An Evangelical Theology of Liberation

The emergence of theologies of liberation -- whether black, feminist or Latin American -- is probably the most significant theological development of recent years. At the heart of liberation theology is the attempt fundamentally to rethink theology from the standpoint of the poor and oppressed. The central theological foundation of this approach is the thesis that God is on their side. It is that basic thesis that I want to probe. Space here is too limited to develop a comprehensive evangelical theology of liberation, so instead I want to answer two questions. How biblical is the view that God is on the side of the poor and the oppressed? Second, in light of the answer to this first question, how biblical is evangelical theology?

Some Preliminary Clarifications

I want to argue that one of the central biblical doctrines is that God is on the side of the poor and the oppressed. Tragically, evangelical theology has largely ignored this doctrine, and thus our theology has been unbiblical -- indeed, even heretical -- on this important point. Before I develop this double thesis, however, I want to outline some things I do not mean when I say that God is on the side of the poor and oppressed.

I do not mean that material poverty is a biblical ideal. This glorious creation is a wonderful gift from our Creator. He wants us to revel in its glory and splendor.

Second, I do not mean that the poor and oppressed are, because they are poor and oppressed, to be idealized or automatically included in the church. The poor sinfully disobey God in the same ways that we wretched middle-class sinners do, and they therefore need to enter into a living personal relationship with Jesus Christ. Only then do they become a part of the church. One of the serious weaknesses in much of liberation theology is an inadequate ecclesiology, especially the tendency to blur the distinction between the church and the world. And one can understand that tendency. It is understandable that black and Latin American theologians would be impressed by the fact that whereas most of the organized church regularly ignores the injustice that causes poverty and oppression, those who do care enough to risk their lives for improved conditions are often people who explicitly reject Christianity. Hence one can understand why someone like Hugo Assmann would conclude that the true church is

the conscious emergence and the more explicit enacting of the one meaning of the one history, in other words, a revolutionary consciousness and commitment. The explicit reference to Jesus Christ becomes in this view gratuitous in the original sense of the word -- something which is not demanded by or needed for the struggle [of socioeconomic liberation] . . . The reference to Jesus Christ does not add an ‘extra’ to the historical struggle but is totally and without rest identified with it.

In spite of deep appreciation for the factors that lead to an identification of the church with the poor and oppressed or with the revolutionary minority that seeks liberation for them, one must insist that such a view is fundamentally unbiblical.

Third, when I say that God is on the side of the poor and oppressed, I do not mean that God cares more about the salvation of the poor than the salvation of the rich or that the poor have a special claim to the gospel. It is sheer nonsense to say with Enzo Gatti: "The human areas that are poorest in every way are the most qualified for receiving the Saving Word. They are the ones that have the best right to that Word; they are the privileged recipients of the Gospel." God cares equally about the salvation of the rich and the poor. To be sure, at the psychological level Gatti is partly correct. Church-growth theorists have discovered what Jesus alluded to long ago in his comment on the camel going through the eye of the needle. It is extremely difficult for rich persons to enter the Kingdom. The poor are generally more ready than the. rich to accept the gospel. But that does not mean that God desires the salvation of the poor more than the salvation of the rich.

Fourth, to say that God is on the side of the poor is not to say that knowing God is nothing more than seeking justice for the poor and oppressed. Some -- although certainly not most -- liberation theologians do jump to this radical conclusion. Jose Miranda says bluntly, "To know Jahweh is to achieve justice for the poor. . . . The God who does not allow himself to be objectified, because only in the immediate command of conscience is he God, clearly specifies that he is knowable exclusively in the cry of the poor and the weak who seek justice." It is precisely Miranda’s kind of one-sided, reductionist approach that offers comfortable North Americans a plausible excuse for ignoring the radical biblical Word that seeking justice for the poor is inseparable from -- even though it is not identical with -- knowing Jahweh.

Finally, when I say that God is on the side of the poor, I do not mean that hermeneutically we must start with some ideologically interpreted context of oppression (for instance, a Marxist definition of the poor and their oppressed situation) and then reinterpret Scripture from that ideological perspective. Black theologian James H. Cone’s developing thought is interesting at this point. In 1969, in Black Theology and Black Power, he wrote: "The fact that I am Black is my ultimate reality. My identity with blackness, and what it means for millions living in a white world, controls the investigation. It is impossible for me to surrender this basic reality for a higher, more universal reality.’"

By the time Cone wrote God of the Oppressed (1978), however, he realized that such a view would relativize all theological claims, including his own critique of white racist theology.

How do we distinguish our words about God from God’s Word . . .? Unless this question is answered satisfactorily, black theologians’ distinction between white theology and Black Theology is vulnerable to the white contention that the latter is merely the ideological justification of radical black politics.

To be sure, Cone believes as strongly as other liberation theologians that the hermeneutical key to Scripture is God’s saving action to liberate the oppressed. But how does he know that?

In God’s revelation in Scripture we come to the recognition that the divine liberation of the oppressed is determined not by our perceptions but by the God of the Exodus, the prophets and Jesus Christ, who calls the oppressed into a liberated existence. Divine revelation alone is the test of the validity of this starting point. And if it can be shown that God as witnessed in the Scriptures is not the liberator of the oppressed, then black theology would have either to drop the "Christian" designation or to choose another starting point.

One can only wish that all liberation theologians agreed with Cone.

God’s Intervention

In what sense then is God on the side of the poor and oppressed? Let us first look briefly at three central points of revelation history -- the Exodus, the destruction of Israel and Judah, and the incarnation. At the central moments when God displayed his mighty acts in history to reveal his nature and will, he also intervened to liberate the poor and oppressed.

God displayed his power at the Exodus in order to free slaves. When God called Moses at the burning bush, he informed him that his intention was to end suffering and injustice: "I have seen the affliction of my people who are in Egypt, and have heard their cry because of their taskmasters; I know their sufferings, and I have come down to deliver them out of the hand of the Egyptians" (Exod. 3:7-8). Each year at the harvest festival, the Israelites repeated a liturgical confession celebrating the way God had acted to free a poor, oppressed people.

A wandering Aramean was my father; and he went down into Egypt and sojourned there. . . . And the Egyptians treated us harshly and afflicted us, and laid upon us hard bondage. Then we cried to the Lord, the God of our fathers, and the Lord heard our voice, and saw our affliction, our toil, and our oppression; and the Lord brought us out of Egypt with a mighty hand [Deut. 26:5 ff., RSV].

Unfortunately, some liberation theologians see in the Exodus only God’s liberation of an oppressed people and miss the fact that he also acted to fulfill his promises to Abraham, to reveal his will and to call out a special people. Certainly God acted to call a special people so that through them he could reveal his will and bring salvation to all. But his will included the fact that his people should follow him and side with the poor and oppressed. The fact that Yahweh did not liberate all poor Egyptians at the Exodus does not mean that he was not concerned for the poor everywhere -- any more than the fact that he did not give the Ten Commandments the Near East means that he did not intend the laws to have universal significance. Because God chose to reveal himself in history, he disclosed to certain people at particular points in time what he willed for all people everywhere.

At the Exodus, God acted to demonstrate that he is opposed to oppression. We distort the biblical interpretation of that momentous event unless we see that at this pivotal point, the Lord of the universe was at work correcting oppression and liberating the poor.

The prophets’ explanation for the destruction of Israel and then Judah underlines the same point. The explosive message of the prophets is that God destroyed Israel not only because of idolatry (although certainly because of that too), but also because of economic exploitation and mistreatment of the poor.

The middle of the eighth century BC. was a time of political success and economic prosperity unknown since the days of Solomon. But it was precisely then that God sent his prophet Amos to announce the unwelcome news that the northern kingdom would be destroyed. Why? Penetrating beneath the façade of prosperity and economic growth, Amos saw terrible oppression of the poor. He saw the rich "trample the head of the poor into the dust of the earth"(2:7). He saw that the affluent life style of the rich was built on oppression of the poor (6: 1-7). Even in the courts the poor had no hope because the rich bribed the judges (5:10-15).

God’s word through Amos was that the northern kingdom would be destroyed and the people taken into exile (7:11, 17). A very few years after Amos spoke, it happened just as God had said. Because of its mistreatment of the poor, God destroyed the northern kingdom.

When God acted to reveal himself most completely in the incarnation, he continued to demonstrate his special concern for the poor and oppressed. St. Luke used the programmatic account of Jesus in the synagogue at Nazareth to define Jesus’ mission. The words which Jesus read from the prophet Isaiah are familiar to us all:

The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed, to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord [Luke 4:18-19, RSV].

After reading these words, Jesus informed his hearers that this Scripture was now fulfilled in himself. The mission of the Incarnate One was to preach the good news to the poor and to free the oppressed.

Many people spiritualize these words either by simplistically assuming that Jesus was talking about healing blinded hearts in captivity to sin or by appealing to the later Old Testament and intertestamental idea of "the poor of Jahweh" (the anawim). It is true that the latter Psalms and the interestamental literature use the terms for the poor (especially anawim) to refer to humble, devout Israelites who place all their trust in Jahweh. But that does not mean that Jesus’ usage had no connection with socioeconomic poverty. Indeed, it was precisely the fact that the economically poor and oppressed were the faithful remnant who trusted in Jahweh that led to the new usage according to which the words for the poor designated the pious faithful.

Sources of Wealth

The second aspect of the biblical teaching that God is on the side of the poor and oppressed is that he works in history to cast down the rich and exalt the poor.

Mary’s Magnificat puts it simply and bluntly:

My soul magnifies the Lord. . . .

He has put down the mighty from their thrones and exalted those of low degree;

he has filled the hungry with good things, and the rich he has sent empty away

[Luke 1:46-53, RSV].

