The Reconstruction of Faith

The Christ of faith, that is, the Christ who has been introduced into our personal histories by the faith of those who trust him and are loyal to him in his loyalty, is a specific individual figure. We meet him in the company of those who believe in him: not as an empty point on which their eyes are focused in trust and faithfulness, not as an indefinable companion, but as a specific figure; he is one with whom, because of whom, they say "Father" to the Incomprehensible Transcendent One. They communicate Jesus Christ to us not as an idea but as a living and dying human being. The communication may seem in the first place to consist of recollections of those who were eyewitnesses, percipients of certain data given to the senses.

They saw, or claimed they saw those who had seen, a certain man called Jesus of Nazareth who wandered about Galilee and Judea attended by a devoted band of followers, performing marvelous cures of the sick, raising the dead. They heard from him, or claimed they heard from those who had heard him, about God and human life, as well as certain predictions about his own fate and other coming events including the destruction of Jerusalem and the end of man’s life on earth. But we are not dealing after all with recollections and recollections of recollections. We are dealing with Jesus Christ as a specific figure in the lives of those who believe in him. We do not confront a recollection of Jesus Christ mediated to Paul by the twelve but Jesus Christ reflected in the faith of Paul. And this Jesus Christ is not a remembered figure but a living being present with his past to Paul. He is communicated in this manner to us not so that we remember certain stories about Jesus Christ who once lived but so that Jesus Christ, as this specific figure with a specific past, is born again in our minds. Not ideas about him are communicated but he is communicated. The process has certain parallel in the realm of ideas. We may say that what happens to us in communication is that we are reminded of certain ideas which we have always known but need to recollect in Socratic fashion, as when the idea of unity in multiplicity is the subject of discourse. But we may also say that the idea of such unity is generated in us in the midst of communication. We now have a direct relation to it, not via the communicator. Something like this happens in the case of Jesus Christ -- the specific individual with his past is generated in us. He is communicated so that there is no longer absolute dependence on the communicator, though in this case as in all others our personal relation to the reality is never a lonely one, without companions.

The striking feature of this Jesus Christ of our history is his faith and the striking feature of his fate is his betrayal. His faith has the three aspects which we have discovered in analyzing the structure of faith in interpersonal relations, with this marked difference that the cause to which he is loyal is the rule of the absolutely Transcendent One. His faith is first of all the faith of trust in the Lord of heaven and earth who had thrown him into existence in such a manner that he could be the object of Joseph’s and his people’s distrust. His trust is in this Lord of heaven and earth as One who has bound himself to care for the apparently most despised beings, human and animal and vegetable, in his creation. He trusts in the loyalty of the Transcendent One and in his power, being certain in his mind that nothing can separate men from the love of God. He trusts God for himself, for his nation, for mankind, for animals. This trust is wholly personal. He has the assurance that God will never forsake him, that he is the dearly beloved Son, that he is the heir of God. With this completeness of trust in God as wholly loyal, without the least deceptiveness in his nature, the Jesus Christ of our history combines complete loyalty to men. He is without defensiveness before them for he is certain that God will defend him. He does not trust his fellowmen but he is wholly faithful to them, even or perhaps particularly when he chastises them for their disloyalty to each other and their distrust of God. He seeks and saves the lost. He spends himself for others -- and always with trust in God. As person, as living in faith, this Jesus Christ is Son of God. To try to explain this miraculous sonship to God physically, as some early disciples did in stories of virgin birth, seems to add nothing to its remarkable character. It is the personal relation of a faithful, trusting loyal soul to the source of its being which is the astonishing thing. This is a superhuman thing according to all our experience of humanity. Yet it is humanity in idea, in essence. This, we say, as we regard him, is what we might be if we were not the victims and the perpetrators of treason and distrust.

It is, therefore, never difficult for men to believe that the Jesus Christ of faith existed once upon a time in natural, biological form,. This personal miracle of the existence of a man of complete faith, of universal trust and loyalty, is conceivable. He is conceivable as the abnormal possibility of our normal human existence in negative faith. We do not doubt our fellowmen when they tell us of the loyalty of Jesus Christ. We are not inclined to believe that they are deceiving us. -What we doubt is not the possibility of such goodness; but we are skeptical of its power -- not the miracle of goodness, for we somehow see that the appearance of such loyalty and trust is not in contradiction of the laws of personal existence. It is rarely suggested that the goodness of Jesus Christ is mythological invention.

Now, further, the Jesus Christ of faith whom we remember was the subject of betrayal. His trust in God was profoundly distrusted as an attitude dangerous to the existence of his nation, of its cause as the people of God, of its leaders, its worship, its laws. This confidence in the loyalty of God is suspected as something which is demonic. This loyalty to all men -- Samaritans and Romans, as well as Jews, to sinners as well as righteous, to the despised as well as the esteemed -- is seen as dangerous to all treasured values. He is distrusted in his trust in God and in his loyalty to God and to God’s creatures. Again we discover that the story of Jesus Christ’s betrayal is easy to accept. Our experience of human existence is such that we are quite ready to agree that given such faith, such distrust and betrayal of it would be a natural outcome among men. "This," we say to ourselves, "is the way it had to happen, as the prophets had foreseen. Given such a servant of God what other outcome would be possible under human conditions?" The specific historic conditions are secondary. Had Alexander ruled instead of Caesar, had the leaders of the Jewish people been kings instead of priests, had the people been Greeks instead of Jews, had the son of God been named Socrates rather than Jesus, still when a servant of God came, this surely would have happened, he would have been profoundly distrusted because of his trust, because of his loyalty to God, and because of his loyalty to all the creatures of God. The predictions of the prophets, especially of Second Isaiah, represent simply a profound understanding of the nature of human distrust and disloyalty, an understanding based on faith in God and the experience of centuries of faithlessness.

If ever there was an opportunity in human history for the reconstruction of faith, for the self-disclosure of the Incomprehensible Transcendent source of being as God, as wholly loyal to his creation, as redeemer of all the promises given with the gift of existence itself, then it was at this point where faith in him became incarnate. But the faith of Jesus Christ came to the end of its historic existence with the cry: "My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?" There was faith in the cry: "My God!" But it is the uttermost cry of faith, at the edge of nothingness. If at this point in the central tragedy in our history there had occurred the demonstration of the power and glory of the God in whom he trusted; if Elijah had come; if he who saved others had been saved; if we know not what natural or supernatural event had taken place to deliver this soul of faith from death and further shame; then might not faith as universal loyalty and universal trust have been reconstructed among men?

This did not happen. In our distrust we would not expect it to have happened. Should the Son of God come again, it would not happen. But something else has happened; something that is very ordinary and very strange, something over which we wonder. In consequence of the coming of this Jesus Christ to us we are able to say in the midst of our vast distrust, our betraying and being betrayed, our certainty of death and our temptations to curse our birth; "Abba, our Father." And this we say to the Ground of Being, to the mystery out of which we come, to the power over our life and death. "Our Father, who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name" (Matt. 6:9-12; Luke 11:2-4) "I believe, help thou mine unbelief" (Mark 9:24)

We cannot penetrate far into the miracle of resurrection as this miracle takes place in the interpersonal life of faith. But we can discern a few aspects of this historical, ever-repeated event. First we can understand that in order that the Jesus Christ of faith should not have been distrusted, rejected and betrayed, it would have been necessary for us human beings to be wholly different from what we are. If all our history from the beginning of our remembered common life had been different, then, of course, this event would also have been different. If all men had kept faith with each other from the first act of free loyalty onwards, and if men in their freedom had always trusted God as the sparrows trust him in their lack of freedom, then Jesus Christ might have been welcomed as the perfecter of faith, its universalizer and guarantor. But history without sin, without murder, treason, lie, is not our history.

Second we can understand the consequences to our faith if the faithful Christ had been saved from the consequences of human distrust and betrayal by the sort of miraculous interference he himself knew to be possible: the twelve legions of angels of whom he spoke, who might have been Roman soldiers arriving in a nick of time to save Pilate from fear of insurrection, or who might have come in the form of a natural catastrophe which would have upset all the plans of princes and priests, or who for that matter might have arrived as superterrestrial beings -- men from Mars. Jesus Christ might have been spirited away after the fashion of Elijah and saved from death.

What would the consequences for our human faith have been? Just about nothing, so far as we can see. We should doubtless say, if he was remembered at all, "We do not know what happened to him" or perhaps, "He was an unusual person and was translated into another existence, but as for us, we must all die. He was loyal; but we are disloyal. He trusted; we must distrust. How could we be delivered, even to the slightest degree from our disloyalty to one another and to God and from our distrust of him by an event which merely showed that there had been one exception to the rule that all men must die?" The consequence might well have been a greater concentration than ever on our desperate effort to avoid personal death no matter what happens to others. It might have been a stronger belief than ever that God is a hard taskmaster demanding the uttermost from us in order that the rare reward might be given. For most of us the despair would have been heightened.

But it is What happened that is important for us rather than what might have happened. What has happened is that this forsaken and rejected Servant of God has been given a name above every name among us. What has happened is that he has entered into the life of the human world as the most persistent of rulers, the most inescapable of companions. His eyes are still upon us when we deny him; he is forever warning us about our ambitions to be great; he is always there teaching us to pray. He is built into the structure of our conscience, not so that we cannot offend against him, but so that it is he who is offended in our offenses. He is present with his wound and in his rejection in all the companions whom in our great disloyalty we make the victims of our distrust of God and our diseased loyalties. That Jesus Christ is risen from the dead and that he sits at the right hand of God exercising power over us, that is one of the most patent facts in interpersonal history. Our evidence for it is not in beliefs about empty tombs or about appearances to others, but in our acknowledgment of his power. C. H. Dodd has pointed out that among early Christians there were evidently men who, like the writer of I John, did not move forward from an experience of Christ rising from death to the Christ seated at the right hand of power, but backward from their acknowledgment of the latter to the conclusion that therefore he had risen from the dead. (See C. H. Dodd, The Johannine Epistles [Hodder & Stoughton, 19461, xxxiii.) This doubtless is the manner of much personal conviction in our time, for we live in the time of Paul and not in that of Peter and the twelve.

In our relation to this betrayed, forsaken, destroyed and powerful Jesus Christ we are enabled to qualify our distrust of the Ground of Being so that we pray to the mystery out of which we come and to which we return, "Our Father who art in heaven." Jesus Christ, we say, reveals God. What we can mean by that does not seem to be what certain theologians seem to think, that apart from Jesus Christ we do not acknowledge God at all, for we do acknowledge him with perhaps all of our human companions in the distrust manifest in fear, hostility and evasion; yet we do not acknowledge him as God, as the supreme object of our devotion, as the faithful one in whom we trust, as the one in whose kingdom we are bound to loyalty to all our fellow citizens in creation. There is an acknowledgment even of the personal element in the Ultimate in this distrust and anxiety of ours. But it is perverted faith. What appears to happen in fellowship with Jesus Christ to our life of faith is that our distrust of God is turned somewhat in the direction of trust, that our hostility is turned slightly in the direction of a desire to be loyal, that our view of the society to which we are bound in loyalty begins to enlarge. The thunderclouds on the horizon of our existence are broken; the light begins to shine through. A great metanoia, a revolution of the personal life, begins in us and in human interpersonal history.

We explain what has happened to the life of faith, in which just and unjust live, by saying that in this coming of Jesus Christ to us the Son reveals the Father and the Father reveals the Son. The Son reveals himself as son in his moral, personal character. By his trust in the Transcendent Source of being, by his loyalty to all to whom he trusts the Father to be loyal, by his faithfulness to God he makes himself known to us as one who has the character of a Son. Hence he is recognized widely as the good man, the man who is son and brother. But he is not made known as Son of God in reality until he is established in power, until it becomes clear that such a character of trust and loyalty is indeed in complete harmony with the nature of things. By his resurrection from the dead, by his establishment as ruler of life, by the power of his resurrection as Paul has it, it is established that the Transcendent One is indeed what Jesus Christ in his faithfulness and trust acknowledged him to be, and it is equally established that the faithful servant is acknowledged by Reality itself.

The Father reveals Himself as Father in the resurrection of the Son; the Son is revealed as son by his life and his resurrection. In both instances much was known of the creator and of Jesus Christ prior to the revelation to faith of the Father and the Son. It was known and acknowledged in distrust that there is an Absolute; it was recognized and acknowledged in distrust and suspicion that Jesus Christ regarded himself and acted as though he were a son and as though the Ultimate was his Father. What happens in the establishment of Jesus Christ in power over personal life is that the double hypothesis of his historical existence is validated: The Lord of heaven and earth is indeed the faithful, loyal Father, and Jesus Christ is indeed of one nature, one faithfulness, with that Father.

On the other hand we know something of what true goodness is. We recognize goodness in every form of loyalty and love. But our second great problem is whether goodness is powerful, whether it is not forever defeated in actual existence by loveless, thoughtless power. The resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead, the establishment of Jesus Christ in power, is at one and the same time the demonstration of the power of goodness and the goodness of power. But the demonstration remains a demonstration of a God who is both Father and Son, not of a Father who is identical with the Son or of a Son identical with the Father. When Jesus Christ is made known as Lord it is to the glory of God the Father. And the Absolute is made known as Father in his glorification of the Son.

The Anachronism of Jonathan Edwards

A highly popular, widespread impression of Jonathan Edwards is the one expressed in verse by Phyllis McGinley: "Whenever Mr. Edwards spake / In church about Damnation, / The very benches used to quake / For awful agitation." A somewhat less impressionistic portrait, though drawn also from folk memory more than from life, was offered by Vernon Louis Parrington in his Main Currents in American Thought. In that history of the liberal mind Jonathan Edwards is described as the great "anachronism."

He was an anachronism to Parrington because in him the conflict of ancient dogma with the new liberalism was re-enacted and resolved in favor of the old. The brilliant idealist metaphysician warred in him with the traditional theologian; and the theologian won. The Emersonian mystic "consciousness of the divine life flowing through and around him, making him one with the Godhead," fought in him with the Calvinistic theocrat; and Calvin won; the new churchman, opening the doors of the sanctuary to all seekers after peace, contradicted in him the loyalist to ancient discipline, for whom the company of the faithful was the selected band, the trained shock troops of the kingdom of God in a rebellious planetary province.

Parrington concludes his account in these words:

"Cut off from fruitful intercourse with other thinkers, drawn away from the stimulating field of philosophy into the arid realm of theology, it was his fate to devote his noble gifts to the thankless task of reimprisoning the mind of New England within a system from which his nature and his powers summoned him to unshackle it. He was called to be a transcendental emancipator, but he remained a Calvinist."

Later writers, notably Professor Perry Miller, have corrected this account in certain respects. College students, introduced to Edwards via other routes than the sermon on "Sinners in the hands of an angry God," can set Phyllis McGinley right. But in the main the judgment stands in America, in American Protestantism, in literary and academic, even in most theological circles: Jonathan Edwards was a great man, but he was wrong on almost every issue for which he contended -- the gloriousness of inscrutable, almighty, universal, majestic, wrathful God; the depravity and corruptness of the human heart; the need for the reconstitution of the church not as catholic and all-inclusive but as the selected group of the convinced; the determinism, the unfreedom of human existence; the glory of God as the chief and only end of being, which in reconciliation man serves willingly as a "cosmic patriot," but will serve in his unwillingness by his destruction, as Hitler's patriots in their catastrophic ending may be said to glorify the rule of justice.

Since the judgment stands, and is no doubt explicitly represented in the thoughts of many of us as it is implicitly represented in the value standards of the great dominant majority of Americans, of American Christians and of American intellectuals, we must ask by what right, with what rightness can we honor Jonathan Edwards today?

By what right do we join the funeral procession, stand beside the grave, intrude ourselves into the company of those who mourn him? When we think of his exile from Northampton and his more inclusive exile from the company of all right-thinking modern men, we must apply to ourselves on this occasion the indictment that Jesus made of "hypocrites" who "build the tombs of the prophets and adorn the monuments of the righteous, saying, 'If we had lived in the days of our fathers, we would not have taken part with them in shedding the blood of the prophets"' (Matt. 23:29-30). We are quite sure we would have been less gentle with him than our neighbors or forebears.

When we read the story of his dismissal from the Northampton church and then think of the temper in other New England towns two centuries ago, we cannot honestly say that he would have fared better elsewhere. The Cambridge and New Haven that offered him no alternative to life at Stockbridge would probably not have suffered him as long as Northampton did, had he been pastor there. If smallpox had not removed him quickly from Princeton, how long would he have remained an honored head of the college in New Jersey? When we move from the 18th century down to our present time we cannot really convince ourselves that if Edwards now lived among us he would be more respected than he was in the 1750s.

The issues on which he was then tried and found wanting seem to have been so universally decided against him by the court of American and Christian opinion that they scarcely remain issues today. What hearing could he gain if he stood in this pulpit today, or in any pulpit in America, and spoke to us now about our depravity and corruption, about our unfreedom and the determination of our lives, about the ineffable gloriousness of God, and about the awfulness of his wrath? About the necessity of reconstituting ourselves a holy community?

