of understanding.

The limits of conceptual networks. Arthur Eddington tells a parable about a zoologist

who decided to study deep-sea life using nets with a two-inch mesh. After repeatedly

lowering his nets and studying what was caught, he concluded that there was no fish in

the sea smaller than two inches.

The story humorously illustrates the importance of recognizing the relationship of

epistemology and ontology. If we assume that only that which is known by sensory

observation is real, we are fishing with a certain size mesh, which may or may not

apprehend all of reality. Conversely, if we assume that reality consists only of the

physical universe, we will accept as valid only those methods of knowing that

investigate sensory data.

Langdon Gilkey and Stephen Toulmin have forcefully argued that science,

understandably invigorated by its success in comprehending the physical world, has

tried to extend itself beyond its methodological capabilities. For example, the theory of

evolution, which offered an explanation of the development of biological

characteristics, was presented as a naturalistic philosophy of history, which presumed to

speak of the nature and destiny of humanity. That philosophy may or may not be true; it

is an opinion not testable by empirical methods.

There is, of course, nothing deplorable about the fact that science has limits, any more

than it is a failing of the biblical creation narratives that they shed no light on the

structure of DNA. An essential part of critical thinking is deliberately to exclude certain

factors from the field of study. The key word is "deliberately"; it is essential that

scientists and theologians be aware of their tools' limitations -- that they are aware of

the sorts of questions that are beyond the scope of their inquiry. The dialogue between

theology and science is always least productive when one side is imperialistic in the

claims it makes for its methodology.

The role of imagination and metaphor. The importance of metaphor and story in

contemporary theology is well known. Instead of seeing the theological task as that of

mining eternal gems of dogma, recent biblical critics and theologians have been

concerned with how biblical images function in a given context, and with the range of

meanings that metaphors have for the reader. As Jesus' own frequent use of parables

suggests, we are incapable of encapsulating the divine reality in theological

propositions; we are able to speak only by analogy.

In the popular mind, it is just this inability to speak with absolute precision that

separates religion from science. While theologians must deal with images, scientists, it

is thought, are concerned with the "bare facts." While the theologian must say that God

(or sin or grace) "is like" such and such, the scientist can say "salt is sodium and

chlorine combined in this way."

This language difference can be a stumbling block for persons trained in the sciences.

Shortly after becoming a campus pastor, I was involved in an undergraduate Bible study

on one of the "light" passages in John's Gospel. I asked the group to think about what

the image of light conveyed to them. The students noted that light is something that

reveals, exposes and judges, or gives hope and comfort. "But which meaning is the right

one?" asked a computer science major. "They're all true," I replied; "taken together they

enrich the image." "But one of them has to be the idea the writer intended," he

persisted. "When I write a program, each of the symbols means one thing that I want it

to mean. I want to know what John's symbol stands for." Clearly that student was most

comfortable in the world of mathematics, where symbols do not have shades of

meaning.

Those of us who wrestle with multifaceted biblical images may envy the clarity of

scientific terms. But science is more dependent on creative imagination and metaphor

than we might think. A number of philosophers have suggested that science cannot be

concerned only with "bare facts," for all data come to the observer within a context of

assumptions which are not provable by the immediate data. To measure the amount of a

gas given off by a solution, for example, one must assume certain "laws" concerning the

behavior of gas. These laws are abstractions from experience which have been shown to

yield a high rate of correlation among data.

Most of the data cited in the theory of evolution were available long before Darwin's

time. Scientific progress was made only when he created a context, a theory, around the

notion of natural selection. This was as much a creative act as the writing of a

symphony or the painting of a picture. The really significant moment for the scientist,

as for the poet, is when he or she finds a new way to speak of what is familiar, creating

a new context for understanding.

The use of metaphor and imagination in science is also evident in its use of models.

Most of us have made models of atoms using Tinker Toys and styrofoam balls. In

textbooks the action of electrons in chemical reactions is pictured as little balls jumping

out of one orbit and into another. Nothing like these Tinker-Toy atoms or those orbiting

balls actually exists, of course, but the models are not false for that reason. They lend

intelligibility to the physical world and are in that sense true.

In both science and religion, then, language is constantly used to speak of a reality that

is beyond the capacity of language to express. But even as theologians insist on the

significance of metaphor and the importance of the imagination in creating contexts of

meaning, they can also benefit from the scientific concern for making language as

precise as possible. All who are involved in biblical preaching or teaching have at one

time or another been guilty of taking a text out of context. We should not impose on a

biblical image just any meaning we happen to find comfortable or helpful. The context

and the overall thrust of Scripture impose limits on interpretation. If the cost of lacking

imagination in interpretation is spiritual sterility, the price of unfettered license is a

faith so mushy that it means nothing in particular.

A professor once said to me, "Sometimes I wonder why some of you preachers bother

going to seminary. By the time you finish explaining a passage, it's reduced to terms

from other disciplines." That is the voice of someone who has been confused about how

his faith differs from other theories he can hear on campus. And indeed, what unique

insights can ministers bring to a discussion if every humanity-affirming action is termed

"incarnational" or "sacramental," and every social cause is judged "prophetic"? Only

when the significance of Christian images is clear will they be accorded serious

consideration. We cannot and need not make the products of theological imagination

subject to empirical verification, but we can at least be clear about what our insights

are.

The idea of continuous creation. Luther's exposition of the first article of the creed

begins, "I believe that God has created me and all that exists; that he has given me and

still [my emphasis] sustains my body and soul" (The Book of Concord, edited by

Theodore G. Tappert [Fortress, 1959], p. 344). Luther understood creation as an

ongoing activity of God, and he was certainly not the only theologian to do so. But in

practice the church has usually treated creation simply as the initial event in history, the

moment that God brought order out of chaos. That focus has greatly complicated the

relations between science and religion. If God were simply the means of getting the

world started, a post-Newtonian mind would have no need of God to understand the

workings of nature.

A renewed emphasis on creation as a continuing process is thus essential if a fruitful

dialogue between religion and science is to take place. The work of Pierre Teilhard de

Chardin, the process theologians and some feminist theologians has suggested ways that

religion can focus on God's activity of bringing new reality into being. This brand of

theology will focus less on God's transcendence and more on God's co-creation with

humanity. It will contain a greater willingness to tolerate randomness in the universe,

regarding it as the means by which God works through the infinite possibilities of the

cosmos. The benefit of this approach will be that the explanations of science, instead of

being an alternative to God, can be regarded as clues to the processes of divine creation.

It would be a mistake to conclude from all this that the most significant meeting place

for science and religion is the Olympian heights of academic discourse. I believe,

rather, that the most crucial dialogue on the issue is not conducted at professional

meetings between scholars but daily in the public areas of our society, as persons

influenced by scientific perspectives consider the claims of religious faith. Indeed, the

conflict between science and religion is best seen as a pastoral issue.

Obviously, one of the first things a pastor can do is -- as has been suggested -- to

emphasize the ground that religion and science share. Pastors can acknowledge and

affirm the sense of mystery that the scientist experiences, and suggest that it is this

same sense of mystery that undergirds the religious quest as well. Second, pastors can

offer alternative ways of viewing the world. At the college level today, those trained in

sciences and engineering usually gain little exposure to nonempirical ways of knowing.

Even basic English courses are being replaced by courses in technical writing.

Therefore I have found it helpful in conducting Bible studies to make use of dramatic

readings, which force students to interpret the tone of the text, the intent of the writer

and the motivation of the characters. Theology and literature seminars also allow

participants to confront the ambiguity and subjectivity of interpretation. In doing so,

they realize that not all analysis is as clear as the work in their labs. My aim is not to

discredit scientific inquiry but to suggest its limits and to offer alternative paths of

study.

Finally, it is important simply to support and encourage those whose vocation is

science. Until recently, most religious people engaged in dialogue with science tended

to assume the role of the custodian of ethics, lecturing the amoral technicians of the

laboratory. As in other contexts of pastoral care, a constructive confrontation is seldom

possible until a relationship of trust is established. Something as simple as an earnest

inquiry over coffee -- "What issues do you struggle with in your research?" -- may open

the way for fruitful discussion. If theology is to make an impact on scientific culture,

we cannot lose sight of the fact that scientists, engineers and technicians are not the

enemy but persons who struggle for meaning and purpose just as we do. Science and

religion should be regarded as allies in the effort to discern the meaning of God's

creation.

William Bragg, a pioneer in the field of X-ray crystallography, made the point quite

succinctly. He was asked whether science and theology are opposed to one another.

"Yes," he replied, "but in the sense that my thumb and forefinger are opposed to one

another -- between them I can grasp everything." Perhaps, between science and

theology, we cannot grasp everything, but surely the combination reveals more of the

cosmic mystery than either can touch alone.

Building a New Ecumenism Through Contextual Theology

The past 20 years or so since the time of the Second Vatican Council have been a

remarkable period for ecumenical breakthroughs. Not only have there been theological

convergences, but mainline churches have developed a new ecumenical ethos.

From church bureaucracies to the pews, mainline churches have begun to learn and

practice mutual respect for each other. Bad-mouthing proselytizing and interfering with

another denomination's ministry are now looked down on, and proper ecumenical

etiquette implies cooperation and mutual support.

Yet this mutual respect does not bridge the gap between the mainline churches and

fundamentalists (and, to a great extent, evangelicals). Sharp criticism or total neglect

characterize the relationship between these two groups.

Of course, promising rays of hope do permeate this dark picture. Conservative

evangelicals participated in the 1983 World Council of Churches' Vancouver Assembly

and serve on the National Council of Churches of Christ's Faith and Order Commission.

WCC General Secretary Emilio Castro has offered the open arm of fellowship to

evangelicals, and there has been international bilateral dialogue between the Roman

Catholic Church and conservative evangelicals.

But the dark side of the relationship is still all too evident in the snide remarks that one

regularly hears from both parties' pulpits and in their pastors' conferences. Two

ecumenical officers of major church organizations have even lamented that some staff

members cannot be convinced to relate to evangelicals even on a personal level.

Moreover, even mainline institutions that say they want to build relationships with

theological conservatives sometimes give the impression that their main interest is in

involving evangelicals and fundamentalists in the organizations' established programs.

As a result the evangelicals and fundamentalists often do not feel that they or their

theological concerns are being taken very seriously.

There are, however, developments under way on both sides of the division that offer

hope of these traditions growing together without compromising their commitments.

Oddly enough, it is the hotly debated issue of contextual theology that is the background

for the new convergence.

That all theology must be contextualized has become a prevailing commitment in

mainline theology. Theology and ethics are said to be so intimately related to their

context that one needs different theological and ethical orientations in different cultural

contexts. This understanding is combined with a commitment to biblical authority or at

least the authority of the Word.

Unfortunately, many conservative evangelicals and fundamentalists never hear the

commitment to biblical authority, and even the more sophisticated conservatives

believe that mainline theologians subordinate their commitment to biblical authority

under their belief in contextualizing theology. Thus insofar as the primacy of biblical

authority is perceived to be at stake, the debate over contextual theology appears to

characterize the great chasm between the mainline church ecumenical establishment

and those outside it.

But without quite conceding it, both sides have been coming in recent years to a

growing appreciation of each other's concerns. A number of mainline denominations --

possibly in response to the obvious success of theologically conservative churches --

have begun gearing their educational programs to focus on fundamental biblical themes

and data about the Bible.

Likewise, concerns in academic theological circles about the prevailing use of historical

criticism -- particularly in cases when it is used to obscure the Bible as the church's

authoritative text -- have led to the development and growing impact of literary,

narrative and canonical hermeneutics.

A corresponding emergence of new sensitivities toward these issues is also currently

under way among theological conservatives. In recent years, various influential

evangelical voices -- including eminent middle-of-the-road theological conservatives --

have sounded the call to contextualize theology.

Perhaps the most striking admission that evangelicals should be sensitive to context

comes from stalwarts like Carl F. H. Henry and the International Council on Biblical

Inerrancy. Perceiving a drift among evangelicals away from biblical inerrancy, the ICBI

drafted what became known as the Chicago statements, one of which asserted that

"some applications of moral principles [in Scripture] are restricted to a limited

audience." The statement proceeds to affirm that Scripture has some

"culturally-conditioned applications of truth, which have to be adjusted according to the

cultural variable."

Moreover, Henry wrote in Vol. V of his important six-volume magnum opus, God,

Revelation and Authority, that "each passing generation finds biblical elements

specifically significant for its own intellectual and cultural context" ([Word, 1979], p.

402). A similar perspective is also evident in the writings of several other evangelicals

and charismatics. Thus these staunch proponents of biblical inerrancy want to affirm

that the whole Bible is God's Word, but that certain biblical themes are more

appropriate in some contexts than in others. What else is this understanding but a

commitment to contextual theology?

Of course, one could contend that this sort of contextual theology differs from

prevailing interpretations in mainline ecumenical circles. Indeed, for some mainline

theologians contextual theology is a commitment to the idea that particular biblical and

theological themes must be interpreted and formulated anew in each different context.

This understanding is often connected to the assumption that not all portions of

Scripture are the Word of God, at least those portions that are not appropriate to the

present context.

Yet even this distinction does not preclude ecumenical rapprochement between the two

groups, partly because these two distinct approaches do not follow strict party lines. Not

only have certain radical evangelicals appropriated mainline hermeneutical

commitments, but some prominent mainline figures are approaching the contextual

theology question in a manner at least compatible with Henry and his colleagues.