Why does Scripture declare that God regularly reverses the good fortunes of the rich? Is God engaged in class warfare? Actually, our texts never say that God loves the poor more than the rich. But they do constantly assert that God lifts up the poor and disadvantaged. And they persistently insist that God casts down the wealthy and powerful. Why? Precisely because, according to Scripture, the rich often become wealthy by oppressing the poor and failing to feed the hungry.

For example, through his prophet Isaiah, God declared that the rulers of Judah were rich because they had cheated the poor. Surfeited with affluence, the wealthy women had indulged in self-centered wantonness, oblivious of the suffering of the oppressed. The result, God said, would be devastating destruction (Isa. 3:14ff).

Sometimes Scripture does not charge the rich with direct oppression of the poor; it simply accuses them of failure to share with the needy. But the result is the same. The biblical explanation of Sodom’s destruction provides one illustration of this terrible truth. If asked why Sodom was destroyed, virtually all Christians would point to the city’s gross sexual perversity. But that is a one-sided recollection of what Scripture actually teaches. Ezekiel shows that one important reason God destroyed Sodom was because the city stubbornly refused to share with the poor.

Behold, this was the guilt of your sister Sodom: she and her daughters had pride, surfeit of food, and prosperous ease, but did not aid the poor and needy. They were haughty, and did abominable things before me; therefore I removed them when I saw it [Ezek. 16:49-50, RSV].

The text does not say that the people of Sodom oppressed the poor (although they probably did). It simply accuses them of failing to assist the needy.

Denouncing Pious Shams

The third aspect of the biblical teaching that God is on the side of the poor and oppressed is that the people of God, if they are really the people of God, are also on the side of the poor and oppressed. Those who neglect the needy are not really God’s people at all -- no matter how frequent their religious rituals or how orthodox their creeds and confessions. The prophets sometimes made this point by insisting that knowing God and seeking justice for the oppressed are inseparable. At other times they condemned the religious rituals of the oppressors, who tried to worship God while continuing to oppress the poor.

Jeremiah announced God’s harsh message that King Jehoiakim did not know Jahweh and would be destroyed because of his injustice:

Woe to him who builds his house by unrighteousness, and his upper rooms by injustice;

who makes his neighbor serve him for nothing, and does not give him his wages; . . .

Did not your father eat and drink

and do justice and righteousness?

Then it was well with him.

He judged the cause of the poor and needy; then it was well.

Is not this to know me?

says the Lord

[Jer. 22:13-16, RSV].

Knowing God necessarily involves seeking justice for the poor (cf. also Hos. 2:19-20).

The same correlation between seeking justice for the poor and knowledge of God is equally clear in the messianic passage of Isaiah 11:1-9. Of the shoot of the stump of Jesse, the prophet says: "With righteousness he shall judge the poor and decide with equity for the meek of the earth" (v. 4 RSV). In this ultimate messianic shalom, "the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord as the waters cover the sea" (v. 9, RSV).

Nor has God changed. Jesus repeated the same theme. He warned the people about scribes who secretly oppress widows while making a public display of their piety. Their pious-looking garments and frequent visits to the synagogue are a sham. Woe to religious hypocrites "who devour widows’ houses and for a pretense make long prayers" (Mark 12:38-40).

The prophetic word against religious hypocrites raises an extremely difficult question. Are the people of God truly God’s people if they oppress the poor? Is the church really the church if it does not work to free the oppressed?

As George Ladd has said, "Jesus redefines the meaning of love for neighbor; it means love for any man in need." In light of the parable of the Good Samaritan and the clear teaching of Matthew 5:43 ff., one is compelled to say that those who fail to aid the poor and oppressed (whether they are believers or not) are simply not the people of God.

Lest we forget the warning, God repeats it in I John. "But if any one has the world’s goods and sees his brother in need, yet closes his heart against him, how does God’s love abide in him? Little children, let us not love in word or speech but in deed and truth" (3:17-18. [RSV]; cf. also James 2:14-17). Again, the words are plain. What do they mean for Western Christians who demand increasing affluence each year while people in the Third World suffer malnutrition, deformed bodies and brains, even starvation? The text clearly says that if we fail to aid the needy, we do not have God’s love -- no matter what we may say. The text demands deeds, not pious phrases and saintly speeches. Regardless of what we do or say at 11:00 A.M. Sunday morning, those who neglect the poor and oppressed are not the people of God.

But still the question persists. Do professing believers cease to be Christians because of continuing sin? Obviously not. The Christian knows that sinful selfishness continues to plague even the most saintly. We are members of the people of God not because of our own righteousness but solely because of Christ’s death for us.

That response is extremely important and true. But it is also inadequate. All the texts from both testaments which we have just surveyed surely mean more than that the people of God are disobedient (but still justified all the same) when they neglect the poor. These verses pointedly assert that some people so disobey God that they are not his people at all despite their pious profession. Neglect of the poor is one of the oft-repeated biblical signs of such disobedience.

In light of this clear biblical teaching, how biblical is evangelical theology? Certainly there have been some great moments of faithfulness. Wesley, Wilberforce and Charles Finney’s evangelical abolitionists stood solidly in the biblical tradition in their search for justice for the poor and oppressed of their time. But 20th century evangelicals have not, by and large, followed their example. The evangelical community is largely on the side of the rich oppressors rather than that of the oppressed poor. Imagine what would happen if all the evangelical institutions -- youth organizations, publications, colleges and seminaries, congregations and denominational headquarters -- would dare to undertake a comprehensive two-year examination of their total program and activity to answer this question: Is there the same balance and emphasis on justice for the poor and oppressed in our programs as there is in Scripture? If those of us who are evangelicals did that with an unconditional readiness to change whatever did not correspond with the scriptural revelation of God’s special concern for the poor and oppressed, we would unleash a new movement of biblical social concern that would change the course of modern history.

An Unbiblical and Heretical Theology

But our problem is not primarily one of ethics. It is not that we have failed to live what our teachers have taught. Our theology itself has been unbiblical and therefore heretical. I think James Cone is right when he says: "Theologians of the Christian Church have not interpreted Christian ethics as an act for the liberation of the oppressed because their views of divine revelation were defined by philosophy and other cultural values rather than by the biblical theme of God as the liberator of the oppressed." By largely ignoring the central biblical teaching that God is on the side of the poor, evangelical theology has been profoundly unorthodox. The Bible has just as much to say about this doctrine as it does about Jesus’ resurrection. And yet we evangelicals insist on the resurrection as a criterion of orthodoxy and largely ignore the equally prominent biblical teaching that God is on the side of the poor and the oppressed.

Now please do not misunderstand me at this point. I am not saying that the resurrection is unimportant. The bodily resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth is absolutely central to Christian faith, and anyone who denies it or says it is unimportant has fallen into heresy. But if centrality in Scripture is any criterion of doctrinal importance, then the biblical teaching I have been analyzing ought to be an extremely important doctrine for evangelicals.

I am afraid evangelicals have fallen into theological liberalism. Of course, we usually think of theological liberalism in terms of classical 9th century liberals who denied the deity, the atonement and the bodily resurrection of Jesus our Lord. And that is correct. People who abandon those central biblical doctrines have fallen into terrible heresy. But notice what the essence of theological liberalism is; it is allowing our thinking and living to be shaped by the surrounding society’s views and values rather than by biblical revelation. Liberal theologians thought that belief in the deity of Jesus Christ and his bodily resurrection was incompatible with a modern scientific world view. So they followed the surrounding scientifically oriented society rather than Scripture.

Evangelicals rightly called attention to this heresy -- and then tragically made exactly the same move in another area. We have allowed the values of our affluent, materialistic society to shape our thinking and acting toward the poor. It is much easier in evangelical circles today to insist on an orthodox Christology than on the biblical teaching that God is on the side of the poor. We have allowed our theology to be shaped by the economic preferences of our materialistic contemporaries rather than by Scripture. And that is to fall into theological liberalism. We have not been nearly as orthodox as we have claimed.

Past failure, however, is no reason for despair. I think we mean it when we sing, "I’d rather have Jesus than houses or lands." I think we mean it when we write and affirm doctrinal statements that boldly declare that we will not only believe but also live whatever Scripture teaches. But if we do mean it, then we must teach and live, in a world full of injustice and starvation, the important biblical doctrine that God and his faithful people are on the side of the poor and oppressed. Unless we drastically reshape both our theology and our entire institutional church life so that this fact becomes as central to evangelical theology and evangelical institutional programs as it is in Scripture, we will demonstrate to the world that our verbal commitment to sola scriptura is a dishonest ideological support for an unjust, materialistic status quo. But I believe that in the coming years millions of us evangelicals will allow the biblical teaching that God is on the side of the poor and oppressed to reshape fundamentally our culturally conditioned theology and our unbiblically one-sided programs and institutions. If that happens, we will forge a new, truly evangelical theology of liberation that will alter the course of history.

Jesus’ Resurrection and the Search for Peace and Justice



A recent California poll designed to ascertain the general population’s views on the possibility of nuclear war revealed that 85 per cent thought they personally would experience a nuclear war. Most of them expected to die as a result. If that is what the average American foresees, then it is hardly surprising that a deadly, debilitating despair has penetrated to the marrow of contemporary society.

Cynical opportunism often hides the despair: “Let’s seize the moment and grab all we can.” Those who are old enough to remember the tumultuous ‘60s will never forget those ardent crusaders for peace and justice, Jerry Rubin and the rest of the Chicago Seven. Ten years later, when Newsweek did a story on the Chicago Seven, Jerry Rubin was living in a plush Manhattan apartment seeking, he proudly announced, to be “as Establishment as I possibly can.” As for the poor, he casually commented, “I am not that overwhelmingly concerned with the state of the masses.” Cynical narcissism had displaced Rubin’s former passion for peace and justice.