By what right do we, who seem to disagree with him more strongly than his contemporaries did, now honor him? Can this commemoration of his death be an honest gesture of respect or does it merely express the desire to be in the company of the great, for the sake of sharing in a superficial and reflected glory? This question a speaker at such an occasion as this must ask himself even more than his fellow celebrants.

Let us raise in another way the question of our right to honor Edwards. If we met in his spirit today, if we wanted to honor him in a way that would be acceptable not to his human vanity, for which he would need to do bitter penance, but to his central purpose and will, how would we go about it? His own conduct. at the time of David Brainerd's death -- his son-in-law, missionary to the Indians -- gives us a clue. We cannot honor him at all except we do so in the context of honoring what he stood for, of honoring the cause to which he wanted above all else to be loyal. Have we any right to honor him otherwise? To exalt him as a great thinker, as though he could take delight in being praised for having honed his mental tools very sharp, no matter what they cut; to speak admiringly of him as an excellent orator, as though adeptness in the use of images were an enviable thing, no matter what they imaged; to do him reverence as a great student who learned from Newton and Locke and the Platonists, from nature itself, no matter what he learned -- to honor him thus is to do him no honor that he could accept -- or which, accepting, he would not thereafter bitterly rue.

So to honor him would be as though we commemorated Nietzsche as a great Christian, or praised George the Third as a great American. It would not only be irrelevant, it would be contradictory to the intention, the understanding, the spirit of the man. To Edwards the desire of man to be great in himself, and to be honored for his eminence, to stand out in comparison with his fellows, to be more loved than his companions -- even by God -- this is man's pettiness, his perversity, his pustulant sickness, as he might have said.

There is no really honest and consistent way of honoring Edwards except in the context of honoring, of acknowledging and renewing our dedication to his cause. That cause was nothing less than the glory of God. I do not know whether this is the audience which can hear the summons to think in the terms of that theme, to lift up mind and heart into regions of thought and imagination so majestic, to dedicate itself to a cause so tremendous. I only know that your preacher is not adequate to preach upon the text that Edwards himself would have chosen for this occasion:

"Now unto the King eternal, immortal, invisible, to the only wise God be honor and glory, forever and ever. Amen." (1 Tim. 1:17)

Since it lies beyond the scope of my mind and spirit to direct your meditations so to honor Edwards in the only context in which he can honestly be honored, we may venture to try to do him less adequate justice by letting him, or rather our imagined reincarnation of his spirit, speak today to his detractors.

The first charge against me, he might say, is this, that I have demeaned man in order to glorify God. "You charge me with having said that our experience teaches us the truth of the scriptural saying, 'There is none righteous, no not one'(Rom. 3: 10). 'They are filled with all manner of wickedness, evil, covetousness, malice. Full of envy, murder, strife, deceit, malignity; they are gossips, slanderers, haters of God, insolent, haughty, boastful, inventors of evil, disobedient to parents, foolish, faithless, heartless, ruthless.' You charge me also with saying, again pleading the support of the scriptures, that though we humans have many kindly affections, love of children, love between men and women, love of country, all these too are corrupted and defiled; and that though we have very agile minds, able to penetrate into the mysteries of nature, we put this gift and attainment to ignoble uses."

Some, Edwards could say, have dismissed my indictments as wholly false. Particularly from the men of the generation that succeeded his, he could have heard much praise of men. Using Shakespeare instead of the scriptures as the source for their text, but without reading the passage to the end, they said with Hamlet:

"What a piece of work is a man! how noble in reason! how infinite in faculties! in form, and in moving, how express and admirable! in action how like an angel! in apprehension how like a god! the beauty of the world! the paragon of animals!"

But a strange thing has happened. A later generation has revised the judgment of the romantics. Its experience of the extent to which human brutality can go, of the fury that can be unleashed when the human animal is attacked, its acceptance in wry cynicism of the venality of great and small; its acceptance, too, of a psychological analysis that tends to show how slight the power of reason, how great the strength of obscure passions; how corrupting of children the possible love of mothers and the wrath of fathers; its portrayal of men and mankind in bitterly disillusioned novels and in shuddering chronicles of man's inhumanity to man -- in all this the 20th century has perhaps gone beyond anything that Edwards said in dispraise of men, individually and in the collective. But though on the surface this generation seems to accept something that is like the Edwardsean estimate, it still rejects Edwards no less than the Emersonians did, though for other reasons.

How would Edwards speak to this situation? He might answer something like this: "'With what measure you mete you shall be measured.' You resented my measuring man by the standard of his position before God; you resented that I said: as a loathsome insect is to man, so man is to the Holy One that inhabits eternity. You applied the standard of man's position before other men; or before himself, and having begun by saying: man to himself is like a god, you are now tending to say, he is like a devil to himself; he will destroy himself."

Now who demeans humanity? The one whose standard for man is small or the one whose standard is very great? The one who judges him as a domestic lover or as a citizen of a universal commonwealth? The one who looks on him as faithful or unfaithful administrator of lawns and stores, of stocks and bonds, or the one who sees in him the steward of eternal riches? What is greater, a neatly painted, well constructed five-or eight-room house or the ruins of the Forum or the Parthenon?

What Edwards knew, what he believed in his heart and with his mind, was that man was made to stand in the presence of eternal, unending absolute glory, to participate in the celebration of cosmic deliverance from everything putrid, destructive, defiling, to rejoice in the service of the stupendous artist who flung universes of stars on his canvas, sculptured the forms of angelic powers, etched with loving care miniature worlds within worlds. In the light of that destiny, in view of that origin, because of the greatness of that calling, it depressed him, angered him that men should throw away their heritage and be content with the mediocrity of an existence without greater hope than the hope for comfort and for recognition by transient fellow men. Man who had been made to be great in the service of greatness, had made himself small by refusing the loving service of the only Great One; and in his smallness he had become very wicked, covetous of the pleasures that would soon be taken from him. But in the end, man could not make himself small, Edwards knew, for the way of man is not in himself.

That leads us to the second charge against Edwards, namely that his understanding of the sovereignty of God left no room for human freedom. This charge, like the previous one, is frequently so understood by unbelievers who cannot follow the logic of belief that they equate theocracy with priestliness. They think that Edwards, believing in government by God, must have derived from that premise the conclusion that therefore preachers were his lieutenants on earth and should be recognized as gods. This is about as illogical a deduction as one can imagine. The consequence of the premise that God rules is, for the believer, "therefore I must obey," not "therefore I must rule." Because his will is to be done, therefore my will is to be denied. I believe that any reading of Edwards's life, including the story of the sad controversy in Northampton, will make quite clear that he was no self-willed man talking the name of God in vain to fortify his wishes. But this is the minor point of the charge. The major complaint was that in Edwards's world of determinism no room was left for human freedom.

How would he reply today to this charge? I think it is quite possible that, zealous student of philosophy as he was, he might admit that the way he argued his position was somewhat overly indebted to the mechanical thinking of his time and of the Reformers. But his main point would stand; and as in the case of the charge about demeaning man, time has reversed the opinion of his antagonists, though it has not reversed men's opinions about Edwards.

You were concerned, Edwards might say, about the freedom of the will, to choose its goods, to choose good or evil, God or the devil. You were concerned to say that man was somehow the master of his fate, so that without his will God himself was unable to save him from disaster.

Look now, he might go on to point out, how you have conceded my point that man is determined by his strongest motive and that his strongest motive is so much the love of self, self-interest, that there is no way of moving him to anything at all save by touching this spring of his action. Regard your society, the free-enterprise system, the operation of the hidden persuaders and of the open ones. Who is free? Man is free to follow his self-interest. But is he ever free from his self-interest? Is he free to follow any road but that of self-interest?

Or consider your international politics. Do you not recognize that national self-interest is a law the nations obey with such invariableness that you must base all your calculations on how to maintain your own nation on the assumption of that law? Or consider your freedom of religion; is it not the freedom to be religious or irreligious, to worship or not to worship, in accordance with your self-interest, whether you think it is good for you or not? Your free religion of self-interested men has made God into an idol. How are you free to love God, since you are bound to love yourselves, even in religion?

The will is as its strongest motive is and its strongest motive is self-interest, and so man is determined and cannot by any new freedom at his disposal change his determination by self-interest.

After 200 years there are very, very many who agree with Edwards on the proposition about our freedom and our bondage. Many who accept this determinism still think, however, that self-interest will continue to ensure for us the enjoyment of our civil liberties. We have seen other nations, to be sure, in which self-interest has made itself felt as an invincible motive for the giving up of what we call such freedoms. And when we think of this we begin to wonder whether civil and religious liberty can indeed be based on the position of Edwards's opponents or only on the kind of foundations he provided not in but in connection with his determinism.

Edwards on human unfreedom is not so anachronistic as he was. Yet for some reason we do not dare to follow his logic even when we accept some of his premises, such as this one of our determination by our strongest motive.

A third count of the constant indictment against Edwards has also lost something of the persuasiveness it once had. The threat of destruction, of hell, which Edwards used to stir his people toward, that revolution of thought and conscience which could be the occasion for the entrance of new freedom has always called forth strong reaction. Preaching about hell is always resented by men of so-called liberal mind. How could the infliction of torment be rhymed with the rule of a merciful God? What human wickedness deserved such a consequence?

Yet on this point also in some ways Edwards seems less anachronistic than he did. If you will read again "Sinners in the hands of an angry God" you will note that the emphasis lies not on hell but on the terrible uncertainty of life. "Thou hast set their foot in slippery places" --that was the text. There is no guarantee anywhere, he points out, that this comfortable life of ours will go on and on and on. What awaits us is death, and it may come at any moment -- and death is not nothing. It is the beginning of another state of being.

Now we find it difficult to accept the mythology of Edwards, though we may need to accept again something like it, when we come to the full acceptance of the realization that as we did not and cannot elect ourselves into existence, so neither can we elect ourselves out of it, if the inscrutable power that cast us into being wills to keep us in being after our biological death. But aside from that, we have a mythology of our own. We see before us in social if not in personal terms the real possibility of a future hell. Of a state of existence in which surviving souls, condemned to live, crawl about scrofulously among the radiations of insidious poison, among emanations of noxious gases, on a planet unfit for habitation which they must nevertheless inhabit. Or we envisage the possibility of that anarchy in which every man's hand is raised against his neighbor -- where there is no truth but only deception and lies. Or the hell we envision is that of Huxley's Brave New World or Orwell's 1984, or the culmination of the life of Organization Man.

The mythology has changed. The possibility that Edwards saw before man is now our possibility, though in a different setting. Those critics of his who saw no other alternative before man than progress toward perfection and heaven on earth have become rather quiet. They are not even greatly stirred by the prospect that we shall export our wars with our machines to other planets and re-enact on a larger scale the kind of history with which we have become too familiar.

We tend to agree more with him also on the tenuousness of the hold we have on ordered life. Our feet, we know, are set in slippery places. A single trigger-happy or nervous bomber, flying now with a load of destruction in the vitals of his plane, can inaugurate at any moment the beginning of our end. A missile gone astray by the failure of a tiny and fragile device may shoot us into the inferno. Or a statesman's unthinking remark may begin the debate that will end not in death for us but in an unforeseeably long process of destruction.

Edwards is not so anachronistic on this point as he was, not so anachronistic as his 19th-century critics now seem.

But at the central point he remains alien to us as to them, more alien than he was in the 18th century with its Benjamin Franklins. And because he is alien at that point the sorts of agreement we may be able to achieve with him on other ideas seem superficial and unreal.

We will concede perhaps that man is as wicked as Edwards said. What we do not know -- or do not yet know -- is that God is as holy as Edwards knew him to be. We have in our wisdom substituted for the holy God a kind Heavenly Father. A holy God will not suffer his plans for a vast, stupendously intricate, marvelous creation and the men designed to be his sons to be flouted and destroyed by self-willed and proud little delinquents, aged 60 as often as 16, called nations or civilizations as often as persons. Or we have substituted for the holy God, the sovereign source and determiner of being, Being simply considered, the Constitution of the universe, a wildly running chance. Our feet are standing in slippery places, to be sure, but we are not being held this side of destruction by holy power and determined will; it is chance that keeps us from slipping. There is no wrath in heaven directed against us, because there is no holiness, no will for wholeness, for integrity and for glory. And since there is no holiness there is no hope for us except the hope that we'll get by a little longer with our compromises and our superior animal cunning.

Edwards used to say that the trouble with men was not that they had no ideas of God, but that they had little ideas of God. We might add that they are ideas about little Gods. The anachronism of our Edwards celebration is not so much that we try to honor him in a time of atheism, when men do not believe in God, but that we seek to know and respect a servant of the Almighty, of the Lord, the Source of Being itself, of Power beyond all powers, in a time when our God is someone we try to keep alive by religious devotions, to use for solving our personal problems, for assuring us that we are beloved. He is without wrath, because we have made this image wrathless; his love is not holy love because we have painted the icon without holiness.

If Edwards's God is not with us, what meaning is there in our agreement with his propositions about human wickedness, human determinism, about the threat of destruction? Our sense of wickedness is without repentance, our sorrow over it is not a godly sorrow leading to life, but cynical and accepting, leading to death. Our knowledge of our determinism is without struggle, because we know of no power that can set us free to be free indeed; our visions of possible life amidst destruction are unaccompanied by visions of possible life in the presence of glory and everlasting joy.

But now a possibility presents itself to us as we remember Edwards and remember man's remembrance of him. We have changed our minds about the truth of many things he said. Or rather, our minds have been changed by what has happened to us in our history. We have seen evil somewhat as he saw it, not because we desired to see it, but because it thrust itself upon us. If that has happened, why shall we not hope -- and fear -- that what has not yet happened will also occur. That once more, by no sudden event it may be but by the same kind of accumulative experience that has made us aware of the evil emptiness that surrounds us, we shall be lifted to see and know -- in our time -- the Holy One that inhabits eternity and yet is near to the humble and contrite in heart. Then we shall be able to meet in the presence of Edwards, saying

"Now unto the King eternal, immortal, invisible,

to the only wise God --

be honor and glory, forever and ever. Amen."

The Responsibility of the Church for Society

1. The urgency of the question.

2. The meaning of Christian responsibility: responsibility to and for, the kinds of irresponsibility, the scope of responsibility, responsibility to God, universal responsibility.

3. Irresponsible religion: the worldly church, false prophecy and false priesthood, isolationism in the Church.

4. The Church as apostle, pastor and pioneer.

 

1. THE URGENCY OF THE QUESTION

The question of the Church’s responsibility for the society in or with which it lives has been important and difficult since the beginning of Christian history. Neither Jesus nor his disciples found an easy answer to it. The Master was greatly concerned for the lost sheep of the house of Israel and loved Jerusalem with moving devotion. Yet his striking lack of interest in conserving the institutions and the culture of his society enables modern Jewish scholars such as Rabbi Klausner to maintain with some persuasiveness that the guardians of Jewish society were justified in rejecting his leadership. This apparently paradoxical attitude of the gospels is restated invariant forms in the other New Testament documents and in the writings of the Christian fathers. It is mirrored in the dual and antithetical types of Christian organization—the so-called "churches" which undertake to organize and defend the nations and cultures in which they function, and the so-called "sects" which withdraw from the world of non-Christian society.

Though the problem is so rooted in the nature of both Church and secular society that it is always present, yet it has a peculiar urgency for the modern church which is confronted with unusual evidences of misery in the life of human communities and of weakness within itself. Christians live today in and with nations that are either dying or over which the threat of doom hangs like a heavy cloud. Some of them are miserable in abject physical poverty; some seem hopelessly divided within themselves; some are powerful and affluent beyond the imagination of past years but full of internal anxieties and badgered by fears. In a general atmosphere of spiritual confusion political decisions are made uncertainly and hesitatingly. Apprehension of disaster has taken the phace of the hope of progress as the dominant mood and motive of action.

Looking upon these societies, Christians, individually and in the community of the Church, are moved to weep over them as Jeremiah and Jesus wept over Jerusalem. They feel impelled to seek the peace of the cities in which they dwell as Paul and Augustine sought the peace of Rome. Their sense of responsi. bility has many roots—the love of neighbor inculcated by centuries of teaching and example, the faith in a God whose nature it is to order and redeem no less than to create. But one highly important root of the sense of obligation is the Christians’ recognition that they have done not a little to make the secular societies what they are. in this respect the modern church is in a wholly different position from that which the New Testament church or even the church of Augustine’s time occupied. The Christian community of our time, whether or not formally united, is one of the great organizations and movements in civilization; it is one of the oldest human societies; it has been the teacher of most of the nations now in existence. It cannot compare itself with the small, weak company of the early centuries living in the midst of secular societies that had grown up independently of it. The American, Russian and British empires as well as the German and Italian, challenge the Church to a sense of responsibility, therefore, which the Roman Empire could never call forth. They were not suckled in their infancy by wolves but nursed and baptized by the Church; it instructed them in their youth and has been the companion of their maturity.