For instance, Brevard S. Childs, formulator of the new canonical methods of exegesis,

has stated that the task of Christian theology is "to seek to discern God's will . . . within

changing historical contexts" (The New Testament as Canon [Fortress, 1985], pp.

442-443). At different times one portion of Scripture will sound the primary note, and at

other times other portions will be primary. But the witness of the whole canon must

continue to be deemed authoritative. Such an approach is logically shared by other

mainline theologians who follow Childs's canonical method or who utilize the

literary-analytic techniques of narrative theology.

The convergence between this sort of contextuality and that of some evangelicals is

perhaps more readily apparent when one recalls the impact that historical criticism is

having on theological conservatives, who are using these techniques -- subordinated to

the authority of the biblical canon -- in ways that are similar to the framework that

Childs advocates.

One should be very clear about the nature of the convergences we have observed. We

have not identified convergences in theories about Scripture or even in how to do

contextual theology. Rather, we are simply observing a common sensitivity among

evangelicals and mainline Christians to the issues raised by contextual theology. And

perhaps most important of all, we observe a more-or-less common use of Scripture on

both sides, insofar as both claim that only a limited number of biblical themes are

appropriate for a given context.

The principal question raised by ecumenists is not whether precise theological

agreement exists, but whether disagreements must divide churches. This question

should be asked in view of the mainline/evangelical convergence sketched here.

Of course, agreement to be contextually sensitive does not overcome all the divisions

between the two groups; other sociological factors, and serious doctrinal differences

over issues like the sacraments still divide them. But is there enough emerging

rapprochement to facilitate more serious theological conversation and mutual respect

than has hitherto taken place -- enough so that the conservatives could truly become a

part of the current ecumenical ethos?

If mainline churches become informed about developments in the evangelical and

fundamentalist worlds, perhaps there would be fewer accusations that they are

unconcerned with relating the gospel to our cultural contexts. And if evangelicals and

fundamentalists begin to see that many mainline theologians are using the Bible as a

guide for faith, perhaps some of the barriers that have been erected can be broken down.

After all, the elaborate fundamentalist theories about the Bible's inerrancy and

inspiration were originally formulated to ensure that the Bible was used properly in the

church -- a purpose that would be supported by many mainline theologians. And since

doctrine is developed to ensure correct praxis, the doctrine of Scripture is less divisive

if both sides share a common use of Scripture.

The issues raised by contextual theology touch the heart of the difference that caused

the original fundamentalist -- modernist breach. Though these observations do not even

pretend to heal that breach, perhaps this central issue is the place to begin a serious

theological conversation without feeling the need to repeat the traditional polemics of

both sides. An awareness of the commonalities in the seemingly unlikely areas of

contextual theology and use of Scripture may help us overcome our suspicions of one

another so that the ecumenical spirit of the past 20 years might include all of God's

people.

The Church and Abortion: Signs of Consensus

The abortion debate is heating up once again and the issues are familiar, or so we think. Our stereotypes -- especially of the churches’ debate -- are well entrenched. However, a study of official church statements on abortion challenges many of these stereotypes. Theological or denominational differences are not at the core of the dispute. Rather, the primary issue at stake among the churches is a philosophical question what is the nature of human life and which philosophical concepts most adequately depict it? Considered collectively, official church statements on ethical questions seem to point to a possible solution to this issue in the abortion debate, a solution that may even point toward a broader social consensus on abortion.

Among the large number of official church statements on abortion issued since the early 1960s, there are three main alternatives: (1) total opposition to abortion, (2) an openness to abortion’s legitimacy because the fetus is not a human being, and (3) a mediating position which regards abortion as legitimate in certain exceptional circumstances, but largely rejects the practice because it involves taking a human life. One alternative that seems ruled out by all of the churches’ statements is the secularist’s pro-choice argument that abortion is simply a matter of the mother’s right to control her own body. Granted, the language of "freedom of choice" does appear in two 1971 United Church of Christ pronouncements and in a 1975 Disciples of Christ resolution, but most churches that support abortion are far more concerned about fidelity to the Christian tradition and humanitarian concerns than they are about endorsing women’s rights.

Informed observers of the church’s abortion debate discard the popular notion that abortion is largely a Protestant -- Roman Catholic debate. The Protestant Religious Right, they argue, has become a coalition partner with Catholicism in the struggle against abortion. However, the Catholic Church’s position on abortion is distinct from that of the rest of the Christian church. Its position is one of total and unequivocal opposition to abortion. Some Catholic statements, like the 1968 papal encyclical Humanae Vitae, condemn the practice on grounds of the created order, which is thought to be structured in such a way that all sexual expression must be open to procreation. Other statements, notably various declarations issued from 1969 to 1989 by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops in the U.S. and a 1984 statement by the Chinese Catholic bishops, appeal instead to the nature of the human person and the idea that life begins at conception. Abortion must be rejected, such statements argue, because it terminates a human life. Yet a third subgroup can be identified. Statements like the NCCB’s well-known 1983 pastoral on peace and the Catholic bishops of France’s 1979 declaration do not emphasize the doctrines of creation and human persons but argue against abortion by granting priority to the gospel.

Such diversity undercuts the notion that official Catholic statements are uniform. Such diversity also calls into question the widespread assumption that disagreements on abortion inside the Christian community stem from theological differences. At least inside the Catholic Church, distinct theological perspectives can result in a common abortion ethic.

The Catholic Church is not alone in its critical attitude toward abortion. Several Protestant statements -- for example, the Mennonite General Conference’s 1977 statement, the Church of the Brethren’s 1984 declaration and perhaps the Lutheran Free Church in Norway’s 1979 declaration -- have condemned abortion. However, these statements do not unequivocally reject abortion in all circumstances. They more properly belong to the second and increasingly familiar type of church statement -- those that regard abortion as legitimate in certain circumstances, but largely reject the practice because it involves taking a human life.

Proponents of this mediating position in American and Western Christian circles may soon command a majority in the Christian world, if not in the political constituency. Among the most prominent American church statements of this genre include a 1980 United Methodist Church document, a 1979 Lutheran Church -- Missouri Synod statement, 1979 and 1980 American Lutheran Church statements, a 1989 Southern Baptist Convention resolution, a 1988 American Baptist Churches statement, and a 1971 National Association of Evangelicals resolution. From outside the U.S. borders have come similar resolutions by the Church of England in 1983, the Church of Norway in 1973, 1977 and 1985, the Evangelische Kirche in Rheinland in 1986, and the Anglican Church of Canada in 1973 and 1980.

These statements employ a wide variety of theological arguments. Some, like the 1971 Assemblies of God and 1977 Norwegian church resolutions, fail to provide any coherent theological rationale. A few statements, notably the Anglican Church of Canada’s 1980 resolution, authorize their conclusions by appealing to the gospel or Christology. But virtually all of the statements belonging to this genre argue the case for their critical position on abortion from the doctrine of creation -- the nature of human life. Like the Catholic position, these statements tend to assume that human life begins at conception. It is little wonder, then, that despite their differences on abortion as an emergency measure, American Catholics, evangelicals and some mainline Protestants have been able to forge a "pro-life" Christian coalition.

The fact that the mediating Protestant statements on abortion appeal to the same theological arguments that Catholics do and yet disagree with Catholic statements concerning exceptional circumstances illustrates once again that theological disagreements are not at the root of the abortion debate.

Why, despite similar authorizations, do they differ? The Catholic position is eminently logical. If the created order demands that all sexual expression lead to procreation, then abortion, which interrupts the fulfillment of sexual expression, must be rejected. Furthermore, if the fetus or embryo is a human life, then abortion must be rejected because it terminates that life.

Because the mediating Protestant statements share the latter supposition concerning the fetus, the logic behind their permissibility seems strained. Their statements countenance murder in certain extraordinary circumstances without offering any theological or philosophical warrants. Perhaps the case has best been made by the Church of Norway in a 1971 statement. The Norwegian Lutherans argued that in some circumstances we must accept the lesser evil if suffering and destructive consequences would ensue from a birth.

Such logic is frightening, however. If we can murder an unborn infant who unwittingly threatens a woman’s life, what prevents us from terminating other individuals or groups that cause us or our society undue suffering? Given the logical consequences of such an argument and the American churches’ general failure to articulate convincingly their reasons for countenancing abortion occasionally while still deeming the fetus a human life, it is surprising that this mediating position on abortion has gained so much support in American Protestantism and among the American public.

In view of the stronger logic behind the Catholic perspective, it is hardly surprising that feminist critics of the American pro-life movement see in it the Catholic agenda of restricting artificial birth control and genetic engineering. To the extent that the logic of the mediating Protestant position is faulty, it is reasonable to assume that in this prolife coalition with the Catholic tradition, the Catholic logic might come to prevail.

The third alternative is the more radical Protestant position. Such statements endorse abortion’s legitimacy and do not consider the fetus or embryo a human being. Among the most prominent of such statements are ones in 1977 and two in 1979 by the UCC, in 1976 by the UMC, in 1979 by the Episcopal Church, in 1975 by the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) , in 1974 and 1982 by the Moravian Church, Northern Province, in 1970 by the Lutheran Church in America, and in 1976 by the Methodist Church of England. Again the statements by these groups cannot be classified unambiguously as pro-choice. Though two speak of "freedom of choice" and a few give no real theological rationale for their position, virtually all the statements of this type are concerned not with human freedom or women’s rights, but with articulating solid theological and philosophical reasons for the position they take. (They also tend to reject abortion as an ordinary means of birth control.) Ultimately, though, philosophical, not theological, commitments account for disagreements between the third and first two groups. These more radical Protestant statements appeal either to Christology (especially the UCC, Disciples and UMC statements) or to the doctrine of creation (especially the Lutheran, Moravian and one of the UCC statements) -- the very same theological appeals that authorized both the Catholic and mediating Protestant positions.

Denominational differences cannot be said to have the final word in the abortion debate. Different positions on abortion can be authorized by the same theological argument. The real dispute between these more liberal statements and the pro-life Christian coalition is ultimately a philosophical matter -- the question of when human life begins.

Given the latest medical data concerning the distinct characteristics of the fetus and its ability to survive outside the womb at a startlingly early age, it is little wonder that in the past few years several of the denominations that once took a more open position on abortion have retreated somewhat: the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) is now studying the issue; in a 1980 statement on social principles, the UMC moved to a more qualified position; the Episcopal Church and the recently formed Evangelical Lutheran Church in America seem to be in the process of toning down their earlier positions (or those of a predecessor body) The Lutherans defeated a resolution in their 1989 Assembly which would have been consistent with the liberal position of the LCA predecessor body, and a 1988 Lutheran-Episcopal dialogue report refers to the fetus as "embryonic humanity" with claims on society.

This retreat may be influenced by the most recent hypotheses of medical science as well as the general conservative turn of American society. But medical science should not have the definitive word in determining the status of the fetus or embryo. It is also a philosophical, psychological and social-scientific question.

Several church statements which argue for an open position on abortion sketch a view of humanity that may validly continue to authorize these churches’ position even in face of the new scientific hypotheses. In fact, it is a view of human beings around which an ecumenical and social consensus may be evolving.

This view is sketched most clearly in the LCA’s 1970 statement and the Methodist Church of England’s 1976 statement which take a "relational" view of people. The human being is understood as necessarily related to and largely influenced by its interactions with others and with its environment. The British Methodists made this claim explicit: "Man is made for relationships." The American Lutherans state that "a qualitative distinction must be made between [the fetus’s] claims and the rights of a responsible person made in God’s image who is living in relationships."

The correlation between their relational view of human beings and their position on abortion is clear. Because the nature of being human is to be in relation, to affect and to be affected by others, the unborn fetus cannot be considered fully and properly a human being. It may be in relation to the mother and it may affect other people, but regardless of its potential to sustain itself outside the womb, the unborn fetus functions more like an object for our projections. It does not function in relationships as an independent "I" which relates to a "Thou," not even to the extent that infants and the severely disabled do. Thus it follows that terminating pregnancy through abortion is not terminating a human life.

Very different philosophical suppositions about the nature of human life underlie both the moderate Protestant and the conservative Catholic positions on abortion. In presupposing that human life begins in the womb, they deny humanity’s essentially relational character. Rather, the embryo is human merely by virtue of this physical and spiritual substance created by the union of sperm and egg (or at least by virtue of its purported ability to survive physically outside the womb)

The difference between the most radical statements on abortion and the more conservative statements seems to reflect the difference between a relational-activist view of human beings and a view of human beings as static substances, akin to the anthropology of classical philosophy.

It is interesting to note a global, ecumenical pattern emerging in official church statements on ethical questions. Whenever these statements portray humanity their language invariably suggests the relational-activist view. The sole exceptions are those church bodies which take conservative positions on abortion and genetic engineering. But among American church bodies at least, the relational view is employed in a whole variety of statements. (Examples, in addition to the statements on abortion cited above, include a 1970 LCA statement on ecology, a 1979 UCC statement on human rights and at least two statements by the National Council of Churches -- a 1979 statement on energy and a 1986 statement on genetic science.) On the international scene, a large number of statements issued by Protestant church bodies in Latin America, Europe and Africa reflect a relational anthropology. Even the Catholic Church uses this anthropology in a few of its official statements like the Second Vatican Council’s Gaudium et Spes, and statements by national bishops conferences in Peru and the Netherlands, as well as the Vatican’s 1986 Instruction on Liberation Theology. Significantly, these same philosophical commitments have even been very much in evidence in statements of the WCC’s past three assemblies.