Nor should we be too harsh with the cynical or the despairing; there certainly is sufficient reason for despair. The ghastly prospect of nuclear holocaust looms larger every year. Current policy in Washington puts the U.S. on a collision course with the poor of the earth, both here and abroad. At the present, sanity and optimism seem mutually exclusive. And the next two decades will undoubtedly be the most dangerous in the history of humanity. Nonetheless, we Christians dare to be optimists even in these times. But it is not that we see less than our despairing contemporaries; it is rather that we see more! People who know that the tomb was empty on Easter morning can be the guardians of hope in an age of despair.

To speak of the empty tomb, however, plunges one into the midst of very complex issues and intense controversy. Easter faith as the symbol of hope offends no one, but Easter faith as belief in an empty tomb and in Jesus’ bodily resurrection is quite another matter. A large percentage of Western intelligentsia over the past two centuries has rejected belief in miracles such as the bodily resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth. And a lot of Christian scholars have agreed. If we are to talk today of hope based on the resurrection, we cannot avoid this difficult, issue.

I think, in fact, that this question takes us to the heart of one of the two fundamental “fault lines” in the church today. Many old theological disputes -- about free will, the Eucharist and so on -- are still with us. But I do not think that any of those older disputes are nearly as significant today as two contemporary ones. The first fundamental fault line in the church is historic Christian theism’s controversy with Enlightenment deism and naturalism over the compatibility of modern science and belief in the miraculous. The other fault line is the debate between kingdom Christianity and cultural Christianity.

Historic Christian theism is supernatural to the core. There is more involved here than the fact that Christians through the ages have believed two monumental miracles in their confession of the incarnation and bodily resurrection -- although those two affirmations certainly are the heart of the matter. The miraculous is also integral to the historic Christian understanding of many basic affirmations, such as regeneration, the work of the Holy Spirit, prayer and eschatology. To take the case of prayer, one can, of course, follow Tillich and reinterpret it as meditation or self-hypnosis. But only with the presupposition of historic, supernatural theism does intercessory prayer make sense.

During the Enlightenment, more and more people came to think that belief in divine supernatural intervention in space and time was incompatible with modern science. Nineteenth century liberal theology was, to a significant degree, an attempt to reinterpret Christian faith in light of that fundamental assumption. Nor has that assumption disappeared. No one puts it more pointedly than Rudolf Bultmann, perhaps the most prominent New Testament scholar of the 20th century:

It is impossible to use electric lights and the wireless and to avail ourselves of modern medical and surgical discoveries and at the same time to believe in the New Testament world of spirits and miracles (“New Testament and Mythology,” Kerygma and Myth [Harper & Row, 1966]).

In his monumental work On Being a Christian, Catholic theologian Hans Kung makes the same assumption:

We tried to understand the numerous miracle stories of the New Testament without assuming a “supernatural” intervention -- which cannot be proved -- in the laws of nature. It would therefore seem like a dubious retrogression to discredited ideas if we were now suddenly to postulate such a supernatural “intervention” for the miracle of the resurrection: this would contradict all scientific thinking as well as all ordinary convictions and experiences. Understood in this way, the resurrection seems to modern man to be an encumbrance to faith, akin to the virgin birth, the descent into hell or the ascension.

What is really at issue, of course, is our doctrine of God. If the God of traditional theism exists, then nature is never free from the possibility of his miraculous intervention. On the other hand, if the Enlightenment is correct and we ought to adopt a deistic view of God, then it would be theologically inappropriate to think of supernatural intervention. (A deistic God would be a poor, incompetent clock-maker if he had to keep intervening to get his technology straight!) Philosopher Merold Westphal puts it this way:

When one speaks of the divine activity no conditions outside of God could be obstacles for the realization of what is logically possible. If God exists, miracles are not merely logically possible, but really and genuinely possible at every moment. The only condition hindering the actualization of this possibility lies in the divine will. For the theologian to say that scientific knowledge has rendered belief in miracles intellectually irresponsible is to affirm that scientific knowledge provides us with knowledge of limits within which the divine will always operates (Religious Studies XI [1967]).

To suppose that more and more scientific information makes belief in miracles more and more intellectually irresponsible is sheer intellectual confusion. Science simply tells us with greater and greater (indeed, breathtaking!) precision what nature regularly does. But no amount of scientific information could, in principle, ever tell us whether there might be a God outside nature who could intervene in nature if he or she chose.

Modern science really does not help us very much in the choice between theism and deism. But if we are not confused by the Enlightenment’s deism, then many (but not all) of the reasons for refusing to accept the historic theistic perspective on the incarnation and resurrection fall away. And if we affirm that Jesus was true God and true man and believe that he rose bodily from the tomb, then logical consistency demands that we not use the Enlightenment’s antisupernatural, deistic or naturalistic arguments against traditional views on the virgin birth, the miracle stories of the Bible, the presence of the Holy Spirit, the future return of Christ, prayer and others.



This fundamental debate between historic Christian theism and Enlightenment deism is one that activists cannot ignore if we want to ground our search for peace and justice in Jesus’ resurrection. And I think it is crucial to see that at the heart of the rejection of the historic, Christian affirmation of Jesus’ bodily resurrection is an unwarranted philosophical presupposition.

The question that we ought to be asking, however, is a historical one: What evidence is there? Consider four points: (1) the change in the discouraged disciples, (2) the empty tomb, (3) the fact that the first witnesses were women, and (4) the very early evidence in I Corinthians 15.

A short time after the crucifixion, the disciples announced to a Jerusalem crowd that Jesus had been raised from the dead. Within a few years these same men proceeded to criss-cross the eastern part of the Roman Empire, braving intense Jewish and pagan persecution and eventually experiencing martyrdom. And it was these very men who had scattered at Jesus’ arrest and fled home in despair.

What gave rise to the “resurrection faith” and the disciples’ willingness to risk their lives to spread it? Reginald H. Fuller, formerly a professor at New York’s Union Theological Seminary, has underlined the fact that this total transformation demands explanation: “Even the most skeptical historian has to postulate an ‘X,’ as M. Dibelius called it, to account for the complete change in the behavior of the disciples, who at Jesus’ arrest had fled and scattered to their own homes, but who in a few weeks were boldly preaching their message to the very people who had sought to crush the movement launched by Jesus” (in The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives [Macmillan, 1971]). The explanation given by the people closest to the events was that Jesus of Nazareth arose from the tomb and appeared to them over a period of a number of days.

If one rejects the New Testament explanation of the resurrection faith and the transformation it caused in extremely discouraged people, then one is left with the very difficult task of proposing other grounds adequate to explain it. According to Robert M. Grant of the University of Chicago, “The origin of Christianity is almost incomprehensible unless such an event took place” (Historical Introduction to the New Testament [Harper, 1963]).

Second, and very important, is the question of the empty tomb. A short time after the crucifixion, Peter claimed that Jesus arose from the dead -- and note that he made the claim in Jerusalem. It is exceedingly significant that the controversy over the resurrection, and the rise of the first church, took place precisely in Jerusalem, where anybody could have gone to visit the place of burial. And in Jerusalem hundreds became Christians within months of Jesus’ death. Obviously it was in the interests of the religious leaders to produce the body of Jesus or give clear evidence of its proper disposal. But the earliest counterargument against the claim that Jesus was alive. was the suggestion that the disciples had stolen the body. This was an acknowledgment that it could not be produced.

There have been a number of attempts to explain the empty tomb. The old one of the theft is no longer accepted. It has been suggested that Joseph of Arimathea, or the Romans, or the Jewish leaders removed the body before the women arrived; but if so, the Jewish leaders would surely have conducted guided tours to the real burial place as soon as the silly disciples claimed Jesus had arisen. In his discussion of Jesus’ resurrection, Wolfhart Pannenberg quotes Paul Althaus to underline this point:

In Jerusalem, the place of Jesus’ execution and grave, it was proclaimed not long after his death that he had been raised. The situation demands that within the circle of the first community one had a reliable testimony for the fact that the grave had been found empty. [The resurrection kerygma] could not have been maintained in Jerusalem for a single day, for a single hour, if the emptiness of the tomb had not been established as a fact for all concerned (Jesus: God and Man [Westminster, 1968]).

Because the Christians and their Jewish opponents both agreed that the tomb was empty, it seems very likely that the empty tomb is a historical fact.

Third, the fact that women were the first people to visit the tomb and allegedly the first to see the risen Jesus speaks in favor of the authenticity of the accounts. According to Jewish principles of evidence, women were notoriously invalid witnesses. If, then, the early Christians had fabricated the accounts of the first visit to the tomb and the first meeting with the risen Jesus, they would certainly have claimed that the first witnesses were men. The best explanation for the priority of the women is that it actually happened that way.

Finally, we must look at the oldest evidence for the resurrection, I Corinthians 15:3 ff. The most important aspect of this passage is its early date. Many scholars have pointed out that the words used here (“I delivered to you what I also received”) are technical terms used to refer to the careful handing down of oral tradition. Paul apparently taught these details of Jesus’ appearances to all the churches. Furthermore, he says he received word of them presumably after he became a Christian about 35 A.D., just a few years after Jesus’ death. That means that this witness to Jesus’ resurrection received a fixed form very soon after the actual events -- quite possibly before Paul’s first postconversion visit to Jerusalem about 36 A.D. (Gal. 1:18 f.).



As a historian, I find the evidence surprisingly strong. The most unbiased historical conclusion is that Jesus was probably alive on the third day. But so what? What if somebody 2,000 years ago were alive again after he had died? What does that have to do with our search for peace and justice in the 1980s? I want to develop four theses:

1. The resurrection is the foundation of our belief that Jesus Christ is the present sovereign of this beautiful, endangered planet

2. The resurrected Lord Jesus offers the inner strength for the long, weary, 20-year struggle that will be necessary to avoid nuclear holocaust and implement a new international economic order.

3. The resurrection is the best clue about the relationship between our work for peace and justice now and the perfect shalom of the coming kingdom.