The poignancy and urgency of the present question about the Church’s responsibility for society are due then as much to the Church’s consideration of its own plight as to its sympathy with the tragic empires and threatened cities of our age. It is doubtful whether Christian communities have suffered more from bad conscience at any time since the 5ixteenth century than they do now. There have been times when the Church felt itself more seriously threatened from without than it does today, but it has not often questioned its own adequacy so much as it does now and a major cause of this self-questioning is its sense of responsibility for the ruined and threatened societies with which it is associated.

When these things are spoken of many voices offer many counsels. No single, clear, prophetic cry challenges the attention and consent of Christians in mass. Perhaps no such voice will be heard; not every time of crisis is blessed with the gift of an apostle or reformer. Christian people may need to find their way today, as in some past periods of confusion, by means of simple, democratic, equalitarian discussion and decision, relying on no dominant human leader but on the Spirit in the churches. However that may be, in anticipation or without hope of prophetic revival, the time requires of all Christian folk in all these associations profound and continuous thought on the great issues of human life. in particular they need to reflect upon their responsibility for the states, nations and cultures of mankind so that their social decisions may be made in the full light of understanding rather than under the guidance of ancient habit or of emotionally charged catchwords. The following reflections are offered as a contribution to that end. Beginning with a definition of the Christian idea of responsibility they proceed to examine the erroneous or heretical forms of church responsibility and conclude with an effort to understand the positive content of the Church’s social obligation by considering its functions as apostle, pastor and pioneer of humanity.

 

2. THE MEANING OF CHRISTIAN RESPONSIBILITY

Responsibility to and for

To be responsible is to be able and required to give account to someone for something. The idea of responsibility, with the freedom and obligation it implies, has its place in the context of social relations. To be responsible is to be a self in the presence of other selves, to whom one is bound and to whom one is able to answer freely; responsibility includes stewardship or trusteeship over things that belong to the common life of the selves. The question about the one to whom account must be rendered is of equal importance with the question about the what for which one must answer. The responsibility of rulers in political society varies not only with the number of functions they exercise but also with the sovereign to whom they must account for their rulership. The doctrine of divine right makes kings responsible to God alone and exempts them from all obligation to answer to the people. An extreme type of democratic doctrine teaches that governors are responsible only to the people they govern or to the majority of such people. Most modern democracies rest on a profounder and less popular conception of responsibility, both rulers and people being regarded as accountable to some universal principle—God, Nature or Reason—as well as to one another. The difference between these two conceptions of democracy is very great. For the first kind, the wiii of the people is sovereign and makes anything right or wrong; the representatives of the people are bound to obey the popular desire. According to the second conception, there is a moral law to which the people themselves owe allegiance and which governors, legislatures and courts are bound to obey even in opposition to the popular will. Such a conception of responsibility is implicit in the Bill of Rights.

The kinds of irresponsibility

The double reference implied in the concept of responsibility is clarified by an examination of the nature of irresponsibility. A person may be irresponsible, of course, in the sense that he lacks the true qualifications of a self, but if he has freedom or the ability to answer he may be morally irresponsible in the sense that he refuses to give account to those to whom he owes an answer for common goods, or in the sense that he offers a false account for the things entrusted to him. The first sort of irresponsibility is the kind which appears in the "public-bedamned" attitude once explicitly adopted by some great corporations and still somewhat in vogue, as when great manufacturing or financial concerns resist the right of the public to be given an accounting for human and monetary values. The second sort of irresponsibility appears in the economic life in the criminal acts of defaulters who falsify accounts. Politically the first sort of irresponsibility is manifest in the claim of nations to sovereignty, that is, to their claim to be under obligation to no power beyond themselves or to be justified in doing anything that seems necessary to preserve national existence. The second type of irresponsibility in the political life may be found in wastage of natural resources and particularly in the political exploitation of human lives, in the name of some high ideal.

The scope of responsibility

It is clear from these examples and from reflection on ordinary experience that the "to-whom" and the "for-what" elements in responsibility are closely connected. What a man is responsible for depends in part at least on the being to whom he is accountable. If he must make answer to a nation he is required to consider more values than if he must answer only to the stockholders of a mercantile company. Some of the perennial conflicts between representatives of political and of economic institutions seem to be due to the fact that the former generally have future generations in mind, while the latter rarely have, whether they are labor leaders or businessmen. If a man responds to the demands of a universal God then the neighbors for whom he is responsible are not only the members of the nation to which he belongs but the members of the total society over which God presides. If one must give account to a God who tries the "heart and reins," then one must answer for invisible as well as for overt acts. Responsibility is a universal feature of the social life of men, but the content of responsibility varies with the nature of the society to which men understand themselves to belong. In the company of God and of immortal souls even family responsibility is greater and more inclusive than in the company of nations and of men who are regarded as purely temporal beings. When men know that they stand before an infinite judge and creator the content of their obligation becomes infinite; they are required to exercise moral freedom in all areas of existence; no part of conduct remains a matter of indifference or subject to pure necessity; nowhere can man act without the liberty and obligation of moral agency.

Responsibility to God

These reflections on the general nature of responsibility have partly defined the form of the Church’s accountability. The Christian community must conceive its responsibility in terms of membership in the divine and universal society; it knows that it must give answer to the God who is Lord of heaven and earth for everything with which it deals. It is necessary, however, if the Church’s peculiar sense of obligation is to be illuminated, to define the Being to whom it is answerable as God-in-Christ and Chtht-in-God. Indeed the Church itself must be described in these terms as the community which responds to God-in-Christ and Christ-in-God. A society which does not acknowledge its obligation to render account to this God and this Christ may call itself church but it is difficult to attach specific meaning to the term. Without the sense of moral dependence upon or of obligation to Christ a society lacks the moral reality of the Church. It may be a religious association of some sort but it is no church in the historic sense of the word. In the New Testament the Church appears, first of all, as the company of those who answer the call of Jesus and then as the fellowship of those who await his return. In both instances the Church responds to more than a historical Jesus. The disciples answer him as one who has authority. He is a prophet and more than a prophet. He has words of eternal life. There is a universal and an everlasting, a powerful, inescapable content in what he says and does. When they respond to him and follow him they respond and follow an eternal reality in the temporal. In awaiting his return they anticipate the coming of no finite and passing being, but of one who represents the victory of life over death, of love over evil. Before his judgment seat they expect to be required to give account not for their treatment of the limited number of friends and neighbors of the finite Jesus, but of all the sick, imprisoned, hungry, thirsty men of the world—the neighbors, brothers and companions of an omnipresent being. It is to God-in-Christ, to the universal, absolute and unconditioned in the particular that the early church renders account. Moreover it feels i~s responsibility to God-in-Christ not only as an eschatological community hastening toward a final and inclusive judgment, but also as a spiritual society, aware of the presence of the living Spirit of Jesus Christ, which is the Spirit of God. At every moment the company of Christians as well as each Christian renders account to the present Lord who is in the midst of every two or three persons meeting in his name. Its responsibility is not merely a preparation to answer in the future for all its words and deeds, but a continuous opening of the whole book of life to the inspecting and correcting activity of the ever-present Spirit of God.

We must invert the formula now and note that the being to whom the Church responds is Christ-in-God as well as God-in-Christ. The Church looks not only to the absolute in the finite but to the redemptive principle in the absolute. God, it believes and confesses, is love; He is mercy; He so loved the world that He gave His best-loved for its redemption; it is His will that the wicked should not perish but turn from their ways and live. To be a Christian church is to be a community which is always aware of and always responding to the redemptive principle in the world, to Christ-in-God, to the Redeemer.

Universal responsibility

It becomes clear that the content of the Church’s responsibility is largely determined by the nature of the one to whom it renders account. Since it is God-in-Christ whom it answers the content of its responsibility is universal. It is not a corporation with limited liability. All beings existent in the world are the creatures of this creator and the concern of this redeemer. The questions, "Who is my neighbor?" and "What is good?" need to be answered in a wholly inclusive way by a Church which lives in the presence of and in expectation of the coming in power of this Lord. All men and all societies, all the realms of being, belong to the neighborhood in which this community of Christians is required to perform its functions for the common welfare. Whatever is, is good in the world of this God-in-Christ. It may be perverted, sinful, broken; but it is not bad, for God-in-Christ has made it and maintains it. Such universal responsibility is incompatible with a spiritualism that limits the Church’s concern to immaterial values, with a moralism that does not understand the value of the sin ner and the sinful nation, with an individualism that makes mankind as a whole and its societies of less concern to God than single persons, and with any of those particularistic and polytheistic theories of value and responsibility which substitute for God-in-Christ some other deity as the source of valuable being. Moreover, since it is Christ-in-God to whom account must be rendered the content of responsibility is always mercy. The Church is not responsible for the judgment or destruction of any beings in the world of God, but for the conservation, reformation, redemption and transfiguration of whatever creatures its action touches. Whatever may be said in terms of the eschatological parable about the future role of the Church as judge of the nations, nothing belongs to its present responsibility for which it cannot answer to the one who gave his life as ransom and whose whole activity was a seeking and saving of the lost.

3. IRRESPONSIBLE RELIGION

From this general description of the Church’s responsibility we must now move to the consideration of its accountability for society. The nature of the latter may be illuminated for us to some extent if we consider, first of all, the ways in which the Church has been and can be socially irresponsible. Two sorts of temptations seem especially prevalent in history, the temptation to worldliness and the one to isolationism. In the case of the former the "to whom," in the case of the latter the "for what," of responsibility is mistakenly defined.

The worldly church

The first sort of irresponsibility or perversion of Christian social responsibility results from the substitution of human society itself for God-in-Christ. Instead of, "What doth the Lord require?" the question in the mind of the church which has fallen into this temptation is, "What does the nation or the civilization require?" It thinks of itself as responsible to society for God rather than to God for society. In this situation the church is more concerned about social approval and disapproval than about the divine judgment, and its end is more the promotion of the glory of society than of God. The societies to which Christians may feel responsible are various. Now it is a nation, now the society of mankind as a whole; now it is the conservative, now the radical or revolutionary part of the cultural group in which the church lives. Social religion in distinction from religion that is loyal to God-in-Christ is readily identifiable when the human unit whose glory it seeks is a nation, as in the case of that section of the church in Germany which equated the Christian cause with that of National Socialism. It is not as readily identifiable when the unit whose glory is to be promoted is mankind as a whole. Bergson, for instance, in his excellent discussion of The Two Sources of Morality and Religion notes that defensive religion is connected with closed societies, such as nations, but in relating the religion of aspiration to the open society of mankind as a whole he does not apparently note sufficiently that mankind as a whole is also finite. From the point of view of Christian faith a humanistic church is closely akin to a nationalistic church. The substitution of any society for the infinite and absolute God involves the Church in a kind of irresponsibility in the course of which it actually betrays the society it seeks to serve.

What is true of the difference between responsibility to the smaller or larger human society is true also of the difference between the sense of accountability to the more conservative and to the more revolutionary elements in society. Generally social religion of the sort described which depends on public approval seeks the esteem of those parts of society which have been established in power and enjoy the prestige attached to customary authority. The worldly church is usually a church which seeks to maintain the old order in society and with it the power of the monarchs and aristocrats, of the owners of property and of other vested rights. However, the temptation to worldliness arises also when a radical or revolutionary group seeks to seize power and when a church undertakes to gain the approval of such a group. The former temptation is great because of the Church’s interest in order, the latter because of its interest in the reformation of unjust order, but in either case if it seeks to gain the good will simply of society or parts of society and makes itself responsible to them for supplying certain religious values it has become irresponsible in a Christian sense since it has substituted men for God. This sort of worldliness is a protean thing. It appears as feudalist, capitalist and proletarian Christianity, as nationalism and internationalism, as the defensive faith of the educated classes or as that of the untutored.

False prophecy and false priesthood

The church which has fallen into this temptation seeks to supply the societies upon whose approval it depends with supernatural grace or with religious aid of one sort or another. It tries to render account to men for its stewardship of religious values. It is a mediator of God not in the true prophetic sense but in the fashion of the false prophets. It tends to give society the assurance that its form of organization and its customs are divinely ordained, that it enjoys the special protection and favor of God, that it is a chosen people. Many Thanksgiving Day proclamations and sermons offer clear-cut examples of such pious worldliness. Again the secularized social church may undertake to aid a human society in its pursuit of the great values of peace and prosperity. It may do this by endeavormg to persuade men that the order which is in effect has divine sanction, by threatening all protests against it with supernatural punishment, and by scores of other more or less creditable devices. In ancient times and by non-Christian folk the usual method for gaining divine approval was by way of sacrifice. In more sophisticated times social religion may try to serve society by subjective and psychologically effective means, seeking to supply not so much a supernatural as a natural, psychological aid. It may try to generate "moral dynamic" by means of worship, assuage the passions with the aid of prayer and stimulate "good will" by means of meditation. It may turn its educational work into an effort to create "good citizens" or effective revolutionaries. The line between a Christian conduct that is responsible to God and one which is responsible to society is often hard to discover in such situations, but whenever worship has become subjective, that is, directed toward effecting socially desired changes in the worshiper, and education has become moralistic, it seems safe to assume that one is dealing with worldly religion.

The temptation to this sort of irresponsibility is particularly great in the modern world. It is great because human societies, in the form of nations and of civilizations, have become very powerful and seem to hold in their hands both the blessings and the curses that are to be visited on men. The belief that the fate of mankind depends on the decisions of the leaders of empire is widespread and pervasive. The temptation is enhanced by the long nurtured illusion of social progress, which leads men to believe that the meaning of human existence must be realized in some organization of human societies dwelling on the planet. Again the tendency to look upon all matters from a social point of view has increased the temptation of the Church to consider itself as responsible to society. Much social science, including the sociology of religion, has tended to erect society itself into a kind of first principle, the source of all human movements and institutions. It has not only described the relations of religion to other functions in social life but seemed to explain it as nothing but a social function. When the Church has accepted this view of itself it has given evidence of its complete fall into worldliness, for now it has substituted civilization or society for God as author and end of its being.

Isolationism in the Church

The most important reason, doubtless, for the prevalence of such "social religion" in modern Christian churches is their reaction against the isolationism which long characterized many of them. Isolationism is the heresy opposite to worldliness. It appears when the Church seeks to respond to God but does so only for itself. The isolated church is keenly aware of the fact that it must answer to God-in-Christ for all its deeds and for all the values it administers. But it thinks of itself as the being for which it must answer and it regards the secular societies with which it lives as outside the divine concern. Its attitude toward them is like that of certain Israelites toward the Gentiles or of Greeks toward barbarians—they are beyond the pale. What is required of the Church, according to this conception, is the intense development of its own life and the careful guarding of its holiness. This holiness religion is intensely self-regarding both with respect to the individual Christian and with respect to the Christian community. It thinks of the secular societies as antagonists of the Christian Church and as beyond the possibility of redemption. They are not only mortal but sinful and must be shunned so far as possible because contact with them is defiling. Thø Church, on the other hand, is the community of those who are to be saved from sin as well as death. It is the ark of salvation and the concern of its officers and crew is to see that it rides safely through the storms which bring destruction to other groups and other men.

It is not unfair to call this holiness religion irresponsible, for it is so in the definite sense that it disclaims accountability for secular societies. It rejects not only nationalism but nationality, not only worldliness but the world. The politics and economics and sometimes the family life of human groups are regarded by the extremer advocates of holiness faith as too defiling for contact. Hence the isolated church disclaims all interest in these social functions and with the disclaimer tends to abandon the secular societies to their own devices.

The history of the Church contains many examples of more or less extreme isolationism. Second-century Christianity, as represented in the epistles of John, in the Didaché and other contemporary writings, tended to make the commandment not to love the world nor the things that are in the world into an injunction to separate the Christian community from the political and cultural societies of the time. It thought of the Church as a new society for the sake of which the world had been created and which was destined to govern the world. Again in the monastic movement the temptation to isolation. ism had to be combated ever and again by the great reformers who sought to make the monk a servant of mankind rather than a seeker after his own holiness. Protestant sects also have been tempted to pursue a sort of perfectionism that was highly self-regarding while another stream in Protestant religion has been so spiritualistic and individualistic that the concrete life of the secular societies has been actually ignored as beyond the scope of a spiritual church’s responsibility.

These two sorts of irresponsibility, worldliness and isolationism, are evidently interdependent in so far as either extreme tends to call forth a reaction toward its antithesis. The general tendency of the Church in the twentieth century has been toward a conception of social responsibility which virtually made it an agent of secular society. Under the circumstances it is not impossible that a strong countermovement will arise and that Christians will seek forms of church life that are independent of secular society not only in source but also in purpose. The true measure of the Church’s responsibility is not to be found, however, by attending to either extreme or by seeking for a compromise position between them but rather by attending to the two aspects of Christian responsibility in the right way. The relation to God and the relation to society must neither be confused with each other as is the case in social religion, nor separated from each other as is the case in Christian isolationism; they must be maintained in the unity of responsibility to God for the neighbor.