Perhaps more important than ecumenical consensus is the potential for a social consensus on abortion that this relational-activist view offers. For in almost all realms of American society’s cultural elite, the classical anthropology which undergirds the more conservative positions on abortion has lost credibility. In the humanities, among sociologists, psychologists, philosophers and political theorists, the relational character of human beings, their dependence on their interactions with their environment, is simply assumed. Why should these common social assumptions not be applied to the abortion debate? A position on abortion that is logically connected with this view of human beings offers the best chance for a long-term social consensus.

Christians should proceed to clarify the nature of being human. Because disagreements about the nature of the Christian faith are not at stake in the abortion controversy, this task could be undertaken ecumenically, aiming at transdenominational consensus. It may be that the relational view of humanity embedded in the social statements of so many traditions already offers that kind of convergence.

What Do We Mean By Faith in Jesus Christ?

"Crisis" is an overworked word. But few will deny that there is a crisis today in Christology, the doctrines of Christ's work and person. What is not always so clearly recognized is just how long the crisis has been in the making. It is the product, in part, of two characteristics of our modern habits of historical thinking: relativism and historical skepticism.

For Luther and Calvin, there could be only one Savior of the world; outside of faith in Christ, they could see nothing but idolatry and the willful suppression of God's witness to Godself. And they had no serious doubts about the historical reliability of what the New Testament says of Christ. Whether true or false, neither of these two assumptions -- the uniqueness of Christ and the historical reliability of the Gospels -- can be taken for granted anymore.

It is astonishing to find doubts on the first assumption as early as the 17th century, in the confessions of a model Puritan. Here is John Bunyan's testimony in Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sinners:

The Tempter would also much assault me with this: How can you tell but that the Turks had as good Scriptures to prove their Mahomet the Saviour, as we have to prove our Jesus is; and could I think that so many ten thousands in so many Countreys and Kingdoms, should be without the knowledge of the right way to Heaven (if there were indeed a Heaven) and that we onely, who live but in a corner of the Earth, should alone be blessed therewith? Everyone doth think his own Religion tightest, both Jews, and Moors, and Pagans; and how if all our Faith, and Christ, and Scriptures, should be but a think-so too?

Bunyan's temptation expresses an early tremor of Christian complacency in a world not only of confessional pluralism but of religious pluralism, too: he has looked at the alarming possibility that all religions, Christian and non-Christian, are alike no more than "think-so," none of them having any special right to be set apart as alone true, or even placed on top as the truest there is. We remember, of course, that according to Bunyan, it was the devil who put these unnerving thoughts into his mind. But what to him was a passing insinuation of the Tempter became for the English Deists, who followed him, a sustained assault on any revelation addressed to all humankind from corners, as Deist Anthony Collins ironically put it. And for the present-day Christian theologian it has become a sober unavoidable theological question: Is there only one mediator between God and humankind? If there are many candidates, how can we adjudicate between them? Or does religious pluralism necessarily imply a religious relativism, in which what is good and true for us may not be good and true for everyone?

Theories constructed to assimilate the new data about other religions sometimes adjusted the old theology, sometimes broke with it; either way, a new theological agenda was quietly taking shape. Richard Baxter (1615-91) argued that if all nations of the world have some kind of religion, then all may hope to obtain mercy for their sins. "Those that know not Christ nor his redemption, are yet his Redeemed." A staunch Puritan, Baxter could not suppose that the salvation of pagans nullifies the need for atonement; it must mean, rather, that the efficacy of Christ's saving work extends to some, at least, who have never heard of him. Christian theology thus retains its priority over the evidences of natural religion, which are simply incorporated into the old scheme with a minimal adjustment -- an adjustment, by the way, that was not without precedent in the theology of the Reformation era. But the English Deists reversed the priorities: they incorporated Christianity into a general understanding of religion.

The Deists were not all of one mind. But we find repeatedly in their writings the view that a pure religion is accessible to all by nature and that Christianity, like every other historical religion, partly exhibits the religion of nature, partly obscures and corrupts it. The familiar scheme of Protestant orthodoxy is turned upside down. Revelation does not, after all, clarify our confused natural knowledge of God; quite the contrary, our innate knowledge of God enables us to judge every pretended revelation and to sort out truth and error even in Christianity itself. Such a revolutionary shift of perspective, typical of the Deists, nurtured a fascinating body of subversive literature, which actually began even before the heyday of Deism. Natural religion, or the religion of plain reason, was assumed to be uncomplicated ethical monotheism, incompatible with trinitarian speculations and the imposition of other religious duties besides the duty to lead a virtuous life.

In the early 20th century, when imperialism was still at its height, Ernst Troeltsch observed that christocentrism is the theological counterpart of geocentrism and anthropocentrism in cosmology: an anachronistic absolutizing of our own contingent place in the scheme of things. That the center of our own religious history is also the sole hope of salvation for the rest of humanity could be a miracle of divine election, but to the rest of the world it looks like another example of the Western will to dominate. And now that the supporting ideology of colonialism has collapsed, the absoluteness of Christianity appears ready to collapse with it. Christians face the adherents of other religions on an equal footing; the dialogue begins, in effect, with Troeltsch's contention that the history of religions reveals several nodal points, not one absolute center. And Christians must now ask: Is Jesus Christ the only redeemer, or are there many?

This, however, is only the first reason that the present-day theologian has to rethink the meaning of Jesus Christ for faith. For what, in any case, can we claim to know about him?

On this problem, too, the dividing line between the Reformers and ourselves fell in the 18th century, the period of the Enlightenment; and the pioneers were again the English Deists, who turned a skeptical eye to the wondrous events related in the Gospels. During the same period New Testament scholars, especially in Germany, began to reflect critically on the fact that the four Gospels do not yield a consistent, unified narrative of the life of Christ. Of course, Christians had noticed from the earliest times that the Gospels have individual characteristics and present the story of Jesus with wide variations. But this had not given rise to much serious doubt concerning their truthfulness.

Even Calvin's ingenuity did not suffice for him to incorporate the Fourth Gospel into his Harmony of the Gospels; he commented separately on John. Yet he was confident that his arrangement of the Synoptics (as we call them) gave a generally accurate account of the words and deeds of Christ. Where the pieces seemed not to fit, he was content to shrug his shoulders and to grant that the Evangelists were not always concerned to provide a strict, chronological account. Neither was he bothered by what he admitted to be a few minor errors in the texts.

We find ourselves in quite another world when we turn from Calvin to the notorious Wolfenbuettel Fragments, which G. E. Lessing (1729-81) began to publish in 1774, thereby launching the so-called quest for the historical Jesus. H. S. Reimarus (1694-1768), the author of the fragments (not identified by Lessing), had been influenced by the English Deists and had decided that the Gospels were not merely inaccurate but fraudulent. Others took the view that the Gospels were not so much conscious fabrications as the work of naïve believers living in a prescientific age: their credulity led them to misconstrue the testimony of their own eyes.

The attempts of the early writers on the life of Jesus to unearth plain facts, and to reassure Christians that the facts were not really miraculous, went nowhere. One commentator on one such interpretation remarks that it retained the husk and surrendered the kernel. But the story of the quest for the historical Jesus is long, complicated, immensely fascinating -- and still incomplete. We now have an Old Quest, a New Quest and a Third Quest. I cannot trace the story here. I simply venture to offer a theologian's comments on its apparent inconclusiveness. Occasionally, it is true, New Testament scholars have spoken of an agreed core of information about the words and works of Jesus. But the consensus, when it is predicted, does not arrive; or if it is achieved, it does not last.

Recent years have seen an extraordinary flurry of new proposals, ranging from technical works of esoteric scholarship to racy publications that court a public sensation. Barbara Thiering's contribution, Jesus the Man (1992), attracted media attention chiefly by its argument that Jesus married Mary Magdalene, had three children with her (two boys and a girl), divorced her and was remarried -- this time to the Lydia of whom we read in the Acts of the Apostles. (Acts 16:14 tells us that "the Lord opened [Lydia's] heart," which, being interpreted, means they fell in love.) Naturally, this presupposes that Jesus did not die on the cross: poison given him as an act of mercy only left him unconscious. In the tomb Simon the magician, one of the two offenders who had been crucified with Jesus, was able to revive him with the spices left by the women. He lived to a ripe old age, but there is no record of his last days. "He was seventy years old in A.D. 64, and it is probable that he died of old age in seclusion in Rome."

A banner headline in a British weekly caught my eye in October 1992: "Man and Myth -- More Bad News for Believers." It was a review of several popular attempts, including Barbara Thiering's, to rescue the real Jesus from the church. But it is, I think, easy enough for believers to brush aside the entire genre of popular Jesus books. A senior New Testament scholar may speak for most believers when he remarks that "Thiering's exotic fantasy would be a rollicking good joke, were it not so sad that the public, ignoring the Gospels, lap up this total rubbish." The bad news for believers, if there is any, is surely the failure of the more sober scholars to reach a consensus on the historical Jesus: if they agree on anything at all, it is that the Gospels cannot be taken for historical or biographical accounts of what the Jesus of history said, did and suffered. And where does that leave believers?

I admit that I am a mere dilettante in the historical field explored so closely by New Testament specialists. I can only stand by and watch as a church theologian intensely interested in the implications the quest has for faith. And if the significance of the Christian encounter with other religions is that it sets Jesus amid a crowd of competing redeemers, the significance of the many quests for the historical Jesus seems to be that they have taken away the Lord altogether: he disappears in a crowd of competing interpreters. Jesus is variously represented as a marginal Jew (John Meier), a Mediterranean Jewish peasant (John Dominic Crossan), a wandering Cynic preacher (Burton Mack), a Jewish revolutionary (S. G. F. Brandon), a Galilean holy man (G. Vermes) and so on.

And when we move from such general characterizations to matters of detail, it is again the lack of consensus that is most likely to strike the believer as bad news. Perhaps the best we can hope for are the results of Robert Funk's Jesus Seminar, which has now classified all the sayings attributed to Jesus as certainly inauthentic, probably inauthentic, probably authentic or certainly authentic. A sequel has followed on what Jesus really did. A great deal of fun has been poked at the method of deciding historical matters by majority vote of a select conclave, although that is how the church has usually decided matters of dogma. But the real question (for a theologian) is this: Can faith survive the wait, as the words and works attributed to the Lord are passed through the sorting office? And if it can wait, will it then survive all the uncertainties about him that will inevitably remain?

The two problems I have laid on the table are unavoidable. How deeply they have already affected Christians untroubled by a theological education is hard to say. A lot depends on where they live and where, or whether, they go to church. In England church attendance is slight, but religious pluralism and the quest for the historical Jesus have been strenuously debated in the public news media. There are signs of a growing public concern in America, too, where a much higher percentage of the population is connected with one or the other of the churches. In any case, both the interfaith dialogue and the search for the real Jesus are gaining in intensity, and they promise to have repercussions in the churches not unlike the impact (in an earlier time) of the Darwinian controversy. Christian theology must clearly take up the new agenda, which in truth is not so new as is sometimes imagined.

Unfortunately, the problems are not only unavoidable; they are also difficult problems, in which Christian sensibilities are painfully exposed. I cannot hope to enter into conversation with all the various positions that are currently recommended, or even to say as much as I should like to say about my own position. I will only try to point out an approach to Christology, which, admittedly, is not itself a Christology.

The question before us is how faith, understood as a total orientation of the self, is to be related to Jesus Christ in light of the problems of relativism and historical skepticism. Perhaps the instinctive Christian reaction to relativism and to skepticism about the Jesus of history is to insist: "But Jesus was God in human flesh! We believe in his divinity. This is what separates our Christian faith from every other religion, and it isn't negotiable. Salvation depends on it."

However understandable the instinctive Christian response (if such it is) may be, it cannot be promoted to dogmatic status, or we will find ourselves back with faith as the Athanasian Creed understands it. The creed says: "The right faith is that we believe and confess that our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, is God and Man. .. . This is the Catholic Faith, which except a man believe faithfully, he cannot be saved." The objection we have to register, first of all, is that faith as belief, and even as belief in the divinity of Jesus Christ, is something other than "saving faith" (as Luther and Calvin understand it).

But more than that: To begin with belief in the divinity of Jesus is also a dubious stand to take in the present situation of interfaith dialogue. It is dubious not simply because the tone of inflexibility tends to close off conversation, rather than to foster it, but also because the uniqueness of belief in Jesus as God-Man is one of the things that the conversation has placed in doubt. Elevation of the founder of a religion into a preexistent divine being, it will quickly be pointed out these days, has occurred also in Mahayana Buddhism. Further, there are remarkably close parallels between the stories that celebrate, respectively, the birth of Jesus and the birth of Octavius (the emperor Caesar Augustus). John Dominic Crossan concludes: "Jesus' divine origins are just as fictional or mythological as those of Octavius." The conclusion, I should think, goes beyond the evidence. The stories about the divine origins of Jesus and Octavius may be fictional, but either one of them, or both, could still be in some sense divine, or of a divine origin, as could also the Buddha. The point, rather, is that belief in the divinity of Jesus does not settle the question of Christianity and other religions, and it raises again questions about the truthfulness, or (better) the literary character, of the Gospels.