4. Finally, the Christian view of death, grounded in Jesus’ resurrection, is the only foundation solid enough on which to build a movement of costly, sacrificial confrontation with nuclear militaristic madness and entrenched economic injustice.

First, it was the resurrection that convinced the discouraged disciples that the carpenter from Nazareth was truly Messiah and Lord. It is clear everywhere in the New Testament that the resurrection validated Jesus’ claims and his announcement of the messianic kingdom. Jewish eschatological expectation looked for a general resurrection at the beginning of the New Age. As the early Christians reflected on Jesus’ resurrection, they realized that one instance of this general eschatological event had actually occurred already in the Old Age. Thus they referred to Jesus’ resurrection as the first fruits (I Cor. 15:20-23) of that final general resurrection. Here, then, was decisive evidence that the New Age had truly invaded the Old. Jesus of Nazareth was now called Jesus Christ (Jesus, the Messiah) because his resurrection was powerful evidence that his messianic claims were valid.

Indeed, even more lofty titles seemed appropriate after the resurrection. Acts and the epistles make it clear that the resurrection was the decisive demonstration that convinced the disciples that Jesus was truly the Son of God (Rom. 1:4, Acts 2:22-26). They now called him Lord (kurios), the term used in the Greek version of the Old Testament to translate the word Jahweh.

But if that is who he is -- if he is indeed God in the flesh -- then we must submit all of our lives to him. We dare not pick out those parts of his teaching that appeal to us, to our friends, to our subculture, and ignore the rest. We dare not so emphasize the fact that he calls us to love our neighbors and liberate the oppressed that we forget that he also came to die for our sins. We dare not so emphasize the fact that he calls us to be peacemakers that we forget that he also summons us to sexual purity.

If the carpenter from Nazareth was indeed God incarnate, then we must joyfully submit our total lives to him as Lord: our family budgets, our lifestyles, our sexual lives, our theology, our politics, our economics, our jobs. If the peacemaker of the Sermon on the Mount is truly Lord of all things, then we dare not restrict his sovereignty to the private sphere of family life while we participate via our jobs, our research and our votes in society’s blind rush to the brink of nuclear annihilation.

It is because we know that the Risen One is now the Sovereign Lord of history that we have the courage and hope to risk all for peace and liberation.



Second, the risen Lord Jesus offers the inner strength we need for the long, weary struggle for peace and justice. The rapid disappearance of youthful activism at the end of the ‘60s and the young people’s rush to join the establishment underline the need for something more than an ephemeral social mood as the foundation for persistent commitment to fundamental social change. The kind of fundamental transformation of American society that is needed if we are to edge a bit closer to peace and justice will not happen in one year or in five years. It will take decades -- if God in his grace restrains the principalities and powers that seek nuclear war  -- for the new abolitionists to persuade militaristic America that preparation for nuclear holocaust, like slavery, is an affront to the Creator.

Nothing can more securely anchor our doggedly persistent commitment to the struggle for peace and justice than the revolutionary regenerating presence of the risen Jesus in our life. Paul says that Christians die to their old selves and are raised to a new life in Christ (Rom. 6:1 ff.). The same supernatural power of God that raised Jesus from the dead now blows through our formerly timid, fearful personalities. It is in the power of the resurrection that we go forth boldly to demand nuclear disarmament and to seek justice for the oppressed.

That may mean losing a job because we will not participate in the manufacture of nuclear weapons. It may mean rejecting or abandoning an attractive position in Boston or Washington in order to stand with the oppressed in the Third World. It may mean deciding to live in the scarred inner city rather than in the pleasant suburbs. It may mean going to jail to warn our rainbow race that it’s too soon to die. It will certainly mean risking the disapproval of our friends, colleagues and parishioners by clearly and persistently announcing the biblical word that God is on the side of the oppressed and that he calls us to be peacemakers.

It is this transforming power of the resurrected Christ that must characterize the new movement for peace and justice. A confession by Jerry Rubin is most striking in this regard. In 1977, he said:

We had a psychological and spiritual vision in the ‘60s, and we screamed it out and stomped against reality. But we didn’t embody that vision ourselves. We were not the men and women we were talking about [Newsweek, September 5, 1977].

To have integrity we must incarnate the shalom to which we call the larger society. It is through the living presence of the risen Jesus that we can do it.

It is absolutely crucial not to become confused at this point. As passionately as I believe in social justice and nonviolence, I must still insist vigorously that we have everything confused if we suppose that the ethical teaching of Jesus is the essence of Christian faith. The rabbis and Confucius had taught the golden rule long before Jesus came along. Others had already advocated nonviolence. The essence of Christian faith is I-Thou encounter; it is a personal, living relationship with Jesus Christ. The risen Lord Jesus grants us forgiveness and a new inner power as he reshapes our miserable, selfish personalities. Of course that kind of saving faith must necessarily lead to a life of discipleship and passionate concern for peace and justice. But let us never reduce Christian ethics to a list of Jesus’ ethical teachings. That is to tear the guts and power out of it. That is to remove the revolutionary transforming power of the risen Jesus in our lives.

Third, the resurrection offers the best clue about the relationship between our work for peace and justice now and the perfect shalom of the coming kingdom.

Repeatedly, the New Testament promises that what happened to Jesus at his resurrection will also happen, at the final resurrection, to those who believe in him (Phil. 3:20-21; I John 3:2). Nor is this promise merely an individualistic hope, although it certainly is that. Paul also indicates that, just as the individual Christian will experience the resurrection of the body, so the whole creation will be purged of evil and decay and injustice, and will experience total transformation (Rom. 8:18-25). Because of the resurrection, we know that this whole fantastic creation will ultimately be freed from its bondage to decay and will obtain the glorious liberty of the children of God.

There is both continuity and discontinuity between our work now and the coming kingdom, just as there was continuity and discontinuity between Jesus of Nazareth and the risen Lord Jesus. The continuity is crucial. It was Jesus of Nazareth who was raised on the third day. It was not some spiritual resurrection in the confused minds of befuddled disciples, but the man from Nazareth who arose bodily from the tomb and appeared to talk and eat with his discouraged, frightened followers. But there was also discontinuity. The risen Jesus was no longer subject to death and decay. His resurrected body could do things we do not understand in our space-time continuum.

There is, I believe, the same continuity and discontinuity between culture and history as we know them, and the coming kingdom. Certainly there is discontinuity. We will not create more and more peaceful, just societies until we awake some century and discover that the millennium has arrived. Dreadful imperfection will remain in persons and societies until our risen Lord Jesus returns at the Parousia to usher in the final consummation. But there is also continuity. The New Age is best described, according to Scripture, as a new earth and a new city (Rev. 21:1 ff.). It is this groaning creation that will be restored to wholeness. The tree of life in the New Jerusalem is for the healing of the nations. The kings of the earth will bring their glory and honor into the Holy City (Rev. 21:22-27).



So we work for justice and peace now: not with a naïve optimism that forgets that faithfulness involves the cross, but with the solid assurance that the final word is resurrection. And we dare to persist in that costly struggle even when it gets dangerous, even when it involves death, because the resurrection has removed the sting of death.

That is my final point. The Christian view of death, anchored in Jesus’ empty tomb, is the only foundation solid enough on which to build a movement of costly sacrificial confrontation with militarism and injustice.

Over the ages, death has seemed to pose a terrify-i ing threat. Modem secular folk, of course, pretend otherwise. Bertrand Russell assured us that there is no need to tremble at the idea that death ends personal existence forever. We die, rot, and that’s it. Most people merely buy life insurance and try not to think about death. But what ultimate meaning does personal existence possess if it exists for a mere three-score years -- or perhaps by reason of modern medicine, four-score years -- and then passes into sheer nothingness?

The Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch thinks that the relative neglect of the problem of death in modern secular thought is due to the unconscious influence of inherited Christian views: “Thus in its ability to suppress the anxiety of all earlier times, apparently this quite shallow courage [of modern secular people] feasts on a borrowed credit card. It lives from earlier hopes and the support that they once had provided” (Das Prinzip Hoffnung, in Pannenberg’s Jesus: God and Man).

Christians appreciate Bloch’s exposé of secular shallowness in the face of the ultimate reality of death. But, unlike Bloch, we insist that the ancient hope for life after death is not wishful dreaming but assured reality. Christians believe that death is not a terrifying passage into nothingness but rather a transition into a glorious eternity in the presence of the risen Lord Jesus. Christians hold that belief because one person, Jesus of Nazareth, has already experienced death in all its fullness and returned from the dead to live forever. When Paul told the Corinthians that Jesus was the “first fruits of those who have fallen asleep” (15:20), he meant that what happened to Jesus will, at his return, happen to all who believe in him. We await a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ, who will change our lowly (earthly) body to be like his glorious (resurrected) body (Phil. 3:21).

Death is not a terrifying threat, we believe, because the tomb was empty, because the one with whom the disciples had lived appeared to them and assured them that he is alive forevermore. We await the risen Lord Jesus. One who trusts in the Lord Jesus can declare with Paul: “Death is swallowed up in victory. O death, where is thy victory? O death, where is thy sting? . . . Thanks be to God who gives us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ.”

With this view of death, the Christian can act courageously today. Life at any cost is not our motto; death for our king’s cause is not disastrous. Paul says: “If we live, we live to the Lord, and if we die, we die to the Lord. . . . For to this end Christ died and lived again, that he might be Lord both of the dead and the living” (Rom. 14:8,9).

Because Christ is Lord of the living and the dead, we dare to face racists and militarists for the sake of our sisters and brothers; we dare to go as missionaries into dangerous situations; we dare to leave comfortable classrooms and secure homes to try to apply Jesus’ call to peacemaking in the halls of government and the factories of destruction; we dare to join the poor in the swirling abyss of revolutionary situations in emerging nations where the oppressed masses are determined to secure justice for themselves. In fact, we even dare to apply Jesus’ concern for the poor here in North America where so much of their oppression originates. If we live, we live to the Lord, and if we die, we die to the Lord. For he is king, the Lord even of death!