 

4. THE CHURCH AS APOSTLE, PASTOR AND PIONEER

The Church’s responsibility to God for human societies doubtless varies with its own and the nations’ changing positions, but it may be described in a general fashion by reference to the apostolic, the pastoral and the pioneering functions of the Christian community.

Apostolic responsibility

The Church is by nature and commandment an apostolic community which exists for the sake of announcing the Gospel to all nations and of making them disciples of Christ. The function of the Church as apostolic messenger to individuals is clear-cut, but emphasis upon it ought not to lead to the obscuring of its mission to social groups. The Gospel must be announced in different fashion when it is addressed to America or to Russia from the way in which it is proclaimed to individual Americans or Russians. Here again no absolute distinction can be made but it does seem important and imperative that the Church should discharge its apostolic responsibility by envisaging the needs of men in their societies as well as in their isolation before God. This seems the more urgent in our time because the unbelief, the fear and sin of man come to exhibition more dramatically in the public life than else. where. The phenomenon of nationalism is religious in character; so also is the worship of civilization which seems to pervade the democratic societies. On the one hand, the social groups appear to be idolatrous in a sense that few of the individuals in them are; on the other hand, the idolatry of the great groups seems to arise out of that despair of God and the meaning of life for which the Gospel supplies the cure. As the apostolic Church it is the function of the Christian community to proclaim to the great human societies, with all the persuasiveness and imagination at its disposal, with all the skill it has in becoming all things to all men, that the center and heart of all things, the first and last Being, is utter good. ness, complete love. It is the function of the Church to convince not only men but mankind, that the goodness which appeared in history in the form of Jesus Christ was not defeated but rose triumphantly from death. Today these messages are preached to individuals but their relevance to nations and civilizations is not adequately illuminated. The Church has not yet in its apostolic character made the transition from an individualistic to a social period which historic movements require. When it does take its social responsibility seriously it all too often thinks of society as a physical and not a spiritual form of human existence and it tends, therefore, to confine its care of society to interest in the prosperity and peace of men in their communities.

It is a part of the apostle’s duty to continue the prophetic function of preaching repentance. The good news about the glory of divine goodness is neither rightly proclaimed nor rightly heard if it is not combined with the bad news about the great justice which prevails in God’s world. It is impossible for the Church in Germany to give assurance to the German nation that it is not the will of God that this sinful people should perish without at the same time assuring the nation that its transgressions must be recognized and condemned. So the apostolic Church in America cannot announce the mercy of God without pointing out how this nation transgresses the limits assigned to men when it defrauds the Negro and refuses to condemn itself for the indiscriminate manner in which it made war in its use of obliteration bombing, or deals with defeated nations in the spirit of retribution rather than of redemption.

It is not enough that the Church should discharge its apostolic function by speaking to governments. Its message is to the nations and societies, not to the officials. A truly apostolic Church may indeed address presidents, legislatures, kings and dictators as the prophets and Paul did of old; but like them it will be less inclined to deal with the mighty than with the great mass, with the community as it exists among the humble. How the Church is to carry out this apostolic task in our time is one of the most difficult problems it confronts. Its habits and customs, its forms of speech and its methods of proclamation come from a time when individuals rather than societies were in the center of attention. Responsibility to the living God requires in this case as in all others an awareness of the immediate moment and its needs, a willingness to reconstruct one’s own habits in order that the neighbor’s needs may be met, a readiness to depart from tradition in order that the great tradition of service may be followed.

The shepherd of the lost

The Church discharges its responsibility to God for society in carrying out its pastoral as well as its apostolic functions. It responds to Christ-in-God by being a shepherd of the sheep, a seeker of the lost, the friend of publicans and sinners, of the poor and brokenhearted. Because of its pastoral interest in individuals the Church has found itself forced to take an interest in political and economic measures or institutions. Many of the early leaders of the social gospel movement were pastors whose concern for individual slum dwellers, the poor, the prisoners and the sick led them to attack the social sources of human misery and to understand the corporate character of human sin. Genuine pastoral interest in individuals will always lead to such results. The Church cannot be responsible to God for men without becoming responsible for their societies. As the interdependence of men increases in industrial and technological civilization the responsibility for dealing with the great networks of interrelationship increases. If the individual sheep is to be protected the flock must be guarded.

The pastoral responsibility of the Church for society is, however, direct as well as indirect. Compassion and concern for the Jewish peopie as a whole, pastoral interest in the defeated nations and in the victors who stand in great moral danger characterize the Church which responds to the God who not only creates men but also their societies. This pastoral mission of the Church to the nations includes all those measures of large-scale relief and liberation which the times call for. It cannot be sufficient for the Church to call upon the governments of nations to feed the hungry and clothe the naked. Direct action is required here as elsewhere.

The Church as social pioneer

Finally, the social responsibility of the Church needs to be described as that of the pioneer. The Church is that part of the human community which responds first to God-in-Christ and Christ-in-God. It is the sensitive and responsive part in every society and mankind as a whole. It is that group which hears the Word of God, which sees His judgments, which has the vision of the resurrection. In its relations with God it is the pioneer part of society that responds to God on behalf of the whole society, somewhat, we may say, as science is the pioneer in responding to pattern or rationality in experience and as artists are the pioneers in responding to beauty. This sort of social responsibility may be illustrated by reference to the Hebrew people and the prophetic remnant. The Israelites, as the major prophets ultimately came to see, had been chosen by Cod to lead all nations to Him. It was that part of the human race which pioneered in understanding the vanity of idol worship and in obeying the law of brother-love. Hence in it all nations were eventually to be blessed. The idea of representational responsibility is illustrated particularly by Jesus Christ. As has often been pointed out by theology, from New Testament times onward, he is the first-born of many brothers not only in resurrection but in rendering obedience to God. His obedience was a sort of pioneering and representative obedience; he obeyed on behalf of men, and so showed what men could do and drew forth a divine response in turn toward all the men he represented. He discerned the divine mercy and relied upon it as representing men and pioneering for them.

This thought of pioneering or representational responsibility has been somewhat obscured during the long centuries of individualist overemphasis. Its expression in the legal terms of traditional theology is strange and often meaningless to modern ears. Yet with our understanding of the way that life is involved with life, of the manner in which self and society are bound together, of the way in which small groups within a nation act for the whole, it seems that we must move toward a conception similar to the Hebraic and medieval one.

In this representational sense the Church is that part of human society, and that element in each particular society, which moves toward God, which as the priest acting for all men worships Him, which believes and trusts in Him on behalf of all, which is first to obey Him when it becomes aware of a new aspect of His will. Human society in all of its divisions and aspects does not believe. Its institutions are based on un belief, on lack of confidence in the Lord of heaven and earth. But the Church has conceived faith in God and moves in the spirit of that trust as the hopeful and obedient part of society.

In ethics it is the first to repent for the sins of a society and it repents on behalf of all. When it becomes apparent that slavery is transgression of the divine commandment, then the Church repents of it, turns its back upon it, abolishes it within itself. It does this not as the holy community separate from the world but as the pioneer and representative. It repents for the sin of the whole society and leads in the social act of repentance. When the property institutions of society are subject to question because innocent suffering illuminates their antagonism to the will of God, then the Church undertakes to change its own use of these institutions and to lead society in their reformation. So also the Church becomes a pioneer and representative of society in the practice of equality before God, in the reformation of institutions of rulership, in the acceptance of mutual responsibility of individuals for one another.

In our time, with its dramatic revelations of the evils of nationalism, of racialism and of economic imperialism it is the evident responsibility of the Church to repudiate these attitudes within itself and to act as the pioneer of society in doing so. The apostolic proclamation of good and bad news to the colored races without a pioneering repudiation of racial discrimination in the Church contains a note of insincerity and unbelief. The prophetic denunciation of nationalism without a resolute rejection of nationalism in the Church is mostly rhetorical. As the representative and pioneer of mankind the Church meets its social responsibility when in its own thinking organization and action it functions as a world society, undivided by race, class and national interests.

This seems to be the highest form of social responsibility in the Church. It is the direct demonstration of love of God and neighbor rather than a repetition of the commandment to self and others. It is the radical demonstration of faith. Where this responsibility is being exercised there is no longer any question about the reality of the Church. In pioneering and representative action of response to God in Christ the invisible Church becomes visible and the deed of Christ is reduplicated.

 

FURTHER READING

BRUNNER, EMIL. The Divine Imperative. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1937.

EHRENSTROM, Niis, and Others. Christian Faith and Common Life. London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd. 1938.

NIEBUHR, REINHOLD. The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1944.

TEMPLE, WILLIAM. Christianity and the Social Order. New York:Penguin Books, inc., 1942.

VISSER ‘T HOOFT, W. A., and OLDHAM, J. H. The Church and Its Function in Society. Chicago: Willett, Clark & Company, 1937.

 

Utilitarian Christianity

In religion and science there is a constant conflict between the devotees of pure endeavor after truth and the seekers after immediate, tangible results. For the latter, truth is a pragmatic device by means of which men are enabled to gain satisfactions as biological and temporal rather than as rational and eternal beings. For the former, truth— abstractly in the case of science, concretely in the case of religion as "The Truth"—is an intrinsic good. Devotion to it does have consequences for the biological and temporal being, but to seek it for the sake of these consequences is self-defeating. Pure science and pure faith believe that the secondary satisfactions come only by way of indirection. The secret of atomic structure is not found by those who want to win victory in war or cure diseases; the secret of the kingdom of God is not revealed to those who are anxious for their lives, for food and drink, for freedom from want and fear.

In the present crisis of mankind, however, all emphasis seems to be placed on utilitarianism in both science and religion. How science is responding to the complex situation in which it finds itself is not our immediate concern here. In religion, to which we want to direct our attention, the growth of the utilitarian spirit is an alarming phenomenon. Utilitarianism seems to mark not only the attitude of the political powers that use religion for the sake of social control and transform it to suit their purposes, but also the attitude of many who oppose them. The utilitarianism of the Japanese war party in its employment of Shintoism is one thing; the pragmatism of the American military government in dealing with that Shintoism is another thing; but they are both utilitarian and pragmatic. The instrumentalism in matters of religion which characterizes communism and national socialism differs from the instrumentalism of the resistance movements and democracy; but in both instances we are dealing with a utilitarian use of religion in the service of non-religious ends. The utilitarianism of an individualistic period, which promised men that through faith they might gain the economic virtues and wealth, differs from the pragmatism of our social climate of opinion, in which religion is used as a means for gaining social order and prosperity; but they are both utilitarian and equally remote from the love of God for his own sake and of the individual or social neighbor in his relation to God. The use of religion for the sake of healing mental illness differs from its use in the effort to heal physical diseases; but in either case religion, the worship of God, is a means to an end.

Recently the social form of this utilitarianism has been given high sanction in an official statement made by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America. Addressing the Christians in America on the subject of The Churches and World Order, the Council not only recommended many helpful steps which might be taken in the direction of the much desired goal of peace and order, but put its recommendations within a theological setting that is almost completely utilitarian. Doubtless there are overtones and undertones of another spirit but the major idea is a thorough social pragmatism. "Our first task," the report declares, "is to demonstrate that our Christian faith can enable all men to enjoy a fullness of life which not only equals but surpasses that which any other faith can accomplish." "Fullness of life" may mean many things; but what is meant here appears from the fact that it is something which other faiths also offer in an inferior or equal manner and that it is elsewhere declared that "our dedication . . . is to the progressive realization of the dignity and worth of man in every area of life—political, economic, social and religious." It is the sort of fullness of life that will amount to "a demonstration of the practical application of our faith" and which will therefore bring into being a world "responsive to that faith." The general idea is very clear: Men in our time desire some things very much—escape from suffering war and other disaster, freedom and a sense of their dignity, abundance and peace. These values they may have if they will turn to the Christian faith, if they will repent and lay hold of the sources of spiritual power that Christianity offers. The church will also benefit, for the demonstration that Christianity can provide these goods will cause men to turn to it.

Similar ideas are being voiced in numerous church statements and in the writings of Christian theologians. Christianity offers an alternative to communism, it is said, as a way of organizing the economic life. Christianity, another maintains, gives us the key to the problem of justice in our time, enabling us to know what is due to every man and how to give it to him. Christianity, it is argued, shows us how we may have not only a durable but also a just peace. Christianity has the answer to all the human problems that arise in man’s quest after health, peace, prosperity, justice, joy.

Why there should be such a development of theological utilitarianism at any time and especially in our time we can readily understand. There is a reason in the faith itself. Its paradox of the losing and finding of life, of the addition of all other things if the kingdom of God is sought, has always tempted men to lose life for the sake of finding and to seek the divine rule for the sake of food and clothing. This temptation becomes especially acute when long cherished values are imperiled. Men beset by anxieties are likely to seek mental peace through worship since they discovered in earlier experience that it was a by-product of a devotion that had no ulterior purpose but was directed to the eternal glory. In the decline of a culture, the revival of the religion which gave life to that culture is sought for the sake of staving off death, though the civilization had been a by-product of religious concern. When individual liberties are threatened men tend to cultivate the sense of duty to the transcendent for the sake of which they originally fought for those liberties. One can also easily understand why religious utilitarianism in our time should be dominantly social, since our greatest concern is for the preservation and ordering of a social life that is threatened with anarchy and since our greatest sufferings arise out of our social disorder. There is another reason for the rise of this social, religious utilitarianism—the apologetic one. Christian faith is so much faith and so little sight that its adherents are always seeking for some demonstration which will prove to themselves and others that it is true, though the demonstration is bound to be somewhat beside the point—like most miracles—proving not truth but utility, and exhibiting a power which may be that of God, but may also be that of faith itself, or of spiritual forces somewhat less than divine.

Though one can understand the reasons for the rise of this Christian pragmatism, it remains a dubious thing, giving birth to all sorts of skeptical questions. Will the church be able to live up to such promises? Is there any warrant in its history or in the nature of its faith for the assurance that it can, if men will follow its teaching, guarantee them peace, the end of suffering, escape from disaster, the realization of human dignity and worth in politics and economics as well as in religion?

There is little basis in history for the promise that this religion sincerely followed will bring fullness of life to its adherents in the sense that theological utilitarianism intends. The Jewish people, more faithful than any similar group in the keeping of the moral laws they share with the Christians, more assiduous in the practice of repentance, more diligent in forgiveness, have indeed survived to this day and so demonstrated in a fashion the social relevance of their faith; but it would be difficult to describe the sort of existence the Jewish race has enjoyed as "fullness of life." The Christian church cannot maintain on the basis of its own record that it has made a notable contribution to the peace of the world. It has rarely if ever been at peace within itself, and the wars of the nations it has most deeply influenced have equaled and surpassed in frequency and in destruction those waged by societies dominated by other faiths. It is easy to say that Christians have fought so much not because they were Christians but because they were not good Christians, but this is a dubious argument since there is no indication that men can now be more sincere in their practice of Christianity than in the past, and since Christianity makes men deeply concerned about values for the sake of which they sacrifice peace. Historically there is no ground for the assertion that faithful adherence to Christian faith reduces suffering. It leads to the alleviation of the sufferings of others, but through the operation of sympathy and compassion, of asceticism and the sense of sin to the increase of suffering among Christians.

If there is not much ground in history for the assurances of theological utilitarianism, there seems to be less ground in the structure of the faith itself. If Second Isaiah, the book of Job, and the New Testament were dropped from the constitution of the church it might be possible to maintain that the biblical doctrine is one of prosperity as the consequence of virtue, but how shall one rhyme the ideas about the suffering service of Israel and the story of the cross with the assurance that faith leads to fullness of life? It can’t be done except by means of reference to another sort of experience than is contemplated in statements about "fullness of life"; it can’t be done without reference to a resurrection. On the other hand the effort to translate Christian faith into a socially useful force entails the suppression and transformation of some vital elements in it, just as the effort to make it serviceable to individualistic success in the era of early capitalism entailed the deformation of the Reformation into the sort of thing that Tawney has described for us.

All this does not mean that Christian faith has no social applications or a relevance to the crisis of our days. It does mean that these applications and this relevance must stem from its own imperatives and not from the wishes and desires we entertain apart from the faith. It does mean that the effort to recommend Christianity as a panacea for all the ills from which man suffers and thinks himself to suffer is erroneous and disastrous; it does not mean that Christians are not bound to seek for ways and means of alleviating these ills. It does not mean that repentance does not bear social fruits; it does mean that repentance practiced for the sake of such fruits is a bad kind of magic.

To take the last point first: Christian faith calls for a complete change of mind, not because repentance is socially effective, or individually effective for that matter, but because the mind is out of harmony with reality. Repentance is called for not because we shall suffer or because civilization will perish if we do not repent, but because others are now perishing for us and because we are attacking the very son of God, or God himself, in our endeavor to escape suffering and to maintain our civilization at any cost. Repentance is called for not because we have chosen false means to the achievement of our ends but because our ends themselves are idolatrous. A repentance which leaves ends uncriticized and which is motivated by the desire to escape judgment in history or beyond history is a far cry away from that change of mind which the gospels present. But such radical repentance, though it is not designed to be socially relevant, may have social consequences. It may lead to that sort of disinterestedness which is able to deal with the questions of politics and economics objectively and helpfully just because it does not take them too seriously, just because it has gained a certain distance from them. It may lead to that situation in which men are able to think the new thoughts which the crisis of the times requires and which they cannot think so long as they remain bound by the passion of this—worldliness.