A third difficulty with going straight to Chalcedon, so to say, is that it immediately raises the question of the scriptural norm. Whether the New Testament teaches that Jesus was God, like nearly everything else in biblical scholarship, is keenly debated. The expression "Jesus is (or was) God" occurs nowhere in the Gospels, or anywhere else in the New Testament, although it has sometimes been made into the watchword of Christian orthodoxy. The overwhelming weight of the New Testament's way of speaking about Jesus is plainly on the side of distinguishing him from God. Paul's statement may be taken as an apt summary: "For us there is one God, the Father and one Lord, Jesus Christ" (1 Cor. 8:6). The sole uncontroverted instance of Jesus himself being named "God" is in doubting Thomas's confession, "My Lord and my God," addressed to the risen Lord (John 20:28); and the scholars will immediately tell us that this is probably a formula from the Evangelist's own time, made in response to the claim of the Emperor Domitian to be "our Lord and God." The case can certainly be made for a few other instances -- with varying degrees of probability or improbability. But that only brings us back again to our harried believers, waiting anxiously for the latest news about the historical Jesus.

For Roman Catholics, the problem is less painful than it is for Protestants. Raymond Brown begins an essay titled "Does the New Testament Call Jesus God?" by noting that he is not asking whether Jesus was in fact God. "This question," he says,"was settled for the Church at Nicaea." Brown also points out -- superfluously, I suppose -- that the constitutional basis of the World Council of Churches, formulated by the Amsterdam Assembly in 1948, is acceptance of Jesus Christ as "God and Saviour."

For Protestants, however no decision of an ecclesiastical council is irreformable. It is true that the Protestant Reformers and the Reformation confessions often endorsed the trinitarian and christological definitions of the ecumenical creeds and councils. But the grounds on which they did so must be clearly understood. The Reformers did not share the view of the Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox churches that the pronouncements of a synod of bishops have, or can have, the status of dogmas that are free from error and binding for all times. (That would be a theory of church government quite alien to those churches, in particular, whose historic stand has been against episcopacy). The Reformers reaffirmed Nicene Orthodoxy because they thought it agreeable to the word of God, and this logically implies the possibility of second thoughts if scriptural exegesis so requires. Otherwise, the descendants of the Reformers would find themselves in exactly the error of which Karl Barth so relentlessly accused the Church of Rome--not permitting the Bible to remain free, sovereign over all ecclesiastical interpretations of it, so that the church may be always and only a hearer, not the master, of the word of God.

But suppose we begin, not where Athanasius ended, but where Athanasius himself began, with the actual experience of new life in Jesus Christ; and that we do our best to understand the new life with the resources available to us, as he did with the resources available to him. We would then, I think, be following much the same path that Luther and Schleiermacher were to take later. For Athanasius, the divine life that came into the church from the incarnate word was imperiled when the Arians took God's word to be

something less than God: if he "deifies" us, the Son must be of the same substance as the Father. Luther said in one of his sermons (in that carefree style that can make even a Lutheran nervous):"Christ is not called Christ because he has two natures. What is that to me?" And in another sermon he said: "To believe in Christ does not mean to believe that Christ is a person who is both God and man. That helps nobody." At first hearing, this may sound like a rejection of the christological orthodoxy that Athanasius had labored to secure. But Luther was certain that it was God he met in Jesus Christ because his conscience told him that his sins were no longer counted against him. Christ is revealed as God by doing God's work. The scribes asked correctly: "Who can forgive sins but God alone?" (Mark 2:7).

I believe that Friedrich Schleiermacher discerned particularly well the logic of christological reflection exemplified in Athanasius and Luther. As I said in my little book on Schleiermacher: "He began neither with ancient dogmas nor with ancient history, but with what every Christian experiences, and he sought to give an honest account of it that would not run away from the intellectual problems of the modem world." What Christians actually experience in their encounter with Jesus Christ, according to Schleiermacher, is a heightened awareness of God, which is symbolized and celebrated in the joy of Christmastime: they are drawn under the sway of Jesus' uniquely powerful sense of God. "To ascribe to Christ an absolutely powerful consciousness of God and to attribute to him a being of God in him," Schleiermacher concludes, "are entirely one and the same thing."

Naturally, I had to admit in the Schleiermacher book, and I admit it again now, that "what every Christian experiences" is a question-begging expression. But that is only to concede the limitations of the approach, not to doubt its fundamental soundness. Schleiermacher believed one could make headway in dogmatics only by inviting the hearer's or reader's participation in the inquiry. He took the question, "What does Christ actually do for the Christian?" to be, as we say, existential or self-involving: it invites the Christian's reflection on her own experience. He knew well that there are varieties of Christian experience. But he remained convinced that, on reflection, a common faith would be discerned in them all, and it held the clue to a sound understanding of Christ's person.

In the three testimonies we have just looked at, the key thought that brings it all together, so to say, changes: "life," "forgiveness," "the sense of God." But the question "What, as a matter of fact, does Christ do for Christians?" is still, I think, the crucial one to ask in any Christian community, if the christological project is to be duly launched. The proper approach, in short, is to begin not with the definition of Chalcedon (451), "truly God and truly man. . . in two natures," but with the actual experience of Jesus Christ that has led to the confession of his divinity, or of a unique being of God in him. We are surely on firm ground if we assert that what Christians actually receive from Jesus Christ is saving faith, meaning both 1) perceiving one's experience under the image of divine benevolence (fides) and 2) a consequent living of one's life out of an attitude of confidence or trust (fiducia). The work of Christ, we can now add, is the gift of saving faith, which is not belief about Christ, but confidence in God through Christ -- a confidence that rests on the perception of a pattern in the events of one's life. What is believed about Christ is the implication, not the precondition, of this gift of faith. Hence the primary or initial interest of Christology is to understand the faith that actually occurs through Jesus Christ.

I have no wish to cut off the traditional christological assertions any more than Luther or Schleiermacher did. It is the duty of the dogmatic theologian to understand and, as far as possible, to retrieve the doctrinal formulas of the past -- at the very least, to show their point. But a proper order must be observed. The Chalcedonian definition is not the foundation of saving faith, and unless one accounts for it genetically, it is more likely to mystify' than to enlighten us, or else to become a mere shibboleth of doctrinal correctness.

The Gift of Faith

How is the gift of saving faith in Jesus Christ given? To answer this question, we must look closely at the actual phenomena of faith and repentance, the new birth and growth in grace, and ask how the work of Christ is accomplished. How does it happen that someone comes to faith and has faith nurtured and strengthened?

Here I have to make a criticism of a remark by Calvin in which he makes faith depend on a prior acceptance of divine truth, as though the order of experience were this: First I am persuaded of the authority of God's word, and then I come to know thereby of God's fatherly goodwill. This, it seems to me, is untrue to the usual pattern of Christian experience -- and, indeed, out of harmony with Calvin's own concept of faith as "recognition."

That a person can have confidence in God is not a piece of information provided by an authoritative scripture: the confidence is given in the recognition of God's "fatherly face." To be sure, this happens through the word, as Calvin rightly says, but the word understood not as truth supernaturally communicated, but as the instrument of divinely corrected vision. The nature of the revelation must correspond strictly with the nature of faith, as it in fact does in Calvin's own simile of the spectacles of scripture. What Calvin likes to call the historia evangelica (the "gospel story") functions as a lens that focuses a picture: in it the true image of God is presented, and through it God can be recognized everywhere else. And, of course, the simile of the spectacles presupposes that a confused vision was already there before the corrective lenses were put on.

But this is all, perhaps, too abstract. Let's try an example. Take the familiar narrative of the crucifixion. To begin with, it has every appearance of a tragedy or a failure. Thus far Reimarus was right. The messianic hopes that Jesus has kindled end with the cruel joke, "This is Jesus, the King of the Jews" (Matt. 27:37), and the terrible cry of dereliction, "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?" (v. 46). "Then Jesus cried again with a loud voice and breathed his last" (v. 50). In Matthew and Mark, you might say, that is all (cf. Mark 15:22-37). Why, then, have Christians always found in the story such a powerful source of faith? The first thing one has to say is that no one answer can suffice: the four versions of the story, by their very differences, already invite more than one emphasis for construing its meaning. For all Christians, however, the narrative has always spoken of the cost of redemption; and for all, I submit, it nurtures faith by its powerful statement of a meaning and purpose that incorporates tragedy.

The narrative achieves its effect not only because the passion is seen in relation to the sequels -- the earthquake and the resurrection -- but also because the account of the crucifixion itself has been strikingly amplified by Luke and John, and the different versions are always fused together in the Christian's memory. Luke reports Jesus as saying, "Father, forgive them" (Luke 23:34), "Today you [the thief] will be with me in Paradise" (v. 43), and, "Father, into your hands I commend my spirit" (v. 46). John adds Jesus' sayings to his mother and the beloved disciple (John 19:26-27), "I am thirsty" (v. 28), and the dramatic last words, "It is finished" (v. 30). In this fashion, the stark picture in Matthew and Mark is transformed: the tragedy is already a victory, before the resurrection, and John in particular wants us to believe that Jesus never quite relinquished control. In short, the crucifixion narrative awakens faith because it has become a story about faith. The face of God is still made out, albeit barely; or, to put it in my other language, the narrative stirs that deep, elemental human longing to be reassured that there is, after all, meaning -- despite the appearances.

Obviously, I would have some difficulty proving that this is what every Christian experiences in reading or hearing the crucifixion story. I can only invite others to think about it, to go to church, and -- most of all perhaps -- to listen to the pastoral experience of Christian ministers.

Well, one other thing I can do is try, as usual, to enlist the support of John Calvin. Calvin defines faith as "steadfast knowledge of the fatherly goodwill of God." But he admits that this faith is always assailed by anxiety and doubt, so that we are tempted to imagine that God is against us. This is exactly what Calvin sees happening to Jesus on the cross, as he bore the penalties that were due to us. The cry of dereliction proves that even Jesus was tempted to think God was opposed to him. But the cry was addressed to God, and Calvin assures us that it was still a cry of Jesus' faith, "by which he beheld the presence of God, of whose absence he complains." Calvin thus perceived in the crucifixion not only the price of redemption, but also the archetype of faith as he understood it: seeing God even in the midst of agonies of body and soul, when every natural feeling cries out that God must be against me. It is impossible to doubt that Calvin's own faith was ratified and strengthened by this conformity with the faith of Christ.

Although I have taken a narrative as my example, the power of the narrative, it seems to me, lies in the words of Jesus. What the soldiers did to him makes its brutal impact on the reader, but it is the words "Father, forgive them" that leap out and seize the attention. The story is in fact read from saying to saying.

I can well understand another of Luther's provocative judgments: that if he had to do without either the works or the preaching of Jesus, he would rather do without the works. "For the works do not help me, but his words give me life, as he himself says [John 6:63]." And that, Luther tells us, is why John is the best Gospel. By the "works" of Jesus, Luther no doubt intends the miracles he performed -- such as the feeding of the 5,000, which in John (chapter 6) provides the occasion for the discourse on the bread of life. But a careful look at other narratives in all the Gospels will show how often the power lies in Jesus' words. In short: If the work of Christ is the gift of faith, then we must surely add, as a matter of plain observation, that he gives it through his word.

Naturally, when one moves outside the Gospels to other New Testament writings, it is the apostolic word about Christ, rather than the words of Christ, that mediates saving faith. One additional saying of Jesus, not mentioned in the Gospels, is indeed quoted in Acts: "It is more blessed to give than to receive" (Acts 20:35). But in the Acts of the Apostles, as in the Pauline epistles, faith is imparted by the proclamation about Jesus -- the kerygma, as we call it, that points toward the second article of the Apostles' Creed. Recurring items in the kerygma include the statements that Jesus was the promised messiah; that he was crucified, died and was buried; that he was raised from the dead and exalted to Cod's right hand; that he will come again as judge. Through the "foolishness" of this kerygma God has decided to save those who have faith (1 Cor. 1:21).

It is interesting that in Romans 10:17 Paul seems to think )of Christ himself as speaking through his messengers, who proclaim the kerygma: "So faith comes from what is heard, and what is heard comes through the word of Christ." In this sense, we might simply include the apostolic kerygma in the expression "the word of Christ." Or we could perhaps subsume both the word of Christ and the word about Christ under the term that has been so influential in modem theology since Schleiermacher: the "picture" (or "image") of Christ. In any case, I have taken a narrative from the Gospels, rather than the apostolic kerygma, as my illustration of how faith is generated mainly because the Gospels pose the problem of historical veracity much more acutely.

It may seem obvious enough to conclude that saving faith, which is the work of Christ, is given by the image of him that the New Testament evokes through its account of his words and deeds and of the apostolic word about him. But this invites the questions: Is that the only way in which faith is given? and, Can the Christian know for sure that the New Testament image of Jesus shows Jesus as he actually was? We have now lent some greater precision to the problems of relativism and historical skepticism -- and, we may hope, have shown the perspective from which they may be faced and resolved.

My intention thus far has been to bracket the problems of the other religions and the historical Jesus and simply to describe what makes a Christian believer. I have followed what I take to be the general logic of classical christological reflection, using the crucifixion narrative of the Gospels to illustrate the way this faith is generated and nurtured. I took the text just as it lies before us, neither comparing it with the scriptures of other religions nor asking which, if any, of the seven words from the cross may have actually been uttered by the Jesus of history. Now, an objector might grant that I have given a plausible enough account of how saving faith normally occurs, and still want to ask: Would it work like that if the brackets were removed?

It should be easy to remove the first brackets without disaster. To say that the Christian receives saving faith through the New Testament image of Jesus need not imply that faith cannot be had in any other way, or that no other religious faiths confer salvation. Hence it does not preclude or impede open and honest interfaith dialogue but simply states the point from which, for the Christian, the dialogue begins. While genuine conversation is certainly inhibited by absolute and exclusive claims, there cannot be a conversation at all if the Christian has nothing to say, or no Savior to confess.