Jesus of Nazareth arose from the dead. But that is not just an interesting item of ancient history. Jesus’ resurrection is the foundation of our belief that the carpenter from Nazareth is the Lord of the universe. A living relationship with the risen Jesus provides the guts and the power of the new life of radical discipleship. Jesus’ resurrection offers the decisive clue about the relationship between our work for peace and justice now and the ultimate shalom of the coming kingdom. And, finally, the risen Jesus is powerful evidence that even that last terror, death itself, will be but for a moment.

Our Lord reigns. And he is on the side of peace and justice. We can create a more just world, despite what the momentarily powerful in Washington or Moscow may say. We can avoid nuclear holocaust in this generation. Because of the resurrection, we know that God’s final word is resurrection and shalom. Christians can be guardians of hope in an age of despair.

Sharing the Wealth: The Church as Biblical Model for Public Policy

What is the biblical view of God’s will for economic relations among his people? For an answer, we shall look at the jubilee passage in Leviticus, at the new community of Jesus’ disciples, at the first church in Jerusalem, and at the Pauline collection.

Text:

To ask government to legislate what the church cannot persuade its members to live is a tragic absurdity. That the church has tried to do precisely this is one of the most glaring weaknesses of its commendable, sometimes costly involvement in social action in the past two decades.

Mennonite theologian John Howard Yoder tells of a meeting of church leaders held in an embattled Chicago suburb in the ‘60s. Blacks were marching to demand an end to de facto housing segregation. Wanting to help, the clergy met to devise a strategy for bringing pressure on the city’s business and political leadership to yield to black demands. After listening for an hour or so to various economic and political schemes, Yoder raised a question. Were not the bank presidents and the mayor active church members? They were, the clergy agreed but they were puzzled at Yoder’s irrelevant query. It was not at all obvious to those concerned clergy that the church must first demonstrate in its common life together what it calls on secular society to embody in public policy.

In danger of repeating the same mistake is today’s movement of concern among church people for world hunger and injustice in the international economic order. Economic relationships in our Lord’s worldwide body today constitute a desecration of his body and blood. Only as groups of believers in North America and Europe dare to incarnate in their life together what the Bible teaches about economic relationships among the people of God do they have any right to demand that leaders in Washington or Westminster shape a new world economic order.

What is the biblical view of God’s will for economic relations among his people? For an answer, we shall look at the jubilee passage in Leviticus, at the new community of Jesus’ disciples, at the first church in Jerusalem, and at the Pauline collection.

Leviticus 25 is one of the most radical texts in all Holy Writ. Every 50 years, God said, he wanted all land to return to the original owners -- without compensation. Physical handicaps, death of a breadwinner, or less natural ability might bring some people to become poorer than others. But God did not want such disadvantages to lead to greater and greater extremes of wealth and poverty among his people. Hence a means was prescribed to equalize land ownership every 50 years (Lev. 24:10-24).

Before and after the year of jubilee, land could be ‘bought” or ‘sold.” But since Yahweh was the owner (v. 23), what the buyer actually purchased was a specific number of harvests, not the land itself (v. 16). And woe betide the person who tried to make a killing by demanding what the market would bear rather than a just price for the intervening harvests from the date of purchase to the next jubilee (vv. 16-17). Yahweh is Lord -- even of economics. No hint here of some sacred law of supply and demand, a law independent of biblical ethics and the lordship of Yahweh. The people of God submit to Yahweh’s lordship, and he demands structures that foster economic justice among his people.

Unfortunately, we do not know whether the people of Israel ever practiced the year of jubilee. The absence of references to jubilee in the historical books of the Old Testament suggests that it may never have been implemented. Nevertheless, Leviticus 25 challenges us as a part of canonical truth.

Jesus’ Sharing Community

Jesus walked the roads and footpaths of Galilee announcing the startling news that the long-expected kingdom of peace and righteousness was at hand. Economic relationships in the new community of his followers were a powerful sign confirming this awesome announcement.

The Hebrew prophets had inspired the hope of a future messianic kingdom of peace, righteousness and justice. The essence of the good news which Jesus proclaimed was that the expected kingdom had come. Certainly Jesus disappointed popular Jewish expectations. He did not recruit an army to drive out the Roman oppressors. But neither did he remain alone as an isolated, individualistic prophet. He called and trained disciples. He established a visible community of people joined together by their loyalty to him as Lord. His new community began to live the values of the promised kingdom which was already breaking into the present. As a result, all relationships -- even economic ones -- were transformed in the community of Jesus’ followers.

Jesus and his disciples shared a common purse administered by Judas, who bought provisions and gave to the poor at Jesus’ direction (John 12:6, 19:29). This new community of sharing did not end with Jesus and the Twelve, for it included a number of women whom Jesus had healed. Traveling with Jesus and the disciples, Mary Magdalene, Joanna, Susanna “and many others . . . provided for them out of their means” (Luke 8: 1-3).

From this perspective, some of Jesus’ words gain new meaning and power. Consider Jesus’ advice to the rich young man in this context:

When Jesus asked the rich young man to sell his goods and give to the poor, he did not say, “Become destitute and friendless.” Rather, he said, “Come, follow me” (Matt. 19:21). In other words, he invited him to join a community of sharing and love, where his security would not be based on individual property holdings, but on openness to the Spirit and on the loving care of new-found brothers and sisters [Richard K. Taylor, Economics and the Gospel (United Church Press, 1973), p.21].

Jesus invited the rich young man to share in a new kind of security -- the joyful common life of the new kingdom.

Jesus’ words in Mark 10:29-30 have long puzzled me: “Truly, I say to you, there is no one who has left house or brothers or sisters or mother or father or children or lands, for my sake and for the gospel, who will not receive a hundredfold now in this time, houses and brothers and sisters and mothers and children and lands, with persecutions, and in the age to come eternal life” (emphasis added; see also Matt. 6:25-33). To me, Jesus’ promise used to seem at least a trifle naïve. But his words come alive with new meaning when they are read in the context of the new community of his followers. Jesus inaugurated a new social order -- a new kingdom of faithful followers who were to share unlimited liability for one another.

In that kind of community, there would truly be genuine economic security. One would indeed receive 100 times more loving brothers and sisters than before. The economic resources available in difficult times would be compounded. In fact, all the resources of the entire community of obedient disciples would be available to anyone in need. To be sure, that kind of unselfish, sharing life style would challenge surrounding society so pointedly that there would be persecutions. But even in the most desperate days, the promise would not be empty. Even if persecution led to death, children of martyred parents would receive new mothers and fathers in the community of believers. In the community of the redeemed, all relationships are being transformed. The common purse shared by Jesus and his first followers vividly demonstrates that Jesus repeated and deepened the old covenant’s call for transformed economic relationships among God’s people.

The Jerusalem Church

However embarrassing it may be to some today, the massive economic sharing of the earliest Christian church is indisputable (see, for example, Acts 2:43-47, 4:32-37, 5-1-11, 6:1-7). Whenever anyone was in need, all shared. Giving surplus income to the needy was not enough. The Jerusalem Christians regularly dipped into capital reserves, selling property to aid those in need. God’s promise to Israel that faithful obedience would eliminate poverty among his people (Deut. 15:4) came true in the new church:

“There was not a needy person among them, for as many as were possessors of lands or houses sold them . . . and distribution was made to each as any had need” (Acts 4:34-35).

Two millennia later, the texts still throb with the first Christian community’s joy and excitement. They ate meals together “with glad and generous hearts” (Acts 2:46). They experienced an exciting unity as all sensed they “were of one heart and soul” (Acts 4:32). They were not isolated individuals struggling alone to follow Jesus. A new community transforming all areas of life became a joyful reality. The earliest Jerusalem Christians experienced such oneness in Christ that they promptly undertook extensive economic sharing.

What was the precise nature of the Jerusalem Christians’ costly koinonia? They did not insist on absolute economic equality. Nor did they abolish private property. Sharing was voluntary, not compulsory. But love for brothers and sisters was so overwhelming that many freely abandoned legal claims to private possessions. “ No one said that any of the things which he possessed was his own” (Acts 4:32). That does not mean that everyone donated everything, but whenever there was need, believers regularly sold lands and houses to aid the needy.

The essence of these transformed economic relationships in the Jerusalem church is unlimited liability and total availability. The sharing was not superficial or occasional. Regularly and repeatedly (as the imperfect tense of the verbs in the relevant passage of Scripture suggests) the believers sold possessions and goods and distributed them to all, as any had need” (Acts 4:35). The needs of the sister or brother were decisive. In the new messianic community of Jesus’ first followers after Pentecost, God was redeeming all relationships. The result was unconditional economic liability for and total financial availability to the other brothers and sisters in Christ. The first Christians dared to give concrete, visible expression to the oneness of all believers.

Whatever the beauty and appeal of such a picture, however, was it not a vision that quickly faded? Many people believe so. But the Pauline collection proves exactly the contrary.

The Pauline Collection

Paul broadened the vision of economic sharing among the people of God in a dramatic way. He devoted a great deal of time to raising money for Jewish Christians among gentile congregations. In the process, he broadened intrachurch assistance into interchurch sharing among all the scattered congregations of believers. Furthermore, with Peter and Paul, biblical religion moved beyond one ethnic group and became a universal, multiethnic faith. Paul’s collection for Jews from gentiles demonstrates that the oneness of the new body of believers entails dramatic economic sharing across ethnic and geographical lines.

For several years, Paul gave much time and energy to his great collection for the Jerusalem church. He discussed his concern in several letters, and he arranged for the collection in the churches of Macedonia, Galatia, Asia, Corinth, Ephesus and probably elsewhere.