A Christianity that is not socially utilitarian still has social relevance because its imperatives direct it to work in society. It is imperative for such a Christian faith to remember and to realize the dignity of every man as an eternal being, in his political and economic relations as well as everywhere else, though that realization may involve the sacrifice of dignity on the part of Christians and the Christian community. Imperative Christianity does not ask whether the love of neighbor will bring forth a society in which all men will love their neighbors; it acts in hope, to be sure, but love and justice are its immediate commands and not its far-off goals. It does not condemn the abuse of atomic power because we have thereby imperiled our future but because we violated our own principles. It does not believe that social virtue will be rewarded by length of life but that "no evil can befall a good man"—or a good nation— "in life or in death."

Such a non-utilitarian faith does not undertake to show that in the Christian gospel we can find the solution to all the problems of human existence any more than that we can find in the Scriptures answers to all the questions we raise about the world of nature. It does direct its followers to seek by means of all the intelligence they can muster to find out what to do to alleviate distress, to heal physical and mental disease, to order the vocations and to distribute justly the goods men produce. In consequence the social measures of such faith have nothing peculiarly Christian about them. The Christian setting in which they are conceived and practiced does not become tangibly or visually evident. There is nothing here to which one can point and say, "This is the demonstration of what Christianity can do for man." For every such measure will be only a demonstration of what disinterestedness can do, and Christians will participate with men of many other faiths in carrying them out.

In a world where the power struggle has taken precedence over every other concern, where every group is interested not only in doing good but in seeing to it that it gets credit for doing good, and where good is being done for the sake of power, the church, as church, must surely feel called upon to go about its work with quietness and confidence, abjuring utilitarianism and the defensiveness that goes with it.

Political Theology on the Right and Left

BOOK REVIEW: The Bully Pulpit: The Politics of Protestant Clergy, by James L. Guth, John C. Green, Corwin E. Smidt, Lyman A. Kellstedt and Margaret M. Poloma. University Press of Kansas, 221 pp., $35.00; paperback, $19.95.

From the colonial era, through the debates over slavery, immigration and temperance, to current social movements such as those for civil rights or against legalized abortion, Protestant clergy have played pivotal organizational and ideological roles. If, as Alexis de Tocqueville said, America's churches are its "first political institutions," then Protestant clergy are a political "elite" worth studying. Of course, the political involvement of clergy has waxed and waned. In the late l960s and early '70s clergy led many civil rights and antiwar efforts. Dubbed the New Breed by theologian Harvey Cox, liberal pastors were on the front lines of national controversies and seemed poised either to take over their denominations, split their churches over political issues, or both. Two excellent books emerged from that period, Jeffrey Hadden's The Gathering Storm in the Churches (1969) and Harold Quinley's The Prophetic Clergy (1974). Both charted the actions of young clergy who were highly educated (usually in the humanities and social sciences) and committed to living out their faith in direct action, even if that required civil disobedience. That these pastors were well ahead of their parishioners on many issues was well documented; that gap was thought to have led to lay dissatisfaction with mainline churches, causing membership declines in the '70s and '80s--and concomitantly leading to the growth of evangelical denominations.



Subsequent social-scientific studies of membership trends have revealed that interpretation to be too hasty. Statistical analyses show that basic demographic facts such as birthrates and the retention of young people in the church better explain changes in membership. Nonetheless, the conviction that liberal activism alienated laity became conventional wisdom in many mainline denominations, and the New Breed were either reined in or ushered out.The parallel story of the late '70s and '80s was the rising political activism of evangelical clergy. Based in seminary connections and Bible-study networks and supported by televangelist operations, a new breed of evangelical pastors shed political quiescence in favor of participation in antiabortion, antipornography and anti-gay-rights movements, and several well-known media figures such as Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson became visible in the Republican Party. It became liberals' turn to worry about clergy "meddling" in politics and to trumpet the "separation of church and state." And--though this was little remarked upon--it was evangelical churchgoers who sometimes questioned the public activism of their clergy.



The so-called New Christian Right has generated a considerable amount of academic attention. Two recent examples are Clyde Wilcox's God's Warriors (1992) and Ted Jelen's The Political World of the Clergy (1993). Like their liberal counterparts of a decade or so earlier, evangelical activists tended to be more educated than nonactivist evangelical clergy (seminary vs. Bible-college training). They often represented newly middle-class constituents in growing suburban centers. Whereas the liberal New Breed represented "organizational elites," with jobs in denominational bureaucracies, in seminaries or on college campuses, many conservative activist clergy are part of the "technological elites," using their televangelist operations for both fund raising and spreading their message.



James L. Guth, John C. Green, Corwin E. Smidt and Lyman A. Kellstedt have an ongoing collective research project on the relationships between contemporary American religion and politics. Much of their recent work has focused on the political mobilization of conservative Protestants, but their more general point is that religion powerfully influences political attitudes and behaviors.



The newest offering from this productive group, here joined by Margaret M. Poloma, is a thorough examination of the religious foundations of the political views of Protestant clergy. Guth and his colleagues explicitly compare Protestant clergy (predominantly white) across the theological and ideological spectrum. The authors draw upon a series of surveys administered to clergy from eight different denominations. The data focus on religious beliefs and commitments, and relate them to ideology, voting, partisan identification and attitudes on specific issues.



A clear division of clergy into two different groups emerges, based on theological orientation, political attitudes and position on the issues. The researchers' findings support the claim that there is a "two party" system in American Protestantism, and that this division promotes a "culture war" in American politics generally.



The authors carefully develop a model for how religious beliefs and ideas affect clergy politics. In their scheme, a clergyperson's "theology" determines all other attitudes. While the authors recognize nuances and subtleties in theological positions, they divide Protestant clergy into two basic camps, the "orthodox" and the "modernists." The two camps approach scripture differently, the former emphasizing inerrancy and literal meaning, the latter preferring historical and contextual criticism that incorporates modern science and culture into its understandings. This divide recalls the fundamentalist-modernist debate of the early 20th century that split many Protestant denominations. The authors find elements of that dispute still firmly entrenched.



Theology is the building block for what the authors call "social theology." Again, they discern two basic world-views, "individualist" and "communitarian." Social theology is about the role of the church in the world. It asks how the world should be encountered and what is the main "problem" to be solved. Individualist social theology views the church's primary mission as helping align individuals with the divine will; communitarian social theology concerns itself with building community in this life and reforming worldly institutions.



Social theology in turn forms the basis for clergy's "political agenda," which is divided between those who focus on "moral reform" and those who focus on "social justice." The former involves what is traditionally thought of as personal moral issues, primarily sexual and other personal "vices." The social-justice orientation is a contemporary version of the Social Gospel, meaning concern about economic, racial, gender and international inequalities. These are articulated as explicit issues for intervention on the part of both individual believers and the corporate church.



The authors next examine political "ideology" and "partnership," and again find a bipolar divide. Ideological liberals and Democrats tend to align against ideological conservatives and Republicans. Even in this day of weakened political parties, partisan identification remains a strong predictor of attitudes and self-understandings; we tend to root for "ourside" even if we are a bit cynical about both sides in the first place. In sum, those who hold "orthodox" theologies are likely to endorse "individualist" social theologies, support "moral reform" political agendas, be ideologically conservative and vote Republican. In contrast, those with "modernist" theologies more strongly support "communitarian" social theologies and "social justice" political agendas, are ideologically liberal, and vote and identify themselves as Democrats. The authors emphasize that this logical coherence is an aspect of elites--people whose stock-in-trade is ideas and values and to whom this type of consistency is an important part of identity. Such consistency is not often found in surveys of mass publics.



A number of other interesting findings deserve mention. First is the closing gap between modernist and orthodox clergy in their orientation to political involvement. The orthodox are almost as likely as modernists to consider "social justice" issues very important--but "moral reform" issues are so much more important to them than to modernists that their interests and activism are drawn to that agenda. Both groups generally approve of putting their beliefs into practice, although the modernists are much more likely than the orthodox to approve of "direct action," which may involve civil disobedience.



Education, particularly at liberal arts colleges and seminaries, is important in shaping outlooks; indeed, even among orthodox clergy those with seminary educations are more like modernists than are orthodox clergy without it. Education thus has a potentially ironic effect on clergy; the education and experiences that provide the interests and motivations to get involved politically are also corrosive of orthodox theology.



The book is less concerned with actions than with attitudes, but here too the authors find distinctions between modernists and the orthodox. Both groups may have similar feelings about the appropriateness of activism, but they vary on what actions they tend to take. Each group has its own preferred style. The orthodox are more likely to preach or make pronouncements, while modernists are more likely to form in-church organizations or engage in direct action.



In sum, the authors argue that among Protestant clergy there are two basic constellations of values, beliefs and attitudes, running from religious theology to political participation. This conclusion supports what Martin Marty almost three decades ago called the "two party" system in American Protestantism. Marty distinguished between a "public" Protestantism dedicated to reforming society and establishing the "kingdom of God" in this world (the stance of the mainline denominations through most of this century) and a "private" Protestantism that eschewed worldly involvement in favor of the care and salvation of individuals. This distinction still marks the politics of Protestant clergy. However, there is no distinct gap between evangelical and mainline clergy in terms of their willingness to engage the public sphere. The issues that galvanize the two groups are different, as are their proposed solutions to public problems, but significant numbers of both groups are equally involved with both public and private concerns.



The authors claim that rival social theologies are part of a wider-ranging division between theological and political worldviews. The "culture war" idea, popularized by sociologist James Davison Hunter, maintains that this division runs down the middle of all American politics. Differences such as economic class, geographic region, race and gender are thought to be receding as the enmity between the "orthodox" and the "progressive" becomes increasingly important.



The Bully Pulpit clearly uncovers a worldview gap. Of course, the population being studied here is in many ways homogenous. Since all are Protestant clergy, there is no sacred-secular tension. And the sample is overwhelmingly white and middle class. Consequently, the book is not representative of our nation or of the parts of our population growing most quickly: Latino/as, Asians, Catholics or Muslims. Thus, while the Protestant clergy are divided, theirs is a relatively limited culture war.



How much do the politics of Protestant clergy matter? Though white Protestants remain a substantial part of the nation, how much do their clergy guide the attitudes and actions of their flocks? Guth and colleagues note that even when clergy offer guidance or undertake action, they try to preserve congregational harmony. Clergy do a delicate balancing act among their own personal commitments, the perceived and vocalized wishes of their congregations, and their professional networks of fellow clergy. Under what conditions those contending pressures push clergy into activism is not an issue the authors can develop.



The authors do ask which issues are "addressed" by clergy and how often they address them; they also assess what leads clergy into overt action. However, we get little information about the context in which the "addressing" takes place. Clergy generally do not like to give explicitly political messages during sermons, and their congregations do not like to hear them. Thus it is difficult to know which messages get through to the laity and what the laity do when they receive them. A consistent finding by those who study television evangelism is that many viewers watch these programs for the "religion," but have their own internal "V-chip" that screens out political messages. So while clergy consistently see a part of their political role as "cue-giving," we are still unsure what effects that has.



When considering activism, the authors carefully include both conventional, institutionalized behaviors such as letter-writing and nonconventional social movement-style actions such as pickets and boycotts. They chart who gets involved and in what kinds of actions; not surprisingly, conventional actions are more common and more approved.



This finding represents another irony: clergy have relatively few resources to offer conventional politics. They cannot readily deliver blocs of votes, money or media time--the coin of the current realm. On the other hand, clergy have many valuable resources to offer social movements, such as meeting space, organizational skills, social networks and public legitimacy. Thus clergy may well be most active in ways that have less immediate impact. And social movements, which usually arise from less-represented constituencies, need the resources that clergy can provide. But clergy are often constrained by both their predilections and their situations from being more active.



The Bully Pulpit provides an imaginative and persuasive account of white Protestant clergy and of how theological and political orientations are intertwined. Indeed, we probably don't need any more survey analysis of these issues for a while. Surveys can provide a lot of information, especially about voting habits and partisan identification. But less conventional kinds of politics are more difficult to capture, and the impact of political commitments is more elusive still. The politics of the next century may leave the Protestant orthodox-modernist conflict well behind. Those of us interested in these issues may need to broaden our radar scope and adjust our antennae to hear new voices expressing new issues in unconventional ways.






Is America In A Culture A War? Yes — No — Sort Of



Abortion clinics are firebombed; Planned Parenthood workers are murdered; an art gallery owner is arrested for exhibiting Robert Mapplethorpe's photographs; a rap group is arrested on obscenity charges; the civil rights -- or "special privileges" -- of gays and lesbians are the subject of controversial referenda; and issues of multiculturahsm, freedom of expression and "political correctness" divide many college campuses. To many Americans, this does not seem like politics as usual. These stories and others like them seem to indicate that a new and different type of political conflict has swept the nation.

This new conflict even gets its own sound bite. We are witnessing a "culture war" we are told. American politics is no longer about class, race or region; rather, the body politic is now rent by a cultural conflict in which values, moral codes and lifestyles are the primary objects of contention.

Patrick Buchanan brought the glare of the national spotlight to the phrase "culture war" when he used his address to the 1992 Republican National Convention to declare a "war for the nation's soul." That moment was both the apex and the nadir of a presidential campaign that styled itself as a moral crusade. Oliver North's 1994 Senate campaign in Virginia echoed those themes. Buchanan's 1996 campaign was no less crusade-like, and the war metaphors were even more prominent as partisans were advised to "lock and load" and "ride to the sound of the gunfire." Other Republican hopefuls, Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition and such "cultural warriors" as Rush Limbaugh, former Secretary of Education William Bennett, and James Dobson, director of Focus on the Family, have claimed there is an encompassing social divide over morality and values.

Not to be outdone rhetorically, much fund-raising literature for liberal causes uses culture-wars language with similar tones of alarm. The hallowed principles of journalistic, artistic and academic freedom are threatened, they argue, and only a stout defense of the barricades will prevent a "neo-McCarthy" backlash from overwhelming the social and political progress of the last few decades. The nation is threatened by "moral zealots" who want to dictate all manner of life choices according to their strict neo-Puritan prejudices.

Academic observers have also contributed to this view of American public life. The most developed, systematic and sweeping version of the idea of a culture war appeared in the 1991 book Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America, by James Davison Hunter, a University of Virginia sociologist. Hunter portrayed contemporary politics as an increasingly uncivil and conflict-ridden arena split into two competing sides that have little in common but mutual antipathy. The book's tone of urgency and its copious use of war metaphors left many readers with the distinct impression that American politics was experiencing an irreversible decline.

But let's pause for a moment and step back from this heated -- or is it overheated? -- rhetoric. Though there does seem to be a lot of incivility in politics, and no limit to the various soapboxes from which extreme views can be heard, Buchanan, North and others all ran losing campaigns. None of the other cultural warriors I have mentioned hold elective office. Apparently none reflects the views of a majority. Critics from the left and the right launch impassioned attacks on the "system," but at a basic level the system continues to rebuff them. Why?

If we unpack the culture-wars argument carefully, we will see that the answer rests in large part on the differences between the institutions of politics and government and the social movements that are the focus of the culture-wars rhetoric. The organizations of the New Christian Right may motivate highly committed activists to engage in picketing, letter-writing and petition-signing. But few elections are won from the margins, and the art of compromise continues to be the sine qua non of legislating.

Furthermore, the cultural conflict that is taking place is more complicated than the activists on either side tend to suggest. There are actually two versions of the "culture wars" idea -- what I will call the "broad" and the "narrow" versions. Recent research points out that while "culture" plays a critical role in social divisions, the "culture wars" rhetoric is basically inaccurate. The notion of a culture war is plausible -- and a "broad" version of the idea is useful. But if the idea is understood too narrowly, it does more to obscure than to clarify the situation.

So what is the "broad" version, of the notion of a culture war? First and most important, it calls attention to the fact that several of the most contentious and passionate issues in current politics revolve around what can be called "cultural"" concerns. Political analysts often assume that politics is only about economic interests. Moreover, they assume that people who vote or act against their direct economic interests must in some way misperceive their own interests. But politics is more than just a matter of dividing the economic pie. Contrary to economistic, interest-based assumptions, the cultural and symbolic aspects of our lives are deep sources of political motivation. People act in ways that their economic interests alone simply would not predict. They vote against their interests, they risk jail in order to protest injustice, they voluntarily take on hardships in order to uphold moral principles they hold dear.