Christians will begin the dialogue convinced that what has been given to them through Jesus Christ is for all humanity. But Jesus Christ may not be humanity's sole access to it; there is no way to know that in advance, before one has listened to the other parties in the conversation. Obviously, Christians need to pay attention to what the adherents of other religions are saying if it is to be decided whether the language of "saving faith" has its counterparts outside the church. And that is something I cannot even begin to talk about here. For now, it is enough to have shown how, in my opinion, the dialogue can be genuinely open.

To remove the other brackets may seem, at first glance, much more troublesome. For suppose the preacher admitted in the course of her sermon on the passion narrative that, to be honest, we really don't know what Jesus said on the cross. Would it matter? Most Christians undoubtedly assume still that the Gospels give a generally accurate account of the words and deeds of Christ. The question is how far the efficacy of the New Testament's image of the crucified and risen Christ is dependent on preserving the assumption.

Experience shows that believers are, as a matter of fact, sometimes anxious about bad news of the quest for the historical Jesus. But do they need to be? And is the remedy for them to pretend that they know more than they do about him? Like the man born blind in the Gospel, the Christian may be uncertain who this is who can restore the vision of the blind, but still say: "One thing I do know, that though I was blind, now I see" (John 9:25). To shift the attention from the healing word to the historical quest is to risk distracting faith from its actual foundation. If the believer's anxiety needs any further reassurance, beyond the experience of healed vision, it might be wiser to recall that Jesus evidently did give saving faith to his first disciples, and that their picture of him as the Christ has continued for two millennia to pass on the same gift to others. It is again simply a matter of observation that the efficacy of the healing word is partly dependent on the ecclesial context in which the "word of faith" (Rom. 10:8) is proclaimed. To change the metaphor: the race is run in the presence of the "cloud of witnesses" (Heb. 12:1),

In her book Christ Without Absolutes (1988), Sarah Coakley takes issue with my views on the historical Jesus. She speaks of "the desire to recover what one can about [Jesus] through accurate research." Historical "realism," she thinks (in agreement with Troeltsch), requires us to ground Christology "in verifiable facts about Jesus of Nazareth."

That invites the question, "How many facts do you need, and what do you need them for?" Even Rudolf Bultmann, of whom Coakley is also critical, linked Christology with one assured fact, that Jesus came announcing the kingdom of God, but he did not ground the present decision of faith in his one fact. Coakley wants more, and for a different reason. She speaks approvingly of Troeltsch's supposition "that the Christian believer only attains real 'strength' and 'certainty' from the ideal presented in Jesus if he knows it as a real possibility," and this "demands contact with a historical actuality." In response, I assert that what is crucial for the picture of Christ, if it is to qualify as an "historical" symbol, is not that it corresponds to the life once lived by a particular individual but that it exists, embodied in the corporate life of the Christian community, as the sacramental word by which the community is continually re-created. This is what makes it possible for faith to happen, to occur as an event of the present.

Theological questers for the historical Jesus are not mistaken in seeking an historical anchorage for faith. The problem is that they look for it in the wrong place and hold faith captive to historical science, as the old doctrine of creation once held it captive to natural science. The historical anchorage is to be found in the life of the church, the confessing community in which the gospel is proclaimed -- the body of Christ.

My view too, then, is that history mediates religious truth. The question is: What history, and how? Troeltsch, followed by Coakley, makes the security of faith rest, albeit only in part, on what the biblical scholars can reconstruct behind the Gospel picture of Jesus Christ, whereas I take the picture itself, as transmitted in the church, to be the actual medium that evokes faith; and I believe Troeltsch did, too, in his clearer moments.

Perhaps I would think differently if I were more sanguine about the results of the quest. It is interesting that Coakley herself, having insisted on faith's need for verifiable facts about Jesus of Nazareth, does not display much optimism about the possibility of obtaining them. She admits that the sort of things most likely to be important to Christians, such as Jesus' agony in the garden and his "demeanor" during the crucifixion, are not likely to be substantiated by historical means. This is surely right, and to my mind it focuses the theological question of the actual ground of faith, which has always been imparted by these two segments of the Gospels and presumably always will, whatever the New Testament scholars decide about their historical veracity. Historical studies since Coakley's book have concluded that none of the seven words from the cross could have been uttered by Jesus, and that his crucifixion -- very likely part of a mass execution -- would not have been witnessed by any of his disciples. If so, then the words tell us not how Jesus died but what his death meant to his followers, and this is the medium by which faith is transmitted in the church.

Strictly speaking, of course, there is not one image of Jesus Christ in the New Testament; there are several, and they range all the way from the wandering teacher, who had nowhere to lay his head (Matt. 8:20, Luke 9:58), to the Cosmic Christ through whom and for whom everything in heaven and on earth was created (Col. 1:15-17). The image a religious community or a devout believer forms of Jesus Christ is always a construct, in which some particular characteristics the New Testament ascribes to him become dominant: he is the master in whose footsteps we are to follow (Mark 1:17, etc.), the Savior who loved me and died for me (Gal. 2:20), the Eternal Logos that enlightens every man and woman (John 1:9). These may not be exclusive or contradictory images of Jesus Christ, but they are not likely to be given equal rank in, say, a Baptist, a Lutheran and a Greek Orthodox church. And other portraits of him may not be as firmly tied to the biblical witness at all.

Here, no doubt, lies one reason for the theological interest in "verifiable facts about Jesus of Nazareth: "they are needed, it will be said, to regulate the christological pluralism of the New Testament, and, still more, to restrain the subjectivism that imposes fantasy on the text. The history of the church abounds in demand-and-supply Christologies, which make the long-suffering Christ the sponsor of whatever program or platform is currently in fashion. True enough.

But the problem with which we began is that the historical quest for the real Jesus has itself produced variety, not consensus, and hardly provides the norm for measuring the images of Christ entertained by theologians or naïve believers. No one pretends that the quest has been free of subjective bias: often it has mirrored the quester's own thoughts on Jesus, religion and the church. George Tyrrell's (1861 -- 1909) familiar gibe about Harnack was that the Christ he saw, as he looked back through 19 centuries of Catholic darkness, was "only a reflection of a liberal Protestant face seen at the bottom of a deep well."

Unfortunately, it has proved much easier to detect theological bias in other people's images of Jesus Christ than to be wholly free of it oneself, despite professions of innocence. But the number of possible images is not infinite, and the image-forming mechanism is not merely willful or subjective. The possibilities are limited by the text, by the common mind of the individual community, and by mutual exchange between one community and another. The ecclesial context not only confirms the experience of faith but also restrains belief from becoming too eccentric. It is hard, perhaps finally impossible, to define the unity in all the portraits of the Christ. But, as Troeltsch put it in a striking simile, no one familiar with the series of testimonies to Christ in Christianity can doubt that the heartbeat of a powerful personality goes through it all, like the vibration of a ship's engine throughout the entire vessel.

In conclusion we can say this about the church's confession: saving faith, which is confidence in God through the perception of a parent-like goodwill in all the events of one's life, is the gift of God given in the presentation of the New Testament picture of Jesus Christ.

Here I would make a sociological retrieval of the old high-church motto, "Outside the church there is no salvation." The Christian need not invoke it to assert that there is no saving faith outside the church -- much less that there is no salvation outside my church. Rather, it attests to the crucial importance of holding faith and community together. The church is the essential link between the Christian believer and the Jesus of history: the church is the work of Christ, part two.

To the question whether it is necessary to move on from the benefits of Christ to the Holy Catholic Church, Calvin's catechism answers: "Yes, indeed, unless we want to make Christ's death ineffective and count as nothing all that has been related so far. For the one effect of it all is that there should be a Church."

An unintended work of Christ, it may be! As Roman Catholic historian Alfred Loisy (1857 -- 1940) observed: "Jesus foretold the kingdom, and it was the Church that came." But Loisy's elegant aphorism rightly affirms that there is continuity as well as discontinuity in the move from the proclamation of the kingdom to the existence of the church. A better formula for the continuity between the Jesus who inspired faith in the hearts of his disciples and the Christ who still gives faith today would be hard to devise.

I do not mean that this is the only possible way of establishing the link between the Christ of faith and the Jesus of history. Logically, perhaps, faith could live with the news that there is a radical disharmony between the church's Christ and the real Jesus, or even -- the ultimate bad news? -- that Jesus never existed. But it doesn't need to. The extreme hypothetical cases are of interest only insofar as they provoke the theological question: Is faith really at the mercy of the latest report on the quest for the historical Jesus?

If my argument has been made good, then just how much we know of the Jesus of history can be left to the early church historians as an open question. The history that saving faith depends on is the life of the church, which confesses that grace has been revealed "through the appearing of our Savior Jesus Christ" (2 Tim. 1:10). Whatever the historians decide about the event so confessed, it is the confession itself that mediates faith. The Christian assertion that saving faith is the gift of God in Christ Jesus (Eph. 2:4-10) is not a claim to know more about the past than historians can know, any more than it is a claim to possess a salvation from which the greater part of humanity is excluded. It is the outward attestation of an inner conviction nurtured in the communion of saints.

Feuerbach’s Religious Illusion

BOOK REVIEW:

Feuerbach and the Interpretation of Religion. by Van A. Harvey. Cambridge University Press, 319 pp., $59.95.

Man’s nature, so to speak, is a perpetual factory of idols. —John Calvin

 

According to the Hebrew scriptures, humans were made in the image and likeness of God. But the perceived kinship between deity and humanity lends itself only too readily to the possibility of inversion. What if the gods are human creations, fashioned after the image and likeness of humanity?

Around 500 B.C.E., the Greek philosopher Xenophanes noticed that the gods of the Ethiopians were black and had flat noses, whereas the gods of the Thracians were blond and blue-eyed. He suggested that oxen, lions and horses, if they could make gods, would make them like oxen, lions and horses. Not that he found no use for the notion of deity. But his own God resembled mortals, he said, neither in shape nor in thought. He mocked the all-too-human gods around him for the sake of a better, purer concept of God. And so did the Hebrews, though a philosopher like Xenophanes might think that they had less success.

The God of the Hebrews, in whose likeness humanity was created, insists, "I am God and not man, the Holy One in your midst" (Hos. 11:9). The Hebrew scriptures are replete with scorn for the "idolatry" that makes gods in the likeness of humans. Isaiah would certainly not have allowed that the God of Israel, "who sits above the circle of the earth . . . [and] stretches out the heavens like a curtain" (Is. 40:22), might exhibit the same idolatrous principle as the heathen gods he despised, only in the milder form of a mental image. What he proclaimed was a busy, active God rather than "an image that will not move." And yet he could only represent the divine activity as very like human activity.

The persuasion that the gods of the heathen are idols (Ps. 96:5), while the true God is God and not human, was carried over into the Christian community to affirm the sovereign uniqueness of the Christian deity. The Protestant Reformers, it is true, discovered the worst idolatries of all within the Catholic Church, much as the prophets of old accused the children of Israel of whoring after other, pagan gods; but they did not doubt that Christianity alone worshiped the true God without taint of idolatry. Throughout the history of the church, risky anthropomorphisms in Christian discourse were excused by appeal to the accommodated, analogical, symbolic or poetic form of the scriptural revelation.

Modern critical thought about religion arose when the privileged position of Christian discourse was finally challenged. In the 17th and 18th centuries, a distinction familiar in classical antiquity was revived: the dividing line was drawn not between Christianity and other religions, but between popular religion, including Christianity, and a purely rational theism. The rational theists wanted to marvel at the orderly course of nature without worshiping it or supposing it to be the activity of a cosmic Thou, open to the influence of sacrifice and prayer. This left the way clear for such early pioneers of religious psychology as John Trenchard to uncover the supposed pathological origins of religion in the soul while still appearing to be on the side of "God" (properly understood).

But in the German philosopher Ludwig Feuerbach (1804-1872) the privileging of Christian discourse and the distinction between vulgar religion and rational theism both dissolve, and all talk of God is unmasked as the product of human invention. "Some day," he predicted, "it will be universally recognized that the objects of Christian religion, like the pagan gods, were mere imagination." And he had no interest in saving the "utterly superfluous, unnecessary God," whose activity adds nothing to the law-governed processes of nature.

Van Harvey’s book is the first volume in a new series: Cambridge Studies in Religion and Critical Thought. The series could hardly have been launched with better auspices. Feuerbach and the Interpretation of Religion is the ripe fruit of long reflection. The timeliness—even the urgency—of its central question is plain from the first chapter to the last: Can religion be plausibly explained without the assumption that "God" denotes a being of a higher ontological rank than the mundane objects of our daily experience? More than 14 years’ labor went into the writing of the book, and the author tells us that his preoccupation with Feuerbach goes back further still—to the time when he first encountered him in a graduate seminar at Yale Divinity School and found himself "strangely disturbed."

Feuerbach is well known as the author of The Essence of Christianity, first published in German in 1841. (The second edition was translated into English by the Victorian novelist George Eliot.) Harvey’s thesis is that fascination with this one work, interesting and important though it is, has obscured a shift in Feuerbach’s understanding of religion that is most evident in his later Lectures on the Essence of Religion (1848). We ought to read Feuerbach for two interpretations of religion, not just one, and in Harvey’s judgment the later, neglected interpretation is more interesting and persuasive. Not that an absolute break occurs. Rather, the passage from the earlier to the later writing is largely a shift of dominance: subordinate themes in The Essence of Christianity become dominant in The Essence of Religion.