Paul knew he faced certain danger and possible death, but he still insisted on personally accompanying the offering for the Jerusalem church (Acts 21:4, 10-14; Rom. 15:31). Out of his passionate commitment to economic sharing with brothers and sisters came his final arrest and martyrdom. Yet he had a deep conviction that this financial symbol of Christian unity mattered far more than even his life. His understanding of Christian koinonia -- an extremely important concept in Paul’s theology -- is central in his discussion of the collection.

The word koinonia means fellowship with, or participation in, something or someone. Believers enjoy fellowship with the Lord Jesus (I Cor. 1:9). Experiencing the koinonia of Jesus means having his righteousness imputed to us. It also entails sharing in the self-sacrificing, cross-bearing life he lived (Phil. 3:8-10). Nowhere is the Christian’s fellowship with Christ experienced more powerfully than in the Eucharist, where the believer is drawn into a participation (koinonia) in the mystery of the cross: The cup of blessing which we bless, is it not a participation in the blood of Christ? The bread which we break, is it not a participation in the body of Christ?” (I Cor. 10:16)

Paul’s immediate inference -- in the very next verse -- is that koinonia with Christ inevitably involves koinonia with all the members of his body. “Because there is one bread, we who are many are one body, for we all partake of the one bread” (v. 17). As he taught in Ephesians 2, Christ’s death for Jew and gentile, male and female, has broken down all ethnic, cultural and sexual divisions. In Christ there is one new person, one new body of believers. When the brothers and sisters share the one bread and the common cup in the Lord’s Supper, they symbolize and actualize their participation in the one body of Christ.

That is why the class divisions at Corinth so horrified Paul. Wealthy Christians, apparently, were feasting at the eucharistic celebrations while poor believers went hungry. Paul angrily denied that they were eating the Lord’s body and blood because they did not discern his body (vv. 27-29). By this Paul meant that they failed to realize that their membership in the one body of Christ was infinitely more important than the class or ethnic differences which divided them. One brings judgment on oneself if one does not perceive that eucharistic fellowship with Christ is totally incompatible with living a practical denial of that unity of all believers in his body. As long as one Christian anywhere in the world is hungry, the eucharistic celebration of all Christians everywhere is incomplete.

For Paul, this intimate fellowship in the body of Christ had concrete economic implications. Paul used precisely this word koinonia to designate financial sharing among believers. Sometimes he employed the word as a virtual synonym for “collection.” he spoke of the liberality of the fellowship that the Corinthians’ generous offering would demonstrate (II Cor. 9:13). He employed the same language to report the Macedonian Christians’ offering for Jerusalem (Rom. 15:26).

Paul’s guideline for what sharing should be in the body of believers is startling: “I do not mean that others should be eased and you burdened, but that as a matter of equality your abundance at the present time should supply their want, so that their abundance may supply your want, that there may be equality” (II Cor. 8:13-14; emphasis added). To support his principle, Paul quoted from the biblical story of the manna: “As it is written, ‘He who gathered much had nothing over, and he who gathered little had no lack’ ” (v. 15). It may indeed seem startling to rich Christians in the northern hemisphere, but Paul -- in guiding the Corinthians in their giving -- clearly enunciated the principle of economic equality among the worldwide people of God.

Pattern for Today’s Church

However interesting it may be, what relevance does the economic sharing at Jerusalem and Corinth have for the contemporary church?

Certainly the church today need not slavishly imitate every detail of the life of the early church depicted in Acts. But that does not mean that we can simply dismiss the economic sharing described in Acts and the Pauline letters.

Over and over again God specifically commanded his people to live together in community in such a way that they would avoid extremes of wealth and poverty -- that is the point of the Old Testament legislation on the jubilee and sabbatical years, on tithing, gleaning and loans. Jesus, our only perfect model, shared a common purse with the new community of his disciples. The first church in Jerusalem and Paul in his collection were implementing what the Old Testament and Jesus had commanded.

The powerful evangelistic impact of the economic sharing at Jerusalem indicates that God approved and blessed the practice. When Scripture calls for transformed economic relations among God’s people in some places, and describes God’s blessing on his people as they implement these commands in other places, then we can be sure that we have discovered a normative pattern for the church today.

What is striking, in fact, is the fundamental continuity of biblical teaching on this point. Paul’s collection was simply an application of the basic principle of the jubilee. The mechanism, of course, was different because God’s people were now a multiethnic body living in different lands. But the principle was the same. Since the Greeks at Corinth were now part of the people of God, they were to share with the poor Jewish Christians at Jerusalem -- that there might be equality!

Living the Biblical Model

What does the biblical teaching on economic relationships among God’s people mean for Christians striving for a new international economic order in our own time?

Central to any Christian strategy on world hunger must be a radical call for the church to be the church. As was noted at the beginning, one of the most glaring weaknesses of church social action in the past few decades has been its too exclusive focus on political solutions. In effect, church leaders tried to persuade government to legislate what they could not persuade their church members to live. And politicians quickly sensed that the daring resolutions and the frequent Washington delegations represented generals without troops. Only if the body of Christ is already beginning to live a radically new model of economic sharing will our demand for political change have integrity and impact.

We must confess the tragic sinfulness of present economic relationships in the worldwide body of Christ. While our brothers and sisters in the Third World ache for lack of minimal health care, minimal education, even just enough food to escape starvation, Christians in the northern hemisphere grow richer each year -- like the Corinthian Christians who feasted without sharing their food with the poor members of the church (I Cor. 11:20-29). Like them we fail today to discern the reality of Christ’s body. U.S. Christians spent $5.7 billion on new church construction alone in the six years from 1967 to 1972. Would we go on building lavish church plants if members of our own congregations were starving? Do we not flatly contradict Paul’s instructions to the early churches if we live as though African or Latin American members of his body are less a part of us than the members of our home congregations?

But what concretely might a wholehearted recognition of the oneness of Christ’s body mean? It would mean a massive discipling process in the churches, so that individual Christians would start living more simple life styles. Shouldn’t it be the norm, rather than the exception, for Christians to be involved in small weekly fellowship/worship/action groups where mutual discipling is a regular practice? Where Christians can, for example, evaluate each other’s income-tax returns and family budgets, discuss major purchases, and gently nudge each other toward life styles more in keeping with their worship of a God who sides with the poor?

Churches, likewise, would need to adopt more simple corporate life styles. Virtually all church construction today is unnecessary. At least three large congregations could easily share every church building if one group would worship on Saturday evening, another Sunday morning, and a third on Sunday evening. The heart of each congregation might be in small discipling groups, such as I have described, meeting in homes. Significantly simpler personal and ecclesiastical life styles would make assistance for economic development possible on an astonishingly increased scale. A small denomination of 50,000 members could by itself establish two new agencies the size of Church World Service, or two new Mennonite Central Committees, or one new World Vision. The Church of the Nazarene (with half a million members) could start 20 new agencies the size of Church World Service. The United Methodists (with 9.9 million members) could establish 400 new Church World Services!

Nor am I calling for poverty. In 1974 the median income of U.S. families was $12,836. Charitable donations to “religion” normally run at about 3 per cent ($385). Were a family of five to spend $10,000 of its total income on itself, it would have to cut out many luxuries, but it would still have a comfortable life style that would appear aristocratic to all but a tiny fraction of the world’s people. That leaves $2,451 extra per family available for ending poverty (those with incomes above the median could give more and those below, less). Assuming five-member families, a church with 50,000 members would have at least 10,000 family groups that could give $24,510,000. The cash disbursements of Church World Service in 1974 were about $11.5 million; MCC’s, $9 million; World Vision’s, about $20 million.

Now I do not mean to suggest that I expect this to happen, or that if a simpler life style were widely accepted all the newly available funds ought to go toward fighting poverty. What the figures are meant to demonstrate is that if Christians dared to change the ways they live, their increased giving could make a significant difference. In fact, a mere 10 million Christians in the U.S. could annually provide tile total $5 billion in foreign funds needed by developing countries, according to the 1974 World Food Congress, for investment in rural agricultural development. In 1974, 32 per cent of all U.S. economic aid to developing countries came from private contributions. If even one-fourth of all U.S. Christians had been following the formula spelled out above, the percentage of private contributions would have jumped drastically.

Daring to Live What We Ask

No one is naïve enough to suppose that vastly increased aid from U.S. churches -- to both church and nonchurch groups in developing countries  -- could proceed without problems. Certainly there would need to be strenuous efforts to avoid paternalism and prevent dependency. Long-term development and self-sufficiency would be tile goal. Obviously there would be difficulties; but the Third World church leaders I have talked with insist that these obstacles could be overcome far more easily than can our unwillingness to share.

The emphasis placed here on simpler personal and ecclesiastical life styles is by no means intended to belittle the importance of changing public policy. (Note, however, that living the new model would deeply affect the U.S. economy; and the powerful example of sharing could also profoundly influence the thinking and life style of non-Christians.) Certainly we should strengthen organizations like Bread for the World. Certainly we should work politically to demand costly concessions from Washington in international forums working to reshape the International Monetary Fund, as well as new policy in trade negotiations on tariffs, commodity agreements and the like. Certainly we must ask whether far more sweeping structural changes are necessary. However, our attempt to restructure secular society will possess integrity only if our personal life styles -- and our corporate ecclesiastical practices in local congregations, in regions and denominations, and in the worldwide body of Christians demonstrate that we are already daring to live what we ask Washington to legislate.

A radical call to repentance so that the church becomes the church must be central to Christian strategies for reducing world hunger and restructuring international economic relationships. The church is the most universal body in the world today. It has the opportunity to live a new corporate model of economic sharing at a desperate moment in world history. If even one-quarter of the Christians in the northern hemisphere had the courage to live the biblical vision of economic equality, the governments of our dangerously divided global village might also be persuaded to legislate the sweeping changes needed to avert disaster.