Of course, people do not make up their moral principles out of thin air. The moral codes people live by come from somewhere, often from religious teachings or beliefs. One source of moral codes is what might be called "public culture." Public culture is composed of ideas and symbols that are widely shared, found in major societal institutions, and do not depend on any one person or one group for their existence. Public culture can shape people's assumptions about what the "good society" is, what we must do to achieve it and what constitutes a "moral" life. When one set of assumptions about what constitutes a moral society is incompatible with rival sets of assumptions, the potential for conflict is evident. Fundamental moral commitments may be at stake, creating conflict not just about one's individual life, but about the very nature of society.

The culture-wars thesis correctly brings to our attention the potential for societal conflict when rival and incompatible moral worldviews collide. When these worldview differences are aligned with other social distinctions -- such as economic class, race, region or religion -- competition can turn from civil politics to cultural war. India, Ulster, Bosnia and Sudan serve as potent reminders of just how volatile a mixture moral commitments and political differences can be.

Indeed, the broad version of "culture wars" is particularly relevant to American politics in large part because of religion's continuing vitality in American life. Religious belief and participation remain higher in the U.S. than in almost any other industrialized country. And religion continues to be an important part of American public culture. Even if that role is not as significant as it once was, many Americans continue to want their society and their politics infused with moral commitment. Thus, religion can be politically effective by motivating individuals to extreme actions or sacrifice -- and by providing the ideas and organizations that spearhead reformist social movements.

Interacting with religion's potency in American culture has been an ambivalence about economic class. Class matters greatly in politics; few would deny that. But Americans don't quite know bow to think about class as a social identity. Class is often individualized, or understood as a matter of "lifestyle," or denied altogether. While there has been and continues to be both class resentment and great economic inequality in America, they have not produced a sustained socialist movement or even a firm commitment to social-welfare policies. Meanwhile, high-class position reflects well on a person's worth only if it is an "achieved" status that one can claim to have attained on one's own. As a result of this cultural ambivalence, class has generally not been a good source of collective identity for political activity. Conversely, religion's vitality ensures that it will be around cultural issues that some of America's most visible political contests take place.

Despite the fact that culture conflict is deeply ingrained in American politics (I am calling this the "broad" version of the culture-wars idea), the "narrow" version of the argument found in Hunter's book (and many activists' rhetoric) is clearly wrong. There are two basic claims in Hunter's Culture Wars that need to be noted. First, Hunter portrays all important political opinion as lined up along one continuum, the poles of which he labels "orthodox" and "progressive." The difference between the orthodox view and the progressive view is where the two sides turn for moral and social authority. The orthodox locate moral authority in transcendent, universal sources (which provide the truth), while the progressive find authority in society, human reason and the here and now. This difference is thought to express the basic division in public political culture. Opinions and attitudes that do not fit easily along this continuum are irrelevant.

Indeed, Hunter claims that opinions, ideas or people that do not align with the progressive-orthodox divide get pushed onto one side or the other as public culture forces people to take sides. An important dimension of this claim is Hunter's attendant position that political activism is largely a matter of small groups of activists who set the terms for public politics as well as grass-roots opinion.

Second, Hunter argues not only that political conflicts run along this single axis, but that political positions cluster around the two poles of that axis. That is, each worldview leads to a cluster of inherently related opinions on issues as varied as abortion, gay rights, welfare reform, school prayer and economic policy. This clustering of issues leads to polarization and conflict, perhaps even violence, because the two poles are grounded in uncompromisable moral worldviews.

Moreover, the polarization represents a significant realignment of social divisions. The orthodox-vs-progressive polarization cuts across many of the social cleavages (such as race or class) that organized American politics in the past. In sum, the "narrow" version of the culture-wars idea is that incompatible worldviews (the orthodox vs. the progressive) force all significant political ideas and public attitudes on to one side of a polarized line. Conflict is inevitable, intractable and escalating.

Is there really only one crucial cultural divide in contemporary culture -- that between an orthodox and progressive vision of moral authority? Is cultural conflict so thorough and so pervasive that our institutions have lost their ability to moderate it? Perhaps most important, is the cultural divide that Hunter claims shapes the conflict between political activists now spreading to the general public?

We can begin answering these questions by stating that it is clearly not true that a single continuum can capture American political opinions, attitudes or values. Nor is it the case that opinions cluster at the poles of the axes that divide American political culture. Surveys show repeatedly that a single axis with polarized-attitude clusters does not represent a majority of opinions. Further, with the exception of attitudes toward abortion, there is evidence that general public opinion is not polarizing at all.

In fact, survey research consistently shows that there are at least two dimensions of political attitudes: one for issues pertaining to economics and political power (what I'll call "justice" issues) and another one for issues of personal behavior and cultural symbolism (what I'll call "morality" issues). And in many cases these dimensions are not related to each other -- that is, those who are "liberals" on one set of issues are not necessarily "liberals" on the other set of issues.

This finding suggests a fourfold distinction rather than a two-sided war. Some people are "libertarian" on both morality and justice issues: they believe that government should not interfere in individuals' lives and that individual rights take precedence over collective needs. Other people are communalist on both types of issues: they favor government regulation of both economic and personal moral behavior. There are also those who are morality libertarians and justice collectivists (sounding much like Great Society Democrats), and those who are morality collectivists and justice libertarians (sounding very much like the current Republican coalition).

So the data on mass opinion do not reveal a culture war of polarized attitude clusters. But we must still consider Hunter's point about political activism being mostly a matter of "elites" or partisan activists. Indeed, it is the rhetoric used by activists that promotes the images of "war." After all, the rhetoric must resonate with some people or it would not continue to be so popular. Certainly there is an uncivil tone to much current political language - although I urge those tempted by nostalgia to read up on the language used in 19th-century American politics. Incivility is hardly new.

Nonetheless, it is true that activists' attitudes are often more polarized than the general public's, and activists often express those attitudes in more uncompromising language than many people feel comfortable with. Hunter is on to something here. But is this rhetoric an accurate reflection of underlying worldviews and the opinions that spring from them, or is it a tool that activists find useful in trying to rally troops to their cause?

Political activists of all stripes have difficulty getting ordinary citizens to care about their issues, and if they do care, to act on them. A longstanding truism in political science is that apathy and a lack of interest are the dominant features of public opinion. Many Americans do not care much about -- or care for -- politics. The falling voting rate is well known and much discussed. According to one estimate, only 5 percent of the general public can be considered politically engaged beyond the level of voting, and thus termed "activist"; concomitantly, a solid 20 percent are resolutely apolitical. The remaining 75 percent can be mobilized and activated, but their interest is intermittent, depending on their own situations and the context in which issues come to their attention.

If movement partisans are to get portions of the public behind them, therefore, they must pitch their appeals in ways that garner attention and motivate action. This need to grab attention explains the activists' moral urgency and war rhetoric. Scholars of social movements have found that before people become politically active they need three particular types of understandings, or "frames" through which to view the issue at hand. First, people need to perceive a situation as an "injustice" -- that something is morally wrong. Second, they need a sense of "identity"" -- that is, they need to be able to identify the victims and the villains who are responsible for the injustice. And third, people must have a sense of "agency," a feeling that their own involvement will make a difference.

War rhetoric obviously fits these three requirements. It names an issue of abiding moral seriousness, it identifies the good guys and the bad guys, and it implores people to get involved lest the cause be lost. Because of the need for a certain amount of the us-vs-them approach, activist rhetoric easily escalates toward uncompromising portrayals of good and evil. That is what Hunter and others discovered in their narrow version of "culture wars" -- the rhetoric of movement partisans trying to break through to the nonactive and prod them to action.

But this is not an ideological divide that pits half of America vs. the other half; this is the hype -- the "pep talk" -- of those who are trying to rally troops to their side. What is often identified as evidence for a culture war has more to do with the requirements of' activist rhetoric than the attitudes or actions of the body politic generally.

Do some people talk in "culture war" terms? Of course they do. Is that talk a good guide to the worldviews, values or opinions of the public? Clearly not. In sum, the narrow version of the culture-war idea ignores the crucial difference between social-movement mobilizing and institutional politics.

While it may be comforting to know that America is not as divided or as unreasonable as the narrow culture-war thesis suggests, that does not make the current state of American politics any easier to take. Many people feel that their involvement is useless. Further, the stridency of much public culture no doubt discourages many people from involvement, even if they do care about an issue. I find myself turning off news programs when I feel that all I am hearing are the prefabricated ideological sound bites of spokespersons from interest groups. What can be done about this? If we care about our collective political life, and want as many people as active in public decision-making as possible -- which is, after all, part of the definition of democracy -- how do we avoid this cycle of polarizing activist rhetoric, public indifference and a resulting escalation of rhetoric?

Before addressing such questions, I want to emphasize that I am in no way opposed to social-movement politics. I have been active in some movements. I am suggesting, however, that there is a problem with a rhetorical cycle that seems to reward an uncompromising, absolutist approach to public life, for it results in as much political disengagement as political mobilization. I am searching for a type of politics that is inclusive and open, even to one's ideological opponents.

I pointed out above that the politicians who campaigned on a strident culture-wars theme were not particularly successful in electoral politics. Though cultural warriors won some primaries, and on occasion a seat in the House of Representatives, at the national and institutional level they lost -- and generally they continue to lose. Elections have provided culture-wars campaigns with a platform, but have denied them power. The institution of the two-party electoral system has historically fostered compromise, moderation and stability. Therefore, as counter-intuitive as it sounds, I think a way to make the political system healthier is to strengthen political parties.

While I admit that the rise of culture-war politics has accompanied the weakening of political parties, I would not necessarily agree that the former caused the latter. Traditionally, American political parties have worked to aggregate interests and opinions, have forced interest groups into compromises and have made voters choose the "better" of two choices. Historically, this has been an institutional mechanism for diffusing conflict and balancing the tendency to polarize. I noted earlier that both parties have internal coalitions that combine individualists with collectivists. Pat Buchanan may speak for a wing of the Republican Party, but he has not attracted the votes of Republicans who are economically conservative but socially tolerant.

I am not claiming that there is necessarily a "strong center" in American life. Rather, I am recognizing that American political institutions cannot, and are not intended to, represent all the opinions of all Americans. They are designed to marginalize uncompromising minorities. By forcing public positions into the center, and by forcing compromise in the formulation of policy, the institutions of American politics have diffused and defused the passion necessary for war.

Even more important from my perspective is that parties offer avenues to political involvement for ordinary people. People who cannot donate large sums of money or who do not have access to the media can still volunteer time and energy to a party. They meet others with similar interests and values (and others who are not so similar) and are rewarded for their loyalty, diligence and energy. It is no surprise that many of the European ethnic groups who immigrated to the U.S. in the 19th century made their way up the ladder of political influence and into the middle class through the mechanisms of political parties.

Someone may object that, given the current weakness of our political parties, politicians necessarily have to turn to interest groups for their ready-made mailing lists and rely on "fat cat" contributors for large campaign donations. And don't they need such money to buy the media time necessary for reaching voters? True, these things have become common, and one result has been that only those people with large amounts of money, or those with the backing of an activist minority, have any chance in electoral politics. With party organizations less important, it is much harder for ordinary people to rise to positions of influence. Thus, even though parties are often derided as corrupting, the current system of personalistic media politics has resulted in a system in which money and partisan extremism are rewarded. While parties were thought to be ruled by hidden elites in smoke-filled rooms, the weakness of parties has, ironically, led to a less democratic system with fewer avenues open to average people.

The fact that much of the most strident rhetoric of the last few years has come from the post-1994 Republican-dominated Congress reinforces my point. Many of those officials were not elected by the majority of the eligible voters in their districts. In an off-year election with few overarching issues and weakened parties that could not get out the vote effectively, highly partisan and active minorities were able to get their candidates elected. Significantly, 1996 rolled back many of those gains. In a strong two-party system, politicians such as Pat Buchanan or Oliver North are more successful in generating news copy than in winning elections.

Two other factors important to sustaining a democratic politics need to be mentioned. First is strong voluntary associations, such as churches and civic groups, that bring people together around broad common agendas rather than narrow special interests. Despite laments over their decline, such groups remain an important force in American life -- indeed, the recent attention devoted to their so-called decline may actually help their vitality as it emphasizes their importance.

Second is an increasingly constructive media. The reliance on media-centered political strategies has seemed to exacerbate the culture-wars cycle. But there is some evidence that media are beginning to move away from the conflict-obsessed, personality focused, photo-op and sound bite -- centered stories that are used so effectively by candidates such as Buchanan. There have been serious discussions suggesting that the media donate time for candidate messages and that those messages be issue-oriented rather than attack ads. This could help take some of the demand for media money out of the political system.

An increasing number of news stories are centered on issues rather than personalities; for one thing, there seems to be a shift in the public's attention from personal scandal to issues of campaign financing and contributions. These many be small steps, but they are encouraging. While it is unlikely that political parties will regain the strength they once had, neither are the factors that weakened them irreversible.

Many culture-wars analysts suggest that American politics displays the inevitable division between two groups who have fundamentally different worldviews. We have seen that this is a great exaggeration. While culture influences our politics, no culture war dominates them. Nor is the culture war the sole cause of the public incivility and political stagnation that often seem to show up on the evening news.

Rather, the culture war is a style of rhetoric that is useful for political activism in a media age. This style has become more noticeable since the institutions that used to mobilize people for political involvement have become attenuated. Revitalized political parties could undermine the media stranglehold on our political language and provide more avenues for the nonwealthy to get involved in politics.

The style of politics bemoaned by those worried about culture wars will no doubt always be with us. But that style is not all-encompassing. While the culture-wars idea does reflect the demands of certain activists, it is not the only game in town. Indeed, the tendency of American political institutions to produce centrist political solutions is probably usefully offset by the cultural tendency of movement-style politics to inflate ideological differences into "war." Institutional pressures are centripetal -- they force things into the center. Ideological tendencies are centrifugal-they push politics to the margins. This may be a complementary relation. Institutions stagnate without social movements' pressures to change. And if we are weary of a politics that seems to reward the unreasonable -- that seems like a culture war -- the answer may well be in revitalized institutions that can moderate it.

Paying Attention to Youth Culture

BOOK REVIEWS: >Youth Leadership: A Guide to Understanding Leadership Development in Adolescents, by Josephine A. Long and Carl I. Fertman. Jossey Bass, 243 pp, $25.00

Cold New World: Growing Up in a Harder Country, by William Finnegan. Random House, 481 pp., $26.00.

Virtual Faith: The Irreverent Spiritual Quest of Generation X, By Tom Beaudoin. Jossey Bass, 210 pp., $22.00.

Three provocative books challenge our concept of youth ministry and question our capacity to transmit the faith across generations. In Youth Leadership Josephine Long and Carl I. Fertman take up a topic that many churches, schools and other youth-serving organizations have ignored since the late 1960s. Long, director of the Leadership Development Network at the University of Pittsburgh, and Fertman, executive director of the Maximizing Adolescent Potentials Program at the University of Pittsburgh, explore patterns of leadership in teenagers and examine how leadership is nurtured.



The authors frame the discussion with two theoretical perspectives. The first is that of developmental psychology, an approach that dominates the literature on youth ministry. Drawing on the insights of Erik Erikson, Carol Gilligan and others, Long and Fertman note that while young people begin to engage in leadership at a very young age, their involvement intensifies rapidly as they move into the teenage years. They are busy acquiring in- formation about leadership and forming attitudes toward leadership in these years. They learn to communicate, make decisions and manage leadership roles. The authors identify three distinctive stages in this effort: awareness, in which youth self-consciously begin to identify ways to function as leaders in various social contexts; interaction, in which they explore and test their growing knowledge and skills of leadership; and mastery, when they begin to develop a vision of themselves as leaders and take responsibility for preparing to be leaders.



Long and Fertman's second theoretical perspective is drawn from the research of E. P Hollander, J. M. Burns and J. V. Downton, which emphasizes leadership as "transactions or exchanges" that take place between the leader and the one who is led, as well as the transformation of "self-interests for the good of the group, organization or society." The transactions are the skills and tasks associated with leadership, while the transformation of self-interests describes the act of leadership itself. From these two perspectives, the authors locate the impetus to leadership in the developing capacities of teenagers, who respond to the situations in which they find themselves and practice leadership.



The task of developing youth leaders is a matter of creating environments that will nurture capacities for leadership. This changes the role of adult leaders. Instead of teaching people to be leaders, they are to nurture their potential for leadership. Parents become partners to youth leadership efforts, while teachers and other adults "support," "empower" and "facilitate" their developing capacities.



The authors suggest ways to create these conditions and give examples of leadership-nurturing environments. They challenge the value of youth ministries that don't meet these conditions, including those that isolate teenagers from children and adults in the congregation, those that emphasize entertainment, and those that prefer charismatic adults who direct youth over adults who nurture youth capacities.



The youth in Youth Leadership are familiar to most church people. They are active in school and community, live at home with at least one parent and accept the basic values and perspectives of society's dominant social institutions.



We are not familiar, however, with the young people we encounter in Cold New World. William Finnegan introduces us to disenfranchised young people whose families seem overwhelmed. Schools do not hold these young people's attention. Their skills do not translate into success in the job market. With the exception of some rural African-American youth, these youths find the institutional church irrelevant. Yet many of the deepest issues of their lives are inherently religious, especially when they are trying to make some sense out of the violence and hostility they experience.