The central thought in The Essence of Christianity is that the supposedly superhuman deities of religion are actually the involuntary projections of the essential attributes of human nature. In Feuerbach’s own words: "Man—this is the mystery of religion—projects his being into objectivity, and then again makes himself an object to this projected image of himself thus converted into a subject." What the devout mind worships as God is accordingly nothing but the idea of the human species imagined as a perfect individual. Once they are unmasked, shown for what they really are, religious belief and the idea of God can be useful instruments of human self-understanding, revealing to us our essential nature and worth. But taken at face value, they are alienating insofar as they betray us into placing our own possibilities outside of us as attributes of God and not of humanity, viewing ourselves as unworthy objects of a projected image of our own essential nature. Theology, as Feuerbach sees it, only reinforces the state of alienation by taking the objectifications of religion for real objects, and the theologians end up with dogmas that are self-contradictory and absurd.

Very differently, The Essence of Religion locates the subjective source of religion in human dependence on nature. The forces of nature on which our existence wholly depends are made less mysterious and more pliable by our perceiving them as personal beings like ourselves. And this, we are now told, is the meaning of religion, which is not so much encoded truth as pure illusion. "Nature, in reality, is not a personal being; it has no heart, it is blind and deaf to the desires and complaints of man." In short, religion is superstition, and science must eventually supplant it.

For all the striking differences between Feuerbach’s two theories of religion, there are strands that tie them together. One such strand, obviously, is the theme of anthropomorphism—picturing God or the gods as personal like ourselves. Another, closely connected with the first in Feuerbach’s mind, is the conviction that religion is wishful thinking. Feuerbach’s "felicity principle," as Harvey calls it, assumes that the point of being religious is to secure one’s well-being both here and hereafter. Hence the emphasis in the later work on the Glückseligkeitstrieb (the "drive after happiness") that motivates the entire business of religion. The God we imagine is the God we want, who can give us what we want, and this means a personal God who takes notice of us and guarantees us a blessedness that transcends the limits of nature. But that, according to Feuerbach, is "the religious illusion" (the expression is Harvey’s). We are inescapably bounded by the limits of nature, and even what we take for the goodness of God is nothing more than the utility of nature personified.

Small wonder if budding theologians find good reason in all this to be "strangely disturbed"! The unreflective believer may dismiss Feuerbach as a charlatan who trivializes religion. But Harvey fully vindicates his opinion that in any critical scrutiny of religion we must grant Feuerbach a place alongside Paul Ricoeur’s "masters of suspicion"—Nietzsche, Marx and Freud—and judge him worthy to be brought into the present-day discussion. The last two chapters of the book set the later Feuerbach’s interpretation of religion in the forum of more recent views of projection (Freud, Sierksma, Berger), anthropomorphism (Stewart Guthrie) and the need for illusion (Ernest Becker). Harvey concludes: "It is extraordinary how well Feuerbach’s later views stand up when compared with those of contemporary theorists; so much so that one can, by adopting his position, mount important criticisms of these theories."

The book’s aim, the author tells us, is "constructive," at least in part. This is why Feuerbach is brought into the company of recent religious theorists. Harvey does not venture a systematic statement of his own views on religion. He writes as if listening in to the conversation and notes the points at which his Feuerbach, if present, might speak up. Historians who insist on keeping past thinkers strictly in their own historical, social and intellectual contexts may raise their eye-brows at such a hazardous method. I, for one, welcome it. Of course, it cannot, and in this book it does not, replace historical description and painstaking analysis of the sources. If a constructive conversation is to be an honest conversation, it has to respect historical understanding and take to heart the historian’s warnings against anachronistic misreading of the sources. But a constructive interest in the past ("rational reconstruction," as Richard Rorty calls it) adds something to the sober exercise of setting the record straight and may even, on occasion, alert the historian to patterns and pieces in the record that she had overlooked.

Harvey’s main thesis is in fact both historical and constructive. That a shift occurred in Feuerbach’s thoughts on religion, and what it was—these are factual matters. The book seems to me to have settled them (though I should defer to the Feuerbach specialists). But why does Harvey think the shift marked an improvement over the more familiar projection theory in The Essence of Christianity? Why is the later theory to be preferred? Chiefly for two reasons: first, it is unencumbered by the arcane Hegelian speculation on which the analysis of consciousness rests in The Essence of Christianity; second, it does greater justice to the religious sense of encounter with an other. The second reason will bring less comfort to the believer than the first. It is one thing to be liberated from Hegel, another to be told that the other encountered in religion is nature. But the conversation, remember, is about academic theories of religion.

At first glance, Feuerbach’s later theory looks like an elaboration of a view that goes back at least to the Roman poet Statius and was revived by Spinoza, Hobbes, Hume and others: that fear of the terrifying forces of nature first created the gods—"in the ignorance of causes," as Hobbes explains. (Even Feuerbach’s Glückseligkeitstrieb seems to echo Hume’s "anxious concern for happiness.") In actual fact, Feuerbach made himself the critic of this view. The human encounter with nature is far too ambiguous and complex to be subsumed under the single emotion of fear. It includes joy, gratitude and love, all of which, Feuerbach inferred, must also be makers of divinity. And he believed that if we seek one all-embracing term for the full range of religious emotions, we will find it only in the "feeling of dependence," of which each religious response to nature is, so to say, a concrete individuation: fear of death, gloom when the weather is bad, joy when it is good and so on.

The merit of Feuerbach’s theory in his own eyes, and clearly also in Harvey’s, was that it put a determinate concept, nature, in place of the vague, mystical word "God." But was he right about religion? More modestly: How does his case look from the perspective of the historical and systematic theologian?

Shortly after publication of The Essence of Christianity, Feuerbach followed a venerable German custom and undertook to demonstrate that he was only saying what Martin Luther had said already. (Luther’s name has been invoked in Germany to endorse an astonishing variety of mutually incompatible causes.) In The Essence of Faith According to Luther (1844), it turns out that the felicity principle is nothing other than Luther’s celebrated pro me ("for me"). For a man must believe that God is God only for the sake of his blessedness. It is the trust and faith of the heart that create both God and an idol. And so on. With dozens of Quotations from Luther, Feuerbach demonstrates to his own satisfaction that self-love—egoism, narcissism—motivates Protestant piety, and that the piety itself creates the God it needs and wants.

To be sure, a serious Luther scholar will wish to say a bit more about the function of the pro me in Luther’s theology and will point out some complicating counter evidence. The young Luther departed from the Augustinian tradition in taking the words "You shall love your neighbor as yourself " to forbid self-love, which he identified as the root sin. The mature Luther asserted that he knew his theology to be true because it takes us out of ourselves. And so we might go on. But when all is said and done, is it possible that Feuerbach had a point?

It is, of course, not Luther but Friedrich Schleiermacher who comes to mind when Feuerbach speaks of religion as the feeling of dependence. Feuerbach himself makes the connection. But Schleiermacher actually anticipated the naturalistic reduction of the religious feeling of dependence and rejected it as a misunderstanding. Our awareness of God is a feeling of absolute dependence, whereas our dependence on nature is qualified by our ability to influence the way the world goes. A highly controversial distinction, as the process theologians like to remind us. But the conversation is not yet closed.

Karl Barth doubted whether Schleiermacher had any defense against a Feuerbachian reduction of theology to anthropology: he believed that Feuerbach merely showed the world what Schleiermacher had already done to the queen of the sciences. In his own way, Barth liked Feuerbach. (Many of us first learned of him from Barth.) But Barth drew Feuerbach’s fangs by treating The Essence of Christianity simply as a critique of bad religion. For Barth the word "bad," strictly speaking, is redundant: all religion is the fruitless human quest for God. The Christian theologian is concerned not with religion but rather with revelation—the Word of God. From Barth’s viewpoint, then, Feuerbach gave us nothing to worry about. From Feuerbach’s point of view, however, Barth’s countermove was a relapse into premodern privileging of Christian discourse. For why should we presuppose at the outset that the one Word of God is Jesus Christ?

For myself, I think Christian theology must face Feuerbach’s relentless exposure of the subjective roots of religion—even worry a little about it. To be sure, the unmasking of narcissistic motives for being religious, though it may weaken the structures of plausibility, affords no logical grounds for an inference about the reality of the religious object. The God one would like to exist may actually exist, even if the fact that one wishes it encourages suspicion. Nonetheless, in our consumer society, in which success in the church, as elsewhere, is supposed to require market analysis of what people want, the mechanism of wishful thinking is something the theologian needs to hold constantly before us. So does the preacher, who is under pressure not to prophesy what is right but to speak smooth things, to prophesy illusions (Isa. 30:10). The question remains whether the only alternative for the theologian and the preacher is to offer another illusion.

Feuerbach was a good listener, and Harvey is a powerful spokesman for him. But Feuerbach’s theories work better with some kinds of religious experience than with others. There are religions of adjustment, as we might call them, that begin not with the felicity principle but with the reality principle and admonish us to adjust our lives to the brute fact that things are not as we would like them to be. Feuerbach was too good an interpreter of religion to overlook the phenomenon of self-abnegation, which he read as a subtle form of self-love. It is no doubt true that in adjustment to reality a person may find peace, but surely the category of self-love here looks suspiciously like a procrustean bed. In his remarks on Ernest Becker, Harvey himself hints that Feuerbach did not do justice to "participatory religions" of self-surrender.

Feuerbach’s theories also seem to me to work badly with religions of moral demand. (We will have to leave for another day the question whether Émile Durkheim’s theory works any better.) Feuerbach was convinced that religious belief corrupts morality as well as truthfulness, and he could even say: "It lies in the nature of faith that it is indifferent to moral duties." Well, some faith perhaps! But the function of religion has sometimes been to counter human desires, wishes and self-seeking with a moral demand. It might perhaps be just possible to outdo the ingenuity of the theologians and show how the life of Mother Teresa, say, which has every appearance of being motivated by an astonishing compassion rooted in religious conviction, has actually been driven by a subtle but irresistible Glückseligkeitstrieb. But it strains our credulity less to acknowledge the evidence in her life of a close bond between (some) religion and (some) morality.

It would be too cheap to conclude that Feuerbach’s religious illusion was to take one kind of Protestant piety for religion itself. Still, unless there is more to be said than Harvey has told us, Feuerbach’s account must strike us as lopsided and incomplete. An "explanation" of religion need not be ruled out just because it does not take religion at face value or keep to the first-order utterances of the believer. That would disqualify not only the masters of suspicion but a lot of theologians as well, myself included. The test is whether the explanation is adequate to the full range of the utterances (or phenomena) it intends to explain.

Feuerbach claimed with some justice that, unlike the speculative philosophers, he let religion speak for itself. However, it is hardly surprising that he heard best what came closest to home. Stung by the criticism that he offered an interpretation of Christianity as an interpretation of religion, he moved from The Essence of Christianity to The Essence of Religion and, later, to his Theogony According to the Sources of Classical, Hebraic, and Christian Antiquity (1857). And yet, throughout all these major works there seems to linger the influence of a strong dislike for Protestant pietism, which had appeared already in his Thoughts on Death and Immortality (1830). In pietism, he supposed, each person in his individuality became the center of his own attention.

This is by no means to conclude that I am done with Feuerbach because, like the rest of us, he heard selectively. Rather, as Harvey concludes, he "still has the power to compel us to define our own positions." Without qualifying as a Feuerbach scholar, I have found myself returning again and again, like Harvey, to this "devout atheist" (as Max Stirner calls him), fascinated by the richness, tenacity and nettling style of his thoughts on religion.

The options, at any rate, have become clearer to me. To return to our point of departure: Christian anthropomorphism could be wholly fictional, the reification of mere abstractions; or a misconstrual of purely natural phenomena; or an imperfect symbolization of our encounter with a transcendent reality. Feuerbach himself moved from the first to the second option. What I take to be the gap in his later position gives me some leverage on the third option. That the transcendent reality is experienced by the religious imagination as a commanding will may be conceptually problematic. But there is surely more to it than personification of some aspect of physical nature. A more nearly adequate theory of religion, or at any rate of the Christian religion, will have to give a better account of it.

Science: From the Womb of Religion

In the late 1960s, when Sir John Templeton laid the groundwork for a prize for progress in religion, esteem for religion took on a euphoria which invited dreams reminiscent at times of psychedelic delirium. The logic that led from the honest-to-God religion through a recycled process theology to the death-of-God religious studies unfolded itself with appropriate speed while being taken for a symptom of progress. It took courage not to be overawed by theologians who by proclaiming God's demise began to play god and downplay religion properly so-called. It could not then easily be foreseen that within two short decades human progress, in fact our very physical health or survival, would seem to depend more than ever on a return to laws set by the ever-living God.

Long before the 1960s progress became increasingly identified with an enterprise, science, looked upon in many quarters as incompatible with religion. Yet, it is not for science, which today has all the know-how to eliminate hunger, that the greatest need is felt in these very scientific times. Demand for Mother Teresa, the first recipient of this prize, for her religious, and for other heroic volunteers of true love, is greater than ever.

Hunger for true love -- heroic, self-sacrificing love -- remains humankind's basic hunger. Acknowledgment of this comes on occasion even from those who earned their fame (often their fortunes, too) by preaching salvation through science. When Bertrand Russell stated at Columbia University in 1950 that Christian love or compassion was the thing most needed by modern humans, he moved revealingly close to declaring intellectual bankruptcy on his and many others' behalf. He said much more about Christian love. Although fully familiar with the enormous power of modern science, medicine and technology, he held high Christian love as the answer to human needs in the broadest sense: "If you have Christian love," he declared to a stunned audience, "you have motive for existence, a guide for action, a reason for courage, an imperative necessity for intellectual honesty."