A Plea for Conservative Radicals and Radical Conservatives

Never before in this century have evangelical Christians been so involved in public life. From Sojourners magazine to Evangelicals for Social Action, from the Christianity Today Institute to Pat Robertson’s School of Public Policy and Jerry Falwell’s Liberty Federation, theologically conservative Christians have entered the political arena with a new intensity and sophistication.

But ironically, just as evangelical Christianity has the chance to exert its greatest influence on American life, it threatens to self-destruct in a blaze of ferocious fratricide. Though there is a consensus among evangelicals that they should be involved in public affairs, there is much disagreement over the substance of that involvement. Jerry Falwell and myself, for example -- evangelical Christians both -- disagree enormously over what biblical faithfulness means in public life. Disagreements of this kind between conservative and radical evangelicals have increasingly spawned vicious name-calling and distorted attacks. If unchecked, this strife will quickly destroy evangelicals’ historic opportunity.

What can be done? Three things would help. First, a greater willingness to listen to, and affirm the strengths of, the opposing position. Second, a greater awareness of the complexity of political judgments and a more honest effort to locate the precise areas of disagreement. And third, a new commitment to debating the issues with respect, integrity and biblical faithfulness.

Acknowledging Each Other’s Strengths. Both conservative and radical evangelicals tend to accuse each other of bad faith. Each party charges that the other’s position is an ideological cover for even more dreadful errors. Conservatives, radicals suggest, stress democratic process and freedom more than justice in order to rationalize the economic self-interest that exploits the poor. In their more hostile moments, radicals even question the motives of neoconservatives, noting the huge sums of money flowing into neoconservative think tanks and movements. Conservatives, for their part, suggest that the radicals’ emphasis on justice rather than freedom conceals Marxist sympathies or at least a culpable naïveté about the evils of communist totalitarianism.

Conservatives, radicals charge, are blind to the evils of the American system. In their defense of "democratic capitalism," they ignore the many documented instances of unjust actions by American multinational corporations in Latin America and elsewhere. To radicals, the weak excuses offered for American cooperation with dictators in places like Chile, the Philippines and South Korea merely illustrate the blinding effect of right-wing ideology.

Conservatives, on the other hand, charge radicals with a stubborn unwillingness to acknowledge the evils of Marxist regimes. Radicals, they claim, selectively criticize Western-oriented dictators and seldom denounce the flagrant abuse of human rights in communist countries. To conservatives, the radicals’ description of the Sandinistas’ murder of Miskito Indians as "mistakes," caused by U.S. foreign policy, simply reveals the depth of their left-wing prejudice.

Both sides accuse the other of distorting facts. Radicals charge that conservatives dishonestly accept El Salvador’s election as a democratic success but regard Nicaragua’s as a totalitarian fraud, when independent observers have indicated that the Nicaraguan election was at least as fair as the one in El Salvador. Conservatives charge that radicals have ignored the evidence of a strong Marxist-Leninist element in the Sandinista government, and also ignored Nicaragua’s growing list of human-rights violations.

Charges of ideological blindness and distortion of the facts have been accompanied, not surprisingly, by harsh language. Radicals have been compared with Stalin and labeled Marxists or naïve fellow travelers. (See, for example, Lloyd Billingsley, The Generation That Knew Not Josef [Multnomah Press, 1985].) And conservatives at least feel that they are being compared with Hitler and regarded as fascists or callous oppressors lacking an ounce of compassion. "I feel urinated on," one conservative leader protested angrily. Given the decibel level of recent accusations, the feeling is undoubtedly mutual.

I am not so naïve as to suppose that disagreements of this magnitude can be solved easily or quickly. But I do believe we could make some progress toward a resolution by listening to each other more carefully. Both sides are making some good points, and both would profit by acknowledging the other’s strengths.

I want to make a plea for conserving radicals -- radicals who gladly affirm the conservatives’ desire to preserve what is good in the past. For radicals, too, should praise the American tradition of democratic process and religious and political liberty.

Why do some radicals hesitate to affirm the American tradition that has said to the world, "Give me your tired, your poor, your struggling masses yearning to breathe free"? Why should radicals not give Memorial Day speeches? Radicals should champion political and religious freedom as vigorously as they do economic justice. Neoconservatives have a point here, for some social activists in recent decades have not spoken as loudly or persistently about freedom as they have about justice. Radicals should protest (as Jim Wallis does in Sojourners [January 1986, pp. 4-5]) when Nicaragua restricts political and religious liberty.

Radicals dare not allow their important condemnation of the past and present injustices committed by Western powers to dull their sensitivity to the ghastly history of Marxist-Leninist totalitarianism. Marxist-Leninists have murdered millions of people in the Soviet Union, China, Cambodia and elsewhere. Marxist-Leninists do claim to want to conquer the world and impose an atheistic world view and a one-party state. It is stubborn stupidity to ignore these facts. Selective criticism will not do. Nor dare radicals overlook the fact that Marxist-Leninists are trying to exploit Third World movements for justice. Thus, it was important that the Sojourners-sponsored Peace Pentecost in May 1985 protested the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. That kind of activity should be a regular item on the radical agenda. One sign that radicals are biblically faithful rather than ideologically captive will be their readiness to champion religious and political liberty as vigorously as they do justice and peace.

At the same time, I want to make a plea for radical conservatives -- conservatives who are ready to critique and abandon what is not good in the past. Radical conservatives would more frequently criticize the evils of U.S. policy at home and abroad, defend economic justice as vigorously as they do liberty, and refuse to allow their valid opposition to Marxism-Leninism to lead them to regard all Third World movements for social change as Marxist-Leninist fronts.

Why do conservatives more often not admit the frightening way that power is concentrated in the U.S.? Large corporations, which own the media and influence the churches and the universities, have enormous economic and political clout. Consequently, our political life is not nearly so democratic as is often claimed.

Michael Novak is surely correct when he says that the U.S. is not the cause of most of the poverty in Latin America. But he is surely wrong when he fails to denounce the way U.S.-based multinational corporations and the CIA have contributed to injustice in places like Guatemala, Chile and Nicaragua. Though I would agree that, on balance, the Soviet Union contributes more evil to the world than does the U.S., that is no reason for neglecting to denounce the evils of Western capitalism. When one adds up the millions murdered by the communists, one also needs to count the Native Americans, black slaves and Third World children who have died because of Western policies. In the Bible, the prophets denounced the evils in their own society more often than they condemned Israel’s external enemies. If conservatives would be more forthright and balanced in their condemnation of American evils, radicals might become more vigorous in their praise of the good.

Why should not economic justice be as important a concern for conservatives as is liberty? Why does not the prophet’s ringing call for justice for the poor pulse more vigorously through conservative writings? Should not conservatives acknowledge the Sandinistas’ accomplishments in economic justice (the greater availability of education and health care for the poor) while denouncing their abuses of human rights? Should not conservatives lead the denunciation of economic injustice in places like South Korea and Central America?

Conservatives should not permit their important critique of Marxism-Leninism to exaggerate the presence of Marxist-Leninists in liberation movements in the Third World. The first thing that needs to be said about Ferdinand Marcos’s Philippines or about Central America or South Africa is that gross injustice there cries out for prompt correction. To be sure, Marxist-Leninists are there to exploit a valid desire for change, and since the Marxist-Leninists are ruthless and well organized, we who care about freedom as well as justice must not be blind to their totalitarian goals. But to defend Marcos and South African President P. W. Botha as Jerry Falwell has done, saying that a Marxist takeover must be prevented, is to play into the hands of the communists. The Western defense of injustice makes Marxism-Leninism appear the only hope for genuine social change. Precisely because they want to prevent more socialist governments in the world, conservatives should lead the attack on economic injustice.

Nor is selective criticism acceptable. Why do not the Institute on Religion and Democracy and the National Association of Evangelicals condemn human-rights violations in El Salvador, Guatemala and Chile as vigorously and frequently as they do human-rights violations in Nicaragua? Should not the same standards apply in all places? One sign that conservatives care more about biblical revelation than about right-wing ideology will be their readiness to champion economic justice as vigorously as they do freedom and democracy.

Locating the Areas of Disagreement. Reaching a conclusion about the best and most biblically faithful position, whether on welfare or our policy toward South Africa, is an exceedingly complex undertaking. It demands more than a few biblical proof-texts and a casual glance at the morning paper. Evangelicals would understand their different political conclusions better and progress more quickly toward resolving their disagreements if they were more conscious of the components that contribute to a conclusion and if they tried harder to isolate the precise areas of disagreement.

We all carry assumptions and convictions derived from our family, church and education. For example, I carry assumptions about individualism and free enterprise that come from growing up on a farm, and biblical assumptions that came from growing up in a pietistic Anabaptist family and church. Those who want to be biblical must vigorously and consciously seek to evaluate every element of their inherited assumptions on the basis of Scripture. But no one can succeed fully in this critique. Therefore, we should always welcome those who help us discover how our unconsciously inherited ideology -- whether of the left or right -- still shapes our thinking.

The Bible is the norm for all who want a biblically informed political agenda. But a common commitment to biblical authority does not preclude major disagreement. Sometimes we disagree over the exegesis of specific texts. For instance, some think that although literal meaning of Matthew 25 is that Christians must feed and clothe brothers and sisters in Christ, Jesus’ extension of neighbor love to include everyone in need (Matt. 5:43-44) means that Matthew 25 also summons Christians to offer food and clothing to all the needy they can assist. Others would limit the application of Matthew 25 to fellow Christians. The way to overcome disagreements of this kind is to exegete more carefully and do so in the company of those who challenge our interpretations.