Finnegan presents the lives of African-American young people in a New Haven neighborhood through the eyes of a teenage drug dealer. He presents Mexican-American youth in Washington State who struggle with the experience of immigration, and white supremacist Anglo-American youth in the Los Angeles suburbs. All of these youth are experiencing the downward economic movement of their families; all of them have had repeated encounters with direct, overt and systemic violence.



Finnegan researched this book by living with these young people. He ate with them, attended their gatherings, interviewed family members and community, business and school leaders who touched their lives. He re- turned to visit the youths over the course of his research, and on several occasions intervened in their lives.



Despite the grimness and violence of their stories, the youth reveal their resilience and their capacity for tenderness and compassion. I found myself hoping that these young people would find a way to improve their situation, give some socially acceptable response or find enough institutional or personal support to escape the downward spiral of their lives. It does not happen. Their environments do not contain the resources to alter this tragic course. And most of our congregations are unaware of or inattentive to their quests for meaning and place.

The young people in Virtual Faith represent another group that has had little contact with the church--GenXers, or those middle-class, educationally successful young people born between 1961 and 1981. This book is a generational autobiography of their quest for religious meaning. According to Tom Beaudoin, a GenXer and theology student, the distinguishing feature of the GenX experience is the influence of the images and values of television and popular music.



Wade Clark Roof observes that Beaudoin "takes us on a romping, eye-opening voyage through GenX culture--its music, its fashion, its imagery, its spiritual quests." Many readers will consider that culture to be not only irreverent, but sacrilegious. It turns the authority of tradition upside down, relativizes religious imagery and symbols, and celebrates theological ambiguity. Beaudoin contends that unlike previous generations of students and young adults, who contested secular culture with critiques found in religious tradition (Beaudoin's mentor Harvey Cox would be one good example), he and his peers embrace pop culture as the primary source of and catalyst to faith. They then turn to religious traditions to confirm, support and energize symbols and myths.



Beaudoin models the "ministry imagination" he espouses by leaping back and forth between the religious themes of an MTV clip and the exegesis of a biblical passage. This, he says, is the GenXer's way of nurturing "virtual faith." By this term he means that "Xers live religiously in real ways (involving real faith, real practice and a real spiritual journey)," while simultaneously imitating "real faith and real practice, simulating what they expect institutional religion and real religiousness to be." They want both the "real thing" and an "imitation" of the real thing--the "genuine and the posture, the authentic and the artificial."



The GenXer is suspicious of institutions, especially religious institutions. He focuses on personal experience in the spiritual quest, and on a sense of suffering expressed in a psychological and spiritual crisis of meaning. The GenXer also accepts the ambiguity that may be found in the fusion of sacred and profane, spiritual and sensual, orthodox and blasphemous in popular culture. He does not reject or dismiss faith tradition or religious institutions, but they are not the only sources of spirituality. The implications are clear: If traditional Christianity is to engage the spiritual quest of the GenXer, it must attend to the ways in which these young adults draw on the church and popular culture.



Read together, the three books suggest that the range and diversity of youth and young adult experience in the U.S. is much broader and more diverse than is evident in most congregational ministries. The labels we use-- "youth culture," the "silent generation" of my own college years, or "GenXer"--do not describe the experience of many youth and young adults. The teenagers in Youth Leadership and the GenXers in Virtual Faith have possibilities that are distant to the young people in Cold New World. While the racism and classism that weigh heavily on Finnegan's youth may represent intellectual or political issues for some of Beaudoin's GenXers, it hardly catches the attention of the youth that Long and Fertman describe. The teenagers they describe do not share the suspicion or disregard of institutions--including the church--that is found among GenXers and the disenfranchised young people in Cold New World. The traditional values, symbols and practices that provide the context for nurturing youth leadership for Long and Fertman function only as backdrop for the imaginative reconstructions of pop culture undertaken by Beaudoin's peers, and they may generate negative self-images for Finnegan's youth.



Our lack of attention to the range and diversity of the experience of youth and young adults inevitably limits our capacity to speak truthfully and faithfully to these people. Consequently, many simply do not find a welcoming place in the congregation.

We have left the task of defining what it means to be a youth to the youth themselves. As a result, they are picking and choosing images, symbols and values from media, religious and other social institutions, as they try to produce meaning for and give shape to their lives. In this process, the church becomes another boutique in the shopping mall of options for personal and group identity.



We have also abandoned the notion of the interdependence of the generations in congregational life. Few adults see themselves engaged in a communal effort to sponsor, nurture and mentor young people. Indeed, few pastors identify this as a central role in their ministry.



A 1984 study found that few teenagers in an affluent suburban high school had an adult--other than their parents--with whom they could discuss important matters. Another study found that 70 percent of high school students are "generally ignored and poorly served"--i.e., "unspecial" in the system. Adults are certainly present in the lives of young people. But the well-intentioned parents, grandparents, teachers and social workers in Cold New World are unable to create environments that nurture socially acceptable norms and practices; meanwhile, many of the parents de- scribed by Finnegan and Beaudoin acquiesce to the dominant role of television and media in their children's lives.



Mentoring in youth ministry tends to be individualistic rather than communal or strategic. Youth ministry literature has not yet challenged the practice of letting youth ministries be directed by adults. Long and Fertman need to emphasize the reciprocity of youth and adults--of possibility and experience, imaginative exploration and wise reflection--in the leadership development of the group or community. Youth need to be viewed as full members, and challenged accordingly



The churches need critical perspective on the influence of contemporary media and the values of consumer capitalism. The authors of these three works document the pervasiveness of consumer capitalism and media in defining the young people's experience. These forces may take diverse forms: the market economy of the "drug culture" and the appeal of the violence in the "media culture" in Finnegan's study, the MTV "pop culture" for Beaudoin's GenXer, or the middle-class values implicit in the patterns of leadership promoted by Long and Fertman. Common in each book are themes of individualism, competition, ambition and success, and consumption.



Fashion, entertainment and possessions are identity markers for the youth in all these books--although the object of consumption varies. The youth of Cold New World may have little vision of their participation in a democratic society, but they certainly do see themselves as full participants in a consumer culture. The "irreverent spirituality" of Beaudoin's GenXers more easily aligns itself with Newt Gingrich's anti-institutional vision of economic well-being than with the ecological visions of justice and stewardship of the earth.





The Crisis of Meaning in Religion and Art

While seminaries and churches have shown a burgeoning interest in the arts, the academic study of religion and the arts has come under fire in some quarters. In 1990 the American Academy of Religion, the chief scholarly organization of college and university professors of religion, suspended its Arts, Literature and Religion section for a period of reflection on its future, citing various tensions and disagreements which purportedly surfaced during the regularly scheduled review of the section. It had functioned continuously since the AIR began in 1964.

What can we make of such dissonance? Why is the study of religion and art (by which latter term I intend all the arts, including literature) being questioned in the academy just when it is celebrated and promulgated in the seminary? What did the AIR's year of reflection (leading up to its preauthorization of the section for 1991 and beyond) reveal about the state of the interdisciplinary study of religion and art?

One cannot understand the current conflicts apart from the history of the field's comparatively recent emergence as an academic subject. Religion and art has been a "field" in the sense that one can study it in graduate school and find positions teaching it in colleges only since the 1950s. But its roots are traceable to the end of the 19th century when influential cultural critics- Matthew Arnold chief among them-drew critical attention to deep concordances between religion and art with their predictions that, in Arnold's famous phrase, "most of what now passes with us for religion will be replaced by poetry." Arnold thought that only art could address his society's widespread loss of confidence in religion, fostered by the rise of modern science. Humankind needed art and especially poetry "to interpret life for us, to console us, to sustain us."

If art was canonized, so too was religion aestheticized. In the words of George Santayana, "the whole of Christian doctrine is religious and efficacious only when it becomes poetry." There is a fascinating story here to be told-but one which would take us too far afield from this discussion-about the intricate interplay between the crises of biblical authority and Christian belief on the one hand and the rise of the novel and the growth of art history and literary criticism on the other. It may not be too much of an exaggeration to claim, as Terry Eagleton does, that the growth of English studies is explained primarily by the failure of religion in the late 19th century.

Without espousing the Arnoldian conflation of the religious and the aesthetic, we might nonetheless appreciate the intuition prompting it, namely that, there are important connections between religion and art: both are oriented toward meaning, and both deal in universal human values-both are fundamental to being human. What is more, religion and art share remarkably similar discourses. Each works primarily through story, image, symbol and performance. This way of putting the connection would seem somewhat strange to those who promoted art as a substitute for religion at the turn of the century, however, for it exhibits a consciousness both about the art object and about the language of religion and art which had not yet informed criticism or religion. Absent such awareness and the methodologies it fostered, art criticism and religion tended, in their efforts to articulate the consonance, to collapse art into religion (Arnold) or religion into art (Santayana).

What intervened in the half-century or so between Arnold and Santayana and the early Ph.D. programs in religion and art was precisely this interest in the art object, its language and form. The results can be summarized, albeit somewhat too facilely, by considering first the advent of formalism and the new criticism, and second, the emergence of hermeneutics.

While formalism in art history and the new criticism in literature are somewhat distinct, they have in common a commitment to take the work of art seriously on its own terms. On the art historical side, this means a descriptive and analytic fidelity to the optical data of the painting and not simply its classification according to school and style. In literature, the close reading of the text offered a way to move beyond two reductive fallacies: 1) taking the work merely as a historical or social document and thus an example of what "great men" thought and said; 2) seeking the poem's meaning behind the text in the author's intention. Both formalism and the new criticism understood their project to be focusing on the object itself as the nexus of its own unparaphrasable meaning.

There is, however, an important difference between the two which cannot be glossed over. Whereas formalists eschewed iconography as the importation of extraneous reference to the pure forms which constitute expression, the new criticism from the start reveled in metaphor and symbol. Indeed, for the new critics poetry is symbolic language, the poem a verbal icon. They too discountenanced the use of interpretive principles shaped by theoretical interests, but their comparative openness to external reference-as well as their political success within the academy-meant that the study of religion and literature developed somewhat sooner than did the study of religion and visual art.

Meanwhile, in mainline Protestantism the theological response to the so-called failure of religion in the modern world took two chief forms: the kerygmatic theology of Karl Barth and the existential or apologetic theology of Paul Tillich. If Barth recalls theology to a radical God- centeredness, Tillich rediscovers its correlative and existential character. With Tillich, theology becomes a way of reformulating and answering the fundamental question of our being, aiming to overcome tendencies toward a rationalized objectivity on the one hand and a romantic subjectivity on the other. Through the method of correlation, the existential questions which arise from our human predicament find response in theological answers derived from revelation.

Such interdependence of existential question and theological answer is itself a pointer to the Logos which is "the universal principle of revelation in religion and culture" and as such their one theonomous root. Thus the void that Tillich sees as the cultural destiny of the modern period can be viewed theologically as a sacred void, an existential cry of ultimate concern. Both art and religion are rooted in the Logos, and the language of both is symbolic; for symbols, whether religious or aesthetic, open up levels of reality which are otherwise closed for us and unlock dimensions of our soul which correspond to that reality.

The centrality of the symbol in Tillichian theology and the new criticism was one among several reasons why literary criticism and the theology of culture found in each other a fruitful dialogue partner. And thanks to the method of correlation, the practice of religion and art was never limited to aesthetic objects with explicit religious content, since even the most dark and despairing texts could be read as expressions of ultimate meaning. Tillich himself practiced "religion and art" in his discussions of expressionist painting. Among cultural forms he clearly favored the visual arts, thus himself helping to foster another branch of the interdiscipline. This marriage of critical and theological method opened the way for careful considerations of the myriad ways in which art has religious dimensions and religion is expressed and experienced aesthetically.

Yet both approaches contained a certain tendency to fall back into the Arnoldian conflation. Formalism in literature and the visual arts took the autonomous object with such seriousness that its attention veered toward idolatry, transforming the art object into a sort of fetish. In theological correlation, Christianity's truth claims and specifity were undercut to the extent that works of art provided the basic model on which those claims were to be understood. The symbol was always in danger of being cut loose from history.

While formal analysis opened up a space for the academic study of religion and art, the project soon sought and found more congenial theoretical underpinnings in hermeneutics. Hermeneutics was more consonant with Tillich's enterprise not only because it began its career as biblical interpretation, but because it put the reader/viewer back into the work's meaning.

In understanding the work of art as a language-event, an image-event, the hermeneutics of Hans-Georg Gadamer and Paul Ricoeur offered a critique of the formalists' tendency to make "meaning" a static object. According to the hermeneutical circle, the text initiates a kind of dialogue or encounter with the reader/viewer, and like all dialogues this one makes claims upon its partner. Far from merely explicating the "objective" meanings inherent in the autonomous text, interpretation is, in the words of Ricoeur, "the process by which disclosure of new modes of being, of new forms of life, gives to the subject a new capacity for knowing himself." In his own wide-ranging and nuanced criticism of both biblical and secular texts, Ricoeur himself moves easily from a close reading of symbols to theoretical reflection, thereby modeling for an entire generation a more conceptually sophisticated way of joining religion and art than had heretofore been practiced.

To retrieve my initial question: Why, granted its intellectual contributions and vitality, is the study of religion and art now under question? Because its very interdisciplinariness and inherent concern with issues of interpretation have put it at the center of the most significant controversy in the human sciences today. This controversy, prompted by the rise of "radical hermeneutics" (I am borrowing a phrase of John Caputo's, stretching it to encompass not only deconstruction but also political criticism), is over the entire field's attachment to "symbol" and "meaning." Radical hermeneutics claims that religion and art has a closer continuity with its 19th-century origins than it realizes or wants. While modern developments in criticism and religion did open up a space for interdisciplinary work by allowing relative distinctions between religion and art, they did so within a foundational framework fraught with unexamined presuppositions.

Deconstruction's project is to relativize "meaning" by showing that any text has many other senses than that conveyed by its "meaning." By exploring the surfaces of text, deconstructionists lift up all sorts of phonic and graphic relationships at play that reduce the assumed priority of "meaning." The problem with Gadamer's and Ricoeur's hermeneutics (and before them the new criticism) is that they assume a thematic unity or system of meaning in the text. Such subordination of the text to the rule of meaning does violence to the text and restricts its free play of significations.

Deconstruction's radical hermeneutics strikes serious blows at certain traditional theories of meaning by showing how unstable an affair language is. This would be unsettling enough if language were simply a tool we use rather than the very medium in which we live. Language's claim to present inner experience and describe how reality is corresponds to our desire for some ultimate "word" or "reality" in which to ground all experience. Tillich's claim that religion and art are rooted in one theonomous Logos is just the sort of claim about "meaning" that deconstruction wants to interrogate.

The significance of these foundational presuppositions or the extent to which pointing them out is a damning criticism depends, of course, on where one stands in the current controversy. Some read deconstruction as denying the existence of anything but discourse; others, as relativizing and pluralizing meanings by showing them to be the effects of language, the unconscious, social institutions and practices.

In this last point we can see a family resemblance between deconstruction and political criticism, which practices a somewhat more traditional hermeneutic of suspicion. It wants to peel away the manifest sense of discourse to disclose the authoritarian and ideological character of its latent meanings. Since linguistic signs are matters of historical and cultural convention, when language presents itself as natural rather than drawing attention to its own arbitrariness, it may get granted unquestioned status as the expression of what is real and abiding. Such masking of cultural convention as the nature of things-the naturalizing of social reality-is an act of ideology, undertaken for the sake of power relations.

Literature itself (no less than religion) is, in this view, an ideology, with the most intimate relations to social power. What sorts of oppressions, for example, are being supported in novels of traditional realism, and what sort of "meaning" is being canonized when an ethicist writes that "the unity of the self is like the unity exhibited in a good novel"? Among the issues political criticism brings to the fore and into question are: canons, whether literary, artistic or religious; distinctions between so-called high and low art; the granting of certain types of discourse privileged status; and matters of gender, race and class.

While both deconstruction and political criticism see more moderate forms of hermeneutics as serving closed and totalizing discourses (more iconic than iconoclastic), each regards the other as not radical enough. To the deconstructionists, political criticism is still trapped within the old humanism; to those engaged in the critique of ideology, meanwhile, deconstruction's play with textual indeterminacy looks too much like the old bourgeois "art for art's sake."

At the end of the last century, Arnold advocated art as a solution to the evident collapse of religion: "There is not a creed which is not shaken, not an accredited dogma which is not shown to be questionable, not a received tradition which does not threaten to dissolve." As we approach the end of another century, some in the academy see radical hermeneutics as the final step in that process of dissolution, while to others it is the promise of a rebirth. Such a renewal in religion and art would interrogate the language of domination and would approach questions of "depth" and "meaning" and "ultimacy" with circumspection, attuned to who or what is being ruled in or out of the discourse. The AIR's preauthorization of the Arts, Literature and Religion section is an invitation to get on with the debate.