If intellectual honesty, usually taken for a fruit of scientific method, is to be had only through Christian love, science and religion should not seem far removed from one another. In fact science is as closely related to religion, and especially to Christian religion, as a child is to the womb out of which it came forth and with full vitality.

Such a claim may appear to be beyond belief to most among the great of the Western world. Sir Winston Churchill may well represent those great figures. One reason, a very modest one, to speak of him here and now is my own indebtedness to him. Not that I ever saw him alive. He entered my personal world when, on the occasion of his death, a leading American daily carried the facsimile of the first page of the final typewritten text of one of his major war speeches. In 1965 1 had already tried for ten years to cope with a throat condition that barred me from the public use of my voice whether as a priest or a professor. Writing books remained the sole channel for communicating my thoughts, but a channel full of obstacles for anyone barred from using that natural vehicle of thought which is one's own mother tongue. The sight of that facsimile, heavily corrected in the very hand of Sir Winston, a Nobel laureate of literature, put me over a psychological barrier. From that moment on I was able to live with the fact that a perfect script is not produced at the very first try.

A far more important reason to continue with Sir Winston relates to an essay of his, written in 1931. Its actuality is suggested by its very title, "Fifty Years Hence." Indeed, it appears to be written for the 1980s, and for this very occasion. It certainly provides me with the right background for discussing my claim about the incredibly close ties of science to religion.

Those close ties were seen by Sir Winston only to the extent of admitting that "there was never a time when the inherent virtue of human beings, the hope of immortality, and the disdain of earthly powers and achievement were more necessary for the safety of the children of men." Such is a vote on behalf of religion that would readily come from many greats of Western culture. Many of them also would look at science in the way in which Sir Winston looked at it in that essay, although perhaps not with the grasp which he had about the latest in science.

The sixth sense which Sir Winston had about the best scientific advice has much to do with England's coping with the trials of an insane war. In 1931 he gave specific figures about nuclear fusion as a source of energy far superior to nuclear fission. About the promises of science he spoke with a euphoria that would be to the liking of many today. To be sure, we had not reached the stage foreseen by him where scientific food factories would produce chicken breasts and chicken legs without the need of producing entire chickens. Sir Winston voiced, however, a safe view when he contrasted the hundred years beginning with Queen Victoria as the phase of history that witnessed far more progress than all the previous centuries of recorded history taken together. He also voiced the general consensus in crediting science with that progress. Or, as he put it with his penchant for startling comparisons: "A priest from Thebes would probably have felt more at home at the Council of Trent two thousand years after Thebes had vanished than Sir Isaac Newton at a modem undergraduate physics society. "

What had happened in physics since 1931 would certainly corroborate his words. Again, even today, almost every scholar or writer would find natural that Sir Winston should hold high the novelty of science and ask not why science is so novel. Indifference to the question why science is not old, that is, why science did not arise in any of the great ancient cultures, is still that mark of cultural sophistication which it was in the early 1950s when, for instance, Einstein dismissed that question as unfathomable.

Yet the question why science did not arise in any of the great ancient cultures is one of the most important questions that can be raised about human history. Its answer is also the answer to the question why science is so novel. The answer lies hidden in Sir Winston's reference to that good old Egyptian priest whom he made to visit the Council of Trent. The opening of the Council of Trent puts us back to 1545, or two years after the publication of Copernicus's great book. There is no evidence that anything had been said there about the daring new view of the world centered on the sun. In that respect that ancient priest from Thebes may have thought that things were going in exactly the same way in 1545 as 2,000 years earlier. But at least in one, for us now trivial aspect, things, everything or anything, went on at the Council of Trent -- or at Geneva, or at Wittenberg, or at Canterbury -- in a way which would have deeply upset that priest from Thebes. In any of those famous places, or in any big and small place in Christian Europe, things went on because they were regulated by mechanical clocks.

Long before the Council of Trent, mechanical clocks began to turn into household items. In the late 13th century, very likely somewhere in England (perhaps in Salisbury), a marvelous double feedback mechanism was invented for turning the accelerating fall of a weight into a slow motion with constant velocity. From that moment on, weight-driven pendulum clocks struck the hour at the same intervals, whether in winter or summer, spring or fall, day or night. Our priest from Thebes would have found this very upsetting. In ancient Egypt, there were 12 hours to the night, 12 hours to the day, regardless of whether the night was long or the day was short. Of course, in Thebes the variations of daylight were not as great as farther north, say in Oxford, let alone in Edinburgh. The attitude of Egyptians of old to the length of hours may seem "elastic" but in fact it was expressive of a broader rigidity. A most telling aspect of that rigidity was the oath by which each pharaoh bound himself to nip in the bud any attempt at calendar reform although it was sorely needed.

Quite different was the situation at church councils. Reform of the calendar -- discussed at Constance, Basel and Lateran IV -- became a chief topic when the Council of Trent had its last session in 1563, and a reality less than 20 years later. Copernicus, it is well to recall, wrote his book also with an eye on calendar reform. Had the Council fathers at Trent been asked to discuss his book, in at least one and very important respect they would have found that Copernicus said nothing new. In Copernicus's explanation of why falling bodies do not fall behind on a fast rotating and even faster orbiting earth, they would have recognized a very old idea that had been argued for 200 years as part of the university education everywhere in Europe. The idea was formulated in early 14th-century Sorbonne under the name of impetus theory. It is the clear anticipation of Newton's First Law on which rest his Second and Third Laws, and ultimately all that marvelous set of laws that constitute classical and modem physics. More important, this daring innovation was the fruit of a direct reflection on what is implied in that very first tenet of the Christian religion -- belief in the Maker of heaven and earth who created all out of nothing and in time.

Our dear priest from Thebes would have found this exceedingly innovating with respect to his own world view. There an absolute beginning, the very ground for the formulation of the impetus theory, was inconceivable. Not only in Egypt but in all ancient cultures -- China, India, Babylon and Greece too -- the world was looked upon as an eternal being. Worse, that being was taken for a living entity, often for an animal full of unpredictable turns and twists. This should be kept in mind in recalling another ancient pagan way of looking at the universe. If the universe was not taken for deity itself, it was taken at least for a direct emanation from divinity, whatever it was. Such is the background of Plato's, of Plutarch's and of Cicero's references to the universe as the only-begotten, monogenes or unigenitus, being.

These words immediately take us to the very core of Christian religion, the dogma about Christ as the only-begotten, monogenes or unigenitus, Son of God. On the face of it, this dogma may seem to force a choice between Christ and the universe, or between the world to come and this world, or between religion and science. But the fact, the great historical fact, still to be set forth in all its details and turned into cultural consciousness, is that science owes its very birth to that dogma. A proof of this is the provenance of the idea of a fully ordered universe, an idea indispensable for science. That idea is a bequest not from the Greeks, but from the church fathers -- Hippolytus, Irenaeus, and Athanasius in particular. As they argued that the Son in whom the Father created all was truly consubstantial or God, they also said that such a Son or Logos could create but a completely logical or fully ordered physical universe.

Sir Winston and other greats of Western civilization notwithstanding, our good priest from Thebes would have felt most uncomfortable at Trent or in other contemporary centers of Christendom where dogmas were held in high regard. In ancient Egypt only opinions were allowed. The only dogmatic phase of Egypt of old -- Akhenaton's exclusive sun worship -- was erased with all its traces immediately upon Akhenaton's. death and at the instigation of priests from Thebes. Clearly, they wanted neither innovation nor those certainties which are always dogmatic if truly certain. The ancient Egyptians' engrossment with the wildest combinations of animal forms shows their preference for. inconsistencies over certainties or dogmas.

Of course, not even the Greeks of old were able to give the word dogma the meaning given it by the church fathers. The new meaning stood for the conviction that truth, superhuman or supernatural as its reference point may be, must mean complete absence of contradictions and even of inconsistencies. This conviction produced the Trinitarian dogmas of Christianity and is, or rather should be, the deepest motivation of the scientific quest. Science certainly owes its only viable birth to that Christian dogmatic conviction. Viable birth is, of course, the best and most promising token of growth or progress, religious or other, together with the possibility for continual revitalization.

That at Trent the dogmas about Creator and incarnation were not taken up shows that by then they had proved themselves to be a basis on which no Christian wanted disagreement. This unshakable basis is also the assurance today that the eventual unity of all Christians may not be a utopia. The same basis is also the token that Christendom possesses perennial perspectives that alone illuminate that birth of science which alone explains its progress.

To be sure, once science had been given that viable birth and had accumulated a sufficiently wide set of laws, that set kept expanding on it own terms. As the progressive secularization of the Western world went on, fewer and fewer scientists were thinking of theology as they were doing their science and at times their most creative science. But when they reflected on what they did, they found time and again that their work presupposed certain ideas. What those ideas were or could lead to is best summed up in a remark by Einstein who in 1950 tried to assure a close friend that he had not yet fallen into the hands of priests.

The context of that remark was the cosmology issued from the theory of general relativity. The essence of that cosmology is that through it science has achieved for the first time in its history a contradiction-free discourse about the totality of consistently interacting things, or the universe. The universe was for Einstein the finest prize which human intellect could get hold of. Although proud of having read Kant's Critique of Pure Reason at the age of 13, Einstein, in all appearance, never reflected on a central claim made in that book. According to that claim, the notion of the universe is a bastard product of the metaphysical cravings of the intellect. Immanuel Kant, whose chief aim was to undermine intellectual assurance about what Emmanuel (God with us) stands for, would not, however, see his predicament as entirely hopeless in today's world of science. He would be overjoyed on hearing brash young scientific talents declare and repeat: "The universe could be the last free lunch."

The ground for this global glibness is sheer mythology. Its present domination over the philosophical interpretation of science and very often over the thinking of physicists is not a new phenomenon in the history of science. Until about 100 years ago, machine and mechanism were the supreme and sacred catchwords in that mythology. For the past 50 years or so the history of exact science has been a worship of the Myth of Chance. The wonderful statistical methods of quantum mechanics are now widely believed to be able to do the greatest marvel -- to draw entire universes out of nothing by the skillful pushing of a pencil or by the clever tinkering with the keyboards of supercomputers.

Sir Isaac Newton would certainly be astonished today if present at the meeting of an undergraduate physics society. In that respect Sir Winston and other greats of our civilization would certainly be correct. But they should also remember that Sir Isaac tolerated no cheaters. At no time had counterfeiters in the British Isles had more of the fear of the Lord in their bones than in the two decades during which Sir Isaac was director of the Mint and had the power to send to the gallows anyone tampering with the currency. I leave it to you to imagine what he would do now with those who in these days, when lunches are no longer free, claim to deliver entire universes for free, that is, out of that nothing which they are unable to take at face value.

If progress is something like a voyage, its continuation does not cease to be a function of its very starting point and of the provisions acquired there. If religion is to be an ongoing progress, its very starting point should be rethought continually. That starting point is the recognition of dependence on the Creator on the part of everything which is the universe and of which we human beings are the very voice. (I should not tax you with the mythology of extraterrestrials, often assumed to have English for their native tongue.) Recognition is, however, much more than mere cognition. Recognition is knowledge to which commitment has been added.

Commitment may, of course, come hard if too many aspects of one's behavioral pattern or lifestyle are to be reformed. Then the specter of religion may prompt one to repeat with King Lear, "that way madness lies," words hardly amounting to reasoned argument. But if one's reasons for reluctance appear to do with science, they should seem groundless. The only viable birth of science in terms of the Christian belief in creation and Incarnation, the continual falling back of creative scientists on that same matrix as it implies a specific view of the cosmos or rather the cosmological argument, the reinstatement by the best science of the reality of the universe in all its intellectual dignity, and, finally, awareness of the difference between science and a mythology equated with it-all these four points (the chief targets of my work) should give enough confidence in the possibility of progress in mutual understanding. But that progress will come about only if humankind, increasingly bent on science, will muster more willingness to bow to God.

A bow, if it is more than a mere ritual, is always an act of humility. But so is love which seeks not its own, broods not over injuries, and always rejoices with the truth (I Cor. 13:5-6). This tremendous insight into the very depth of love comes from a perception about God ready to empty himself and take the form of a slave (Phil. 2:6-7). For such is the only love that never turns into a slavery, emotional or other. It is in that love that religion completes all the progress it is capable of. It has already done so on countless occasions, long before the advent of science, and will keep providing the only means whereby science may act not as a curse but as a blessing.

In this age of science, and in coming times to be increasingly more scientific, no claim may be more startling than the one that love rooted in religion would be around long after all science is gone. Long before science had arrived, religion also foresaw a stage where even faith and hope would cease by finding their completion in love. That stage will consist in knowing God as he is. Such is the deepest aspect of the true harmony between intellectual honesty and Christian love, between science and religion, and also the crowning phase of their progress.

 

God and Ourselves: The Witness of H. Richard Niebuhr

BOOK REVIEW:

Theology, History, and Culture: Major Unpublished Writings, by H. Richard Niebuhr. Edited by William Stacy Johnson. Foreword by Richard R. Niebuhr Yale University Press, 236 pp., $30.00.

 

Wherever one turns in H. Richard Niebuhr’s writings, one finds that the center of gravity is his faithful inquiry into God and ourselves. "I believe that the object of that whole series of inquiries we call theology is always man before God and God before man," he writes in one of the essays collected here. Like Jonathan Edwards, a theologian he admired (and about whom he writes in this volume), Niebuhr believed that human beings can be understood only in relation to God’s glory. God and ourselves: "Here is a polarity we cannot avoid."

This rich volume, which collects writings from throughout Niebuhr’s career, affords a panoramic view of his thinking. It does not revolutionize our estimate of his theology, but rather offers a chance to ponder the coherence of his thought and the significance of his legacy.

Niebuhr found his theological voice during the 1930s as he came to believe that the Social Gospel, with its focus on human striving, was insufficiently centered on God. In an essay included here, "The Kingdom of God and Eschatology in the Social Gospel and in Barthianism," he credits Karl Barth with recovering the priority of divine action in history. Elsewhere, Niebuhr claims that God is "the structure in things," the "creative will" that orders our interactions with others. He also notes that people are creatures of faith and that faith is a relation to an object. Human life is oriented by passionate apprehensions of centers of meaning and value and, whether we realize it or not, we always interact with the creative will and activity of God.

This realization enabled Niebuhr, in The Kingdom of God in America (1937), to interpret American Protestantism in light of its animating faith in God’s sovereign reign. It also allowed him, in The Church Against the World, to critique the church’s stance in a culture caught up in idolatrous faiths which take partial human communities, activities and desires as cherished objects. Nationalism focuses on one’s country, capitalism on economic production and racism on a particular group. The church has been infiltrated by these social faiths. Its emancipation from cultural bondage therefore waits upon a true apprehension of God, as well as a genuine faith in God capable of criticizing and reconstructing our practical lives.

In The Meaning of Revelation (1941) Niebuhr regarded the fiduciary character of human life, this seed of religion, with deliberate ambivalence. "Revelation is not the development and not the elimination of our natural religion," but its "conversion and permanent revolution. . . through Jesus Christ." This is why the narrative of scripture remains indispensable. God discloses Godself in and through the story of Israel and Jesus Christ. As this story becomes our own, and as we grapple in our lives with this true object of devotion, our identities and practical stances are criticized and reconstructed.

The disclosure of God transforms our narrow faiths, challenging our preconceptions of divine unity, power and goodness. Whereas we ordinarily seek the transcendent to ratify our cherished beliefs, the God of Jesus Christ is opposed to the idols we make of self, nation, race or economic production. We seek an omnipotence that is like the powers of the world, raised to an ultimate degree, but in Jesus Christ God’s power is made perfect in weakness. Therefore "revelation is the beginning of a revolution in our power thinking and our power politics." We seek a good that will protect our own goods, but find in Christ that the true good empties itself for others. This is why the encounter with God in Christ creates a new beginning for our practical reasoning.

Niebuhr examined World War II as an event interpreted by different communities in the light of different interests, but which should also be interpreted in terms of the faithful working of God. Specifically, he claimed that God was acting in the war to judge and thereby correct our wrong actions. The war is like a crucifixion the suffering of the innocent calls us to repent of having elevated our own cherished values into idols, protected our own isolated causes and goods at the expense of others, and deployed our powers in the service of our partial interests and devotions.

In Christ and Culture (1951) Niebuhr explored how faith in the God who comes to us in Jesus Christ relates to the many values, activities and aims recommended by our cultures. How shall we regard loyalty to the nation, to education or to the arts in light of loyalty to Jesus Christ and his cause? Niebuhr outlined five ways that Christians typically resolve this perennial question, but his analysis was not neutral. He preferred a "transformationist" position that was in accord with his earlier reflections about faith, ethics and revelation: faith in God transforms our confidences in and loyalties to our many cultural ends and projects.

Much of what this means was spelled out in Radical Monotheism and Western Culture (1960). In the West, Niebuhr wrote, human faiths have taken three forms. Henotheism regards the limited group as the center of value, and it values people and things according to how they serve the group’s ends. Polytheism is committed to different causes in different contexts; persons and things are valued for their contributions to diverse ends. A third form of faith, radical monotheism, emerged in Israel and in Jesus Christ. This faith apprehends that God the creator, the power of being, is also the redeemer or the center of value. Therefore the community of moral concern is no longer a closed society or limited group but the entire community of being. Relations among God and all creatures are seen to be matters of covenantal responsibility.

Radical faith conflicts with the other forms. In politics, for example, henotheists judge people in light of loyalties to a particular nation or race. Polytheists estimate persons by their unequal contributions to knowledge, economic production or the arts. But radical monotheists insist on equality because all people are equally related to the one universal center of value. From this perspective, it seems clear that whenever politics capitulates to lesser devotions, justifications for gross manipulations, injustice and oppression follow close behind.

Again, radical monotheists also protest whenever loyalty to God is displaced by devotion to holy communities and their artifacts. In The Purpose of the Church and Its Ministry, Niebuhr contended that, in the name of radical faith, Christians need to oppose narrower ecclesiocentric, bibliocentric and even christocentric loyalties. As Niebuhr observed in a manuscript posthumously published as Faith on Earth: An Inquiry into the Structure of Human Faith, "questions about faith arise in every area of life."

In The Responsible Self (1963) Niebuhr portrayed human agents as responders to actions that impinge upon them. Faith enters the picture because different faiths support different visions of the total interaction, the context in which we respond. For example, where a nationalistic commitment predominates, we envision ourselves in the midst of interactions with the nation and other loyalists to its cause. Radical faith supports a radical discernment: human action is response or reply to the prior action of God in the midst of the universal community.

This total interaction or context for our responses might easily be understood as one of constant threat, inevitable decline, decay and death. Very often, in fact, we see ourselves as perishing and surrounded by foes. But in Jesus Christ, says Niebuhr, we are enabled to reinterpret our situation as part of the universal history of a divine activity that destroys only to re-establish and renew. The story of crucifixion and resurrection, judgment and redemption, furnishes the horizon for an ethic of confident responsibility rather than defensive, self-maintenance and survival.

In his introduction to Theology, History, and Culture, William Stacy Johnson skillfully places each essay in the context of Niebuhr’s life and work. The "Theology" section includes three Cole Lectures delivered at Vanderbilt in 1961—essays which are as important as anything he wrote for understanding his approach to the discipline. The first lecture calls for a balance between liberal critiques of received tradition and neo-orthodox recoveries, as well as a balance between the pragmatic tendency to locate the truth of theology in its consequences and the objectivist insistence that theology simply conveys knowledge of God. "Toward New Symbols" expands on a call to resymbolize the message of faith in God which he had issued in a CHRISTIAN CENTURY article, "Reformation: Continuing Imperative." Niebuhr’s affinities with Edwards are clear in the final lecture, "Toward the Recovery of Feeling," which points to the importance of religious emotions for apprehending God.

In the "History" section we find Niebuhr affirming that the study of history is the necessary accompaniment of theological inquiry, and that for the Christian, history centers on the rule of God. In "Reinhold Niebuhr’s Interpretation of History," he questions whether his brother sufficiently emphasized the triumph of faith in God’s goodness that comes with Jesus Christ, and what this means for understanding God’s reign as well as the possibilities and limits of human life. "Theology in a Time of Disillusionment" (1931) notes that, while earlier liberals placed their faith in human goodness and in progress, Niebuhr’s contemporaries are disappointed with humanity, its politics, its machines and its science. Nonetheless, says Niebuhr, the task of theology is not only to expose our social system as a betrayal of God, but also to make a transition from God the enemy to God the companion and savior.

In the writings on "Culture" we find Niebuhr stating his familiar convictions that faith in God entails the rejection of all ecclesiastical, political and economic absolutes, and that the idea of original sin supports the balancing and limitation of all powers. "A Christian Interpretation of War" (1943), a study prepared for the Calhoun Commission of the Federal Council of Churches, presents Niebuhr’s view of war as an event in the active rule of God, and it calls for the church to carry on the ministry of reconciliation among all people and nations.

The volume closes with three sermons. "Our Reverent Doubt and the Authority of Christ" emphasizes that there is no emancipation from the one who says, "I will be with you always." "The Logic of the Cross" reflects on 1 Corinthians 1:18 and furnishes a strong statement about the transition from a life of defensive suspicion to an ethic of confidence, reconciliation and responsibility. "Man’s Work and God’s," a meditation on Psalm 90, suggests that the psalmist’s human work was established by being made a part of the showing forth of God’s great artistry. Together with its companions, this psalm helps us to see that the whole story of human life "is the story of a supernal, everlasting creation and a cosmic redemption, of God’s own artistry and God’s own liberation of his world from dullness and shame, from immorality and brutality, from destruction and decay"

God and ourselves: Niebuhr’s sense for this object of theological inquiry is the thread that binds together his life’s work. With this is mind, we may briefly consider how his legacy has survived in three prominent strands of contemporary theology.

One strand is represented by Gordon D. Kaufman’s "theology as imaginative construction." Kaufman contends that in theology we work with symbols and frameworks in order to understand ourselves and our places in the world. Like Niebuhr, Kaufman emphasizes that Western religions have ordered human life largely in terms of a radically monotheistic framework. Like Niebuhr, he underscores the distinction between God and idols. He believes that the self-sacrificial image of Jesus Christ is a vivid emblem of a humane orientation in life, and he claims that the chief responsibility of theology is to deal seriously and critically with the question of God.

But for Kaufman the symbol or concept "God" is principally defined by its role in enabling us to imaginatively bind together our world into a meaningful whole in the face of mystery. The name "God" means the ultimate point of reference in terms of which we picture everything else. It does not refer to an experienced object or encountered reality so much as it serves to focus our consciousness, devotion and work by means of a vision that turns us toward genuine responsibility and human fulfillment. The object of theological inquiry is constantly in danger of being reduced to the "name" God and the way it functions to orient human life. And for Kaufman, the criteria for assessing theological ideas are therefore almost entirely pragmatic.

By contrast, Niebuhr maintained that faith apprehends the actuality of our existence in, with and before God—that theological ideas not only order human life, but also refer to experienced realities. And here, I think, we come to a question that challenges the viability of a theology conceived as imaginative construction: Granted that religious symbols and frameworks function to orient people in the world, could they do so if we believed that this were their only meaning?

Another prominent strand of theology is represented by theologians of the Yale school who are influenced by the works of Hans W. Frei and George Lindbeck. Their focus is not on imaginative construction but on what they call the "realistic narratives" in scripture that render characters and circumstances in mutual interaction. Somewhat like novels, the story or stories of scripture depict characters and personalities, such as "God" and "Christ." They present patterns which supply believers with the interpretive framework to understand their lives.

Like Niebuhr, the narrativists emphasize that scripture depicts a God who acts and people as responders to God’s prior activity. They also look to the story of Jesus Christ for the pattern in light of which to understand divine activity. But in Niebuhr’s view, the narratives of scripture not only render characters and circumstances, they also refer to experienced realities. The danger in narrative theology is, again, that the object of theology will be drastically reduced—this time to an interpretive framework centered on the narratively rendered character "God" and the way it functions to order our lives and our visions of the world.

There are ways to resist the reduction of Christian belief to a narrativist scriptural pragmatism. One might endeavor to show how the narratively rendered portrait of God both responds to and illumines actual encounters in the world. Or one might try to indicate how the biblical portrait of God and the interpretive framework that it anchors can reinterpret situations and realities that are also interpreted by other, particular frameworks. But the first of these steps would violate the narrativists’ firm commitment to the priority of language over experience. And the second requires an effort in apologetics, an attempt to achieve broader intelligibility, that is not generally a focus of the narrative school.

James M. Gustafson faithfully develops Niebuhr’s legacy when he insists that "deity is the primary object of concern for theological ethics" and that the issues of theological ethics are structured by what one experiences, believes and expresses about God and God’s relations to the world. Gustafson’s "theocentric" critique of our inveterate tendency to place ourselves at the center of things accords with Niebuhr’s radical monotheism. Like Niebuhr, he attends to affective dimensions of Christian believing, and he portrays human agents as responders to God’s ordering action.

Most important for our purposes, Gustafson argues that the classic symbols of God as Creator, Sustainer, Judge and Redeemer both express and interpret patterns of our experience in the world. He indicates how we encounter God as the Other in and through the many others in our experiences. For example, he suggests that we encounter God as Creator in and through our experiences of given limits and possibilities, and that we apprehend God as Redeemer in and through experiences of release from conditions of fatedness as well as reconciling forgiveness. He also shows how theology can intelligibly redescribe and reinterpret situations and realities that are described and interpreted from other perspectives as well.

Questions that Niebuhr’s theology might lead one to raise for Gustafson have to do with how theocentric piety emerges in the first place. How, in the midst of our typically anthropocentric devotions, does God become our primary object of concern? For Niebuhr, this is the problem of the transformation of our ordinary human faiths, and he addresses it by pointing to the pattern of Jesus Christ in our history. To be sure, Gustafson also notes that Jesus incarnates theocentric piety. But his comments are sparse, and one wonders whether his theocentrism owes more to an originating christological pattern than he sometimes acknowledges. Gustafson’s Christology may not satisfy many creeds and churches, but one suspects that important things remain to be said about his understanding of the narrative pattern of Jesus Christ and how it discloses God’s purposes as well as the contours of human life in appropriate relation to God.

Today we confront challenges different from the ones that Niebuhr faced: new wrinkles in hermeneutics, issues of gender and sexuality, struggles of the oppressed, the restructuring of American religion, new scientific theories and findings, environmental threats, religious pluralism, renewed reflections on myth and history, new configurations of international powers, global economic interdependencies and more. But at least one question remains as basic and elemental for us as it was for Niebuhr: Is the object of our theological inquiry the actuality of life in, with and before the living God, or have we pushed this primary reality aside?