Piety, Commercialism, Activism: The Uses of Mother’s Day

Here we are on the eve of one of our odder hallowed days. On the second Sunday in May, churches across the country will again honor mothers. Some churches will recognize the oldest mother and, if not a matter of scandal, the youngest or most recent mother. Perhaps, too, congregations will applaud the mother with the most children attending with her. Mothers will wear flowers; preachers will give suitable sermons; choirs will sing fitting hymns. In many churches, especially in evangelical circles, this is one of the high days of the year. Even in those Protestant churches that have tried to recover the traditional Christian year and to minimize extraneous feasts, Mother's Day may still be celebrated.

Some suspect that the churches actually have little reason to recognize this day, that in observing it they acquiesce to a civic and commercial occasion-one more Flag Day in America's civil religion and one more festival of consumption in America's commercialized calendar. Some see Mother's Day as at best an antiquated observance or at worst a patriarchal indulgence, evoking traditional ideals of motherhood and domesticity, when what the churches really need are new liturgies of gender equality and inclusion. Some view Mother's Day as an intrusion on the Christian calendar, a distraction that sometimes falls on Pentecost Sunday, one more anthropocentric feast that impedes Christological celebration. Mother's Day may well be guilty on all counts, but its history is more convoluted, its liturgical enactment and meanings more complex, than such dismissals suggest.

The movement to establish Mother's Day is traceable to a hard-working and well-meaning Methodist laywoman, Anna Jarvis, who spent a good part of her time in the first four decades of this century promoting the new holiday, especially through Sunday schools. When her mother, the daughter and granddaughter of Methodist ministers, died on May 9, 1905, Jarvis in a series of recollections penned for friends and family remembered her mother especially for her evangelical piety and practice: her conversion at age 12; her lifelong work in a Methodist Sunday school in Grafton, West Virginia; her habits of secret prayer, her graces at table; and her abiding affection for her favorite hymns. From Philadelphia, where Jarvis had moved some years before her mother's death, she initially contented herself with simple remembrances, offering memorial gifts in her mother's honor to the Sunday school in Grafton and organizing in May 1907 a special service in commemoration of her mother's long involvement with the church.

By 1908 Jarvis's vision had widened considerably to memorializing her mother by honoring all mothers with their own special day on the second Sunday in May. What inspired this grandiose plan, besides her devotion to her mother, is unclear. Herself a church organist, a Sunday school teacher and a graduate of Augusta Female Seminary, Jarvis was well versed in the red-letter days of American Protestantism. The Sunday schools thrived on special occasions-Christmas programs most prominently, but also such events as Children's Day, Temperance Sunday, Roll Call Day, Decision Day, Missionary Day and Anti-Cigarette Day. The invention of Mother's Day was certainly continuous with this evangelical Protestant world.

Perhaps Jarvis had also heard of the calls of Julia Ward Howe for Mothers' Peace Day celebrations, which Howe had promoted since the 1870s as early-June events in which mothers of the world committed themselves to the cause of world peace. As late as 1893, Howe was still suggesting a Mother’s Day dedicated to peace, wondering forlornly whether women might remake July 4 into such an occasion. Or perhaps Jarvis had heard of the Old World custom of Mothering Sunday, a mid-Lent celebration focused on returning home and paying homage to one's mother. But she never mentioned Howe or Mothering Sunday, never intimated any connection between her special day and other special days in the Sunday schools. She was not one to spread the credit around; this was her idea and her day, and she would always jealously protect it. Indeed, she often ungraciously characterized others who took up the cause and offered their own versions of Mother's Day activities as "grafters," " infringers," "trespassers" or "deadbeat."

Whatever precursors there may have been, Jarvis certainly deserves the lion's share of the credit for inventing Mother’s Day. From 1908 on, her organizational energy, especially her letter-writing cwnpaign, was phenomenal. Protestant luminaries such as William Jennings Bryan, J. Wilbur Chapman and Russell Conwell rang in on her side. Religious organizations, including the World Sunday School Association and the YMCA, lent their support. Jarvis's own church, the Methodist Episcopal Church, formally embraced the holiday at its General Conference in 1912. Jarvis also won Mother's Day endorsements from a string of governors and senators; this political backing found fruition in Woodrow Wilson's presidential proclamation recognizing the holiday in 1914. One Congregationalist paper at the time effused over the rising prominence of Mother's Day on the American calendar: "Not Christmas, nor Easter, nor Children's Day has stirred such depth of sentiment."

This rapid ascent of Mother's Day-in the churches and in the wider culture-was clearly attributable to more than the doings of one pious and dedicated woman. Indeed, the shape it took and the directions it went were quickly beyond Jarvis's control. Mother's Day struck a resonant chord in the culture-with all those unnerved by women's suffrage and urban migration, with Protestants long familiar with the maternal ideals of evangelical womanhood, with business leaders (especially florists) who were quick to see the commercial potential, with politicians who still regularly voiced the Enlightenment precept that virtuous mothers were the essential undergirding of the republic in nurturing sons to be responsible citizens. The new holiday had a web of private meanings and memories for Jarvis, but in its public unfolding, Mother's Day added all kinds of new threads.

Commercialism quickly became one of the dominant threads. Jarvis had envisioned Mother’s Day as "a holy day," even-in a truly grandiloquent moment-as "a divine gift," a Sabbath celebration of maternal affection and perseverance, "not as a holiday" at the disposal of various "trade vandals" and "trade pirates." Embittered by these "greedy tradesmen," she repeatedly lashed out at those who "have feasted on our Cause" and who seemed willing to "take the coppers off a dead mothers’s eyes." She repeatedly fought the florist industry, her arch-nemesis as well as other trade groups, but with little success. At her most severe she urged people not to buy any gifts at all for Mother's Day, especially not flowers and greeting cards, and simply encouraged people to visit home or to write Mother a long letter. At times the churches explicitly joined Jarvis in her resistance; one writer in the Christian Advocate worried that Mother's Day was becoming but "a tool of commercial interests," that the "spiritual values" of this festival of the Christian home were being obscured in an onslaught of "expensive gifts" and "falsely sentimental advertising."

The founding of Mother’s Day in 1908, however, was ill-timed to avoid such commercial influences: the Florists’ Telegraph Delivery Association (FTD) was organized in 1910; the National Association of Greeting Card Manufacturers was formed in 1914; the emergent advertising industry already had a full panoply of trade journals, including Printers’ Ink and the wonderfully named Signs of the Times, which was devoted not to expounding fundamentalist eschatology but to exploring new advertising media. The American calendar as a whole was transformed in these decades into a festal cycle that helped sustain the burgeoning consumer culture. Mother's Day was swept along with the rest.

The pervasive influence of commerce on the observance of Mother’s Day outside the churches is obvious, but even inside the churches the influence was not inconsequential. Denominational publishing houses sold various Mother's Day gimcracks-for example, special Sunday school souvenirs, postcards, bookmarks, bulletins and celluloid buttons. Quick to demonstrate that they shared the

commercial acumen of their compatriots in business, church leaders employed special advertising for Mother's Day services in hopes of packing the house as at Christmas and Easter. More subtly, commerce could shape the very folk liturgy of the celebration. For example, the practice, still observed in many churches, of wearing a red flower in honor of living mothers and a white flower in memory of deceased mothers originated in a florist jingle, promoted tirelessly by the industry in hopes of widening the variety of flowers associated with the day and thus enlarging Jarvis's own emphasis on white carnations. The jingle ran:

White flowers for Mother's memory.

Bright flowers for Mothers living.

As with Rudolph-the-Red-Nosed-Rein-deer (an invention of Montgomery Ward) or Mrs. Santa Claus (a contrivance of Westinghouse), our modern folklore-some have called this "folk- lure"-has often emerged from advertising.

But for all the influence of commerce, the churches have obviously offered their own interpretations of Mother's Day and over the decades have shaped the holiday to their own purposes. In particular, Mother’s Day for Protestants has been the occasion for a running commentary on women's roles, the family and the Christian home.

In the 1910s and '20s (and often enough thereafter) Mother’s Day served as a solace to those who feared that the "new womanhood" was threatening the very institutions of motherhood and the family. Mother's Day offered the assurance, as a writer in the Homiletic Review put it in 1917, that "women are still at their old tasks." The holiday also underscored the traditional themes of motherly influences in matters of evangelism and salvation, themes grown familiar from a century of Protestant maternal associations and female missionary societies. Mother’s Day in the churches painted, as it often still does, a traditional picture

of self-sacrificing domesticity and sentimental piety. The very ceremony of honoring mothers on this day in churches is a ritual way of enclosing all women in motherhood. Mother’s Day gave quintessential if belated expression to what Ann Douglas calls the 19th century's "cult of motherhood," which, as she observes, offered women "flattery in the place of justice and equality."

But in fairness to Anna Jarvis and to all those daughters who rushed to affirm Mother's Day, a small prophetic glint shone amid the old saws on motherhood and home. One of Jarvis's favorite defenses of Mother's Day was a playful litany that she recited on the patriarchy of the American calendar: "Washington's Birthday is for the 'Father of our Country'; Memorial Day for our 'Heroic Fathers'; 4th of July for 'Patriot Fathers’; Labor Day for 'Laboring Fathers’; Thanksgiving Day for ‘Pilgrim Fathers’; and even New Year's Day is for ‘Old Father Time.’" Of course, Mother's Day hardly constituted an inclusion of all women-not even Jarvis herself, who never married and never had any children. Mother's Day was confessedly not an International Women's Day (March 8) or a Women's Equality Day (August 26), 'both of which offer potential alternatives to Mother's Day, but to which churches have paid little attention.

Yet Mother's Day was a furtive opening to women in the Protestant calendar. A friend of mine remembers Mother's Day as the one Sunday in the year in her rural North Carolina church on which congregants joined in singing "Faith of Our Mothers" instead of "Faith of Our Fathers"-a populist revision that worked uncontroversially because it arose from the people themselves. More broadly, the new holy day also inspired extensive reconsideration within Protestant ranks of the Virgin Mary as Mother of Jesus. A plethora of sermon ideas on this topic (and even a number of illustrations of the Virgin and Child) found space in the May issues of such journals as the Homiletic Review.

Once a part of the calendar, Mother's Day proved a flexible feast, hardly bound to traditional associations. It often provided a liturgical focus for women's groups to raise broader social issues. For instance, as part of the Poor People's Campaign in 1968, Coretta Scott King led a Mother's Day march in support of poor mothers and their children. Under the banner of "Mother Power," she exhorted "black women, white women, brown women, and red women-all the women of this nation"-to take up this ..campaign of conscience." In the 1970s the National Organization of Women employed Mother's Day to stage rallies for the Equal Rights Amendment, to promote access to child-care, and to hold their own "Give-Equality-for-Mother's Day" banquets. In the 1980s the Women's Party for Survival, founded by Helen Caldicott, reappropriated Howe's idea of a Mothers' Peace Day and used the holiday as an occasion for peace demonstrations. Others used Mother's Day to highlight their boycott of multinational corporations selling infant formulas to third World mothers. In the 1990s Mother's Day is becoming in circles such as Wicca and the California group Women Spirit Rising the occasion to honor Mother Earth and the Mother Goddess. Instead of being confined to hidebound formulations, Mother's Day has served to locate cultural debates about women and equality.

Like other holidays, Mother's Day is a "text," ready for variant readings and interpretations. There have been, of course, prevailing perspectives-about women as guardians of the Christian home, about our celebrations as essentially private, domestic affairs, about the need in a consumer society to validate our deepest social relationships through cards, flowers and candies. But there are other possibilities here. The story of Anna Jarvis and her mother reminds us of the Methodist wellsprings of this feast, of an evangelical piety still lit up like a camp meeting. Coretta Scott King, NOW and the Women's Party for Survival remind us of still other uses and enactments of the holiday. Possibly the surest lesson of Mother's Day is how it high-lights the regularly exercised freedom in American Protestantism to invent and reinvent the church year.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Jesus on Film

In 1954, encouraged by new scholarship on Jesus' life and by the rising tide of church membership and attendance, the Episcopal Church helped finance a film on the life of Jesus, The Day of Triumph. It forthrightly pictured Jesus full-face for the first time since DeMille's King of Kings (1927). The film portrayed Judas as a Zealot and associated him with Barabbas. Judas hoped to force Jesus into the ranks of the Zealots -- a theme in accordance with theories about the political character of the eschatological kingdom of God. The Day of Triumph also broke important ground in being the first film to represent the voice of Jesus on a sound track (except for Salome, in which Jesus' voice was heard but the actor who spoke Jesus' lines was unseen).

Three years later a Nikos Kazantzakis novel was translated by Jules Dassin into the film He Who Must Die, about a modern passion play in which the characters' roles eventually become their reality, culminating in the death of the character who plays Jesus. The film, which many believe depicts the struggle between the Turks and the Greeks on Cyprus, received a good deal of exposure in art-house cinemas in large American cities. Churches organized group trips to see the film, whose obvious political overtones meant little to American audiences.

Five commercial films about Christ were made in the next 16 years. The most widely viewed were King of Kings (1961). The Greatest Story Ever Told (1965) and Jesus Christ Superstar (1973). Gaining more critical acclaim were the Italian-made Gospel According to Saint Matthew (1963) and Godspell (1973). Neither of these was produced in the spectacular style, and neither one gathered wide audiences in the United States. (Another film, Gospel Road 19731, had very few commercial bookings and is generally unavailable for viewing.)

Turning the Gospel accounts into spectacular big-budget melodramas was by no means a commercially safe investment. George Stevens is estimated to have lost a fortune on Greatest Story, even though the film grossed over $7 million in the U.S. Making a biblical spectacular was considered a great financial risk.

For marketing considerations, the scripts had to have both authenticity and wide commercial appeal. Filmmakers had to present a treatment that would win the approval of as many groups as possible. DeMille had found the formula with Moses, but Jesus presented quite a different problem because he was the object of faith. Some thought that the life of Jesus was intrinsically dramatic. But Judith Crist questioned whether the story could be told at all:

I wonder if there is not instant diminution when we put a figure of Christ upon the screen. How to personify the mystery and divinity and, once personified, how to make the figure move among men? These are of the imagination, and our traditional film-makers leave nothing to the imagination. How then are they to "visualize" the vision that has endured for centuries primarily within the human heart? ... No, the great big screen and the great big names are too much for the survival of matters of the spirit. So many aspects of big movie-making intervene that the Passion cannot predominate ["A Story Too Great To Be Told?" New York, Herald Tribune, February 21, 1965, p. 271.]

An example of this "bigness" is the problem of depicting Jesus' miracles. They must somehow be portrayed plausibly and not appear to be optical illusions or cinematic tricks. Additionally, the resurrection cannot be omitted, for it is the evidence of Christ's divinity. Yet to show it means that an empirically minded audience is required either to acknowledge that its world view does not encompass things of the spirit or that there is some other explanation for the resurrection that is not portrayed.

Did God plan to have his son murdered? According to the Gospel accounts, Judas caused the crucifixion because that was his role in the divine plan. But for those who do not believe that the supernatural intervenes into the natural order, Judas loses his legitimation. This raises the question of why Judas betrayed Jesus -- complicated by an additional consideration: Was it possible that the infallible Christ made a mistake in choosing Judas as a disciple? Or given divine foreknowledge of his fate, did Jesus masochistically seek self-destruction? Various film interpretations of Judas's role seek to resolve those perennial questions.

The problem of portraying Jesus is even more troublesome. The question of whether to allow a recognizable actor to play Jesus has plagued the Hollywood community. Even more perplexing has been the question of how to portray him. In commenting on the choice of Max von Sydow for Greatest Story, Ivan Butler wrote:

"Max von Sydow is a strong, virile, compassionate and even at times a humorous Christ. Edward Connor describes him as the best since H. B. Warner [DeMille's Christ] -- it is arguable that he even surpasses the earlier performance. Warner, for all the beauty, tenderness, and dignity of his portrayal, or perhaps because of these very virtues, never quite convinced as the Son of God. Warner was the "gentle Jesus" of the child's bedside as well as the Teacher, the Healer, the Reformer, the Man of unquenchable will and inner determination. Von Sydow satisfies one on all these points, but in addition is also the trudger from place to place through the hot dusty countryside, the craftsman's son. The physical strength to undergo the strains imposed on Christ is evident in von Sydow -- with Warner one occasionally has doubts in this respect [Religion in the Cinema, (A. S. Barnes, 1969), pp. 48-491.]

In the final analysis, the central problem is dealing with a sacred story in a technological and pluralistic society. Since the United States is at least nominally Christian, and since Christian doctrine has supplied the imaginative resources for much of our literature, it is understandable that artists would want to present the story of Christ in the most technologically advanced medium. Since the story is so fundamental to society, the spectacular form seems the only proper genre. But the spectacular form, no matter how it is manipulated, seems to demand a melodramatic archetype; and a melodrama fashioned from the paradigmatic story of Christ works against itself, creating a "moral fantasy" out of what has been considered the supernatural norm of realistic behavior.