Sometimes we disagree when we attempt to summarize central themes of Scripture or try to provide a comprehensive overview of biblical teaching on a particular topic, such as the family or economic justice. When I listen carefully to what the Bible says about economic justice, I hear it saying that God has a special concern for the poor, the weak and the marginalized; that God is opposed to extremes of wealth and poverty; and that God as the only absolute owner wants the productive resources of the earth distributed in a way that allows individuals and families to earn their own way and cooperate with God in the shaping of history. (Therefore, I am not a socialist, if socialism means state ownership of the means of production. I favor decentralized and limited private ownership rather than state ownership or the concentration of power in huge corporations.) Others, of course, disagree vigorously. Again, the way to try to resolve these disagreements is to challenge the specific biblical work that provides the foundation for the biblical generalizations.

Different readings of history create another area of disagreement. We often differ both in our interpretation of the broad sweep of history and in our understanding of what is really the case (the "facts") in a particular situation. My study of the history of 20th-century Marxist-Leninist states leads me to conclude that despite some positive results, their overall impact has been so negative that we ought fiercely to resist any expansion of Marxism-Leninism. Another broad historical conclusion I would draw is that Western colonialism has had massive evil components as well as positive elements. Obviously, others would disagree.

It is not easy to agree even on specific facts. What "really happened" when the pope visited Managua? How strong is the hard-core Marxist-Leninist element in the Sandinista party? (If my answer to the latter question had been "totally dominant," I would have supported a different U.S. policy toward Nicaragua in the past seven years than I have.)

Disagreements over matters of fact are difficult, but not impossible, to resolve. If they result from a mere lack of information, sharing facts will help. Joint exploration by groups like Evangelicals for Social Action and the Institute on Religion and Democracy would be one way to resolve such disagreements. If either side is afraid of such a joint exploration, the public should know and draw the appropriate conclusions. When disagreements result from conflicting methodologies in the social sciences, the process of adjudication is far more complex, but not impossible. In any case, we dare not give up trying to help each other see the facts more accurately. Whether or not the impact of British colonialism in Nigeria or U.S. political and economic involvement in the Philippines has been positive is, in part, a factual question. If we resist regarding disagreements on such questions as a moral failing, and instead look more carefully at the data together, we will make more progress.

Finally, we disagree over the broad generalizations (or ideology) that we consciously derive from the complex of previous decisions. I believe that on balance a market economy (within certain parameters, to restrict injustice) rather than a state-owned, centrally planned economy as in the Soviet Union is more likely to produce both freedom and justice. I believe that a pluralistic political process with more than one political party is more likely to produce liberty. And I believe that many independent centers of power (church, media, economy, schools, the state) rather than one center of state power controlling all the others leads more surely to peace, justice and freedom. Again, others -- including faithful Christians -- disagree.

The more we can become clear about precisely where we disagree, the more we can at least understand each other. It is essential that a disagreement over the specific meaning of Matthew 25 not be construed in terms of someone’s lack of compassion for the poor or endorsement of Marxist-Leninist politics. If you disagree with someone on this point, you need to question that person’s exegesis, not his or her compassion or his or her politics. It is tragic to see a particular judgment about the degree of Marxist-Leninist influence in the Sandinista party regarded as the sign of an ideological commitment to Marxism-Leninism. And it is dishonest to portray as a person lacking compassion someone who has honestly concluded from history and the Bible that democratic capitalism is the surest path to justice for the poor. Those who disagree should question that person’s broad reading of history and Scripture, not that person’s concern for the poor.

A New Covenant of Integrity in Debate. Finally, we need to commit ourselves to debate civilly, honestly, fairly and biblically. The debate should be fast but not furious, vigorous but not vicious. In particular, evangelical leaders need to covenant together to avoid and publicly condemn name-calling, slanderous stereotyping, inaccurate, one-sided depictions of another’s position, distortion of facts and an unwillingness to test one’s views against others on the basis of Scripture.

Though I disagree intensely with President Reagan’s nuclear policy, I believe he desires peace in the world as much as I do. It is valid for me to argue that his nuclear buildup will probably lead to nuclear war, but it is immoral for me to call him a warmonger. Similarly, it is quite proper for someone to charge that my advocacy of a bilateral verifiable nuclear freeze increases the danger of nuclear war or even a Soviet takeover, but it is slanderous to call me a Marxist.

We need to promise to portray each other’s opinions fairly. We all know how tempting it is to exaggerate one aspect of an opponent’s perspective and ignore another. There is a fairly simple way to check whether we have accurately understood and fairly summarized another’s views. We can ask the other person! I suspect that at least half the current battles in church circles would end if the major contestants consulted each other personally to see if the views they were denouncing were actually held by the other person. One criterion of honesty in debate is stating the views of the person being criticized in such a way that that person would say, "Yes, that is what I mean." Until we do that, we have no right to criticize.

I am not saying we can never object to someone’s views without first picking up the telephone. But I do think that evangelical leaders would take an enormous step forward if they covenanted together not to engage in any major public criticism of each other until they had personally checked with the other party to make sure they were accurately stating the other’s views.

Finally, we need to covenant to search the Scriptures together. It is a farce to have Jerry Falwell and myself continue forever telling the American public that our contradictory public policy stands are thoroughly biblical. There is a way to work at that. Evangelical leaders could sit down privately twice a year for two days of confidential conversation to explain prayerfully and openly to each other the biblical foundations of their political views. As we survey church history, we see that even Augustine, Luther, Calvin and Wesley occasionally got it wrong. Since we are making at least as many mistakes, we desperately need the insight of other Christian leaders who are striving to submit their total lives to biblical revelation. (I know that some try very hard to do this and that others persistently refuse to cooperate.) One criterion of the integrity of evangelical political leaders should be a willingness regularly to test the biblical validity of their views with other biblically committed Christian leaders.

Evangelicals face an unprecedented opportunity in this era. In order not to squander it, we need to acknowledge the valid arguments of those who disagree with us; we need to be more aware of the precise areas where we disagree; we need to commit ourselves to debating with integrity. If we do all these things, we will still have different perspectives and organizations. But radicals would adopt some conservative strengths and conservatives would affirm some radical solutions.

Is it too much to ask God to give us more conserving radicals and more radical conservatives?

AIDS: An Evangelical Perspective

To be sure, there are other things that must be added. But only secondarily. One crucial test of our commitment to the sanctity of human life in our time will be whether as a society we will spend the money, take the time and run the risk required to treat people with AIDS as persons, down to the last painful gasp. That basic theological affirmation does not settle many complex issues of public policy, but it does provide an essential framework for grappling with them.

How should our response to the AIDS epidemic be influenced by the fact that in many places the primary transmitters of the disease are promiscuous male homosexuals and intravenous drug users? Answering this secondary question is more complex. It is a prejudical untruth to call AIDS a homosexual disease. AIDS is a viral disease that affects heterosexuals and homosexuals. There is no evidence whatsoever to indicate that this new virus was originally produced by homosexual practice.

At the same time, however, it is dishonest and unwise to minimize the fact that much of the transmission of AIDS occurs because of promiscuous (especially homosexual) sexual intercourse. Regardless of one’s view of either homosexuality or promiscuity, the facts are that the only truly safe intercourse is that within a lifelong monogamous relationship, and that AIDS is closely linked with homosexual promiscuity. The December 1986 Hastings Center Report indicates that "many AIDS patients report 1,000 sexual partners over a single life time." One third of all male homosexuals, according to an authoritative national survey cited in the report, said that they had had more than 50-70 sexual partners in the previous year. Insisting, in our public-policy decisions, on the importance of the connection between homosexual promiscuity and the transmission of AIDS is not an instance of heterosexual homophobia.

What about the charge that AIDS is God’s punishment for gays? For many this question might not even arise, and it is not the most important question. But it is essential to deal with it at some length, first, because some evangelicals have made this charge; second, because the media have spread the charge far and wide; and third, because some religious people discussing AIDS seem to want to ignore the biblical teaching that there is a moral order in the universe and that wrong choices have consequences.

To begin with, it is wrong to suggest that God created AIDS as a special punishment for the sin of homosexual practice. Such a suggestion ignores, for one thing, much empirical data. Apparently the virus is new. Why would God wait for millennia to design this special punishment? Furthermore, many people who have not engaged in homosexual activity have AIDS. At least 500 babies have already been born with AIDS, and a minimum of 700 people have contracted the disease through blood transfusions. If AIDS is divine punishment for homosexual practice, why don’t gay women get it? Are the radical feminists right that God is exclusively female? In parts of Africa, AIDS affects heterosexuals and homosexuals in approximately equal numbers.

Furthermore, there is no biblical basis for linking specific sicknesses with specific kinds of sin. Certainly sickness and death are the result, in biblical thought, of the fall, but a specific sickness is seldom related to a specific sinful act, and then only by special prophetic declaration. In the one situation where Jesus explicitly dealt with the question, he emphatically rejected the suggestion that blindness was caused by a man’s sin or that of his parents (John 9:2-3) Rather, Jesus said that the reason for the blindness was to make manifest the works of God. If Christians today offer compassionate, costly care to people with AIDS, they will in a similar way bring glory to God.

Evangelicals should be able, however, to condemn homosexual practice as a sinful lifestyle without being charged with homophobia or blamed for many of the problems emerging in the AIDS epidemic. Almost all evangelicals consider homosexual practice (which must be carefully distinguished from homosexual orientation) to be sinful. And I agree, although I want to add that it is no more sinful than adultery, greed, gossip, racism or materialism.

Ethicist James B. Nelson goes much too far when he argues that "we who call ourselves Christians bear major responsibility for the problems created by the AIDS crisis. . . . We have been the major institutional legitimizer of compulsory heterosexuality" (Christianity and Crisis, May 19, 1986, p. 179) Evangelicals confess that they have been guilty of homophobia. But they reject the charge that their condemnation of homosexual practice somehow played a major role in creating the AIDS crisis. To the extent that there is a link between AIDS and homosexuality, the major point that must be made is that it is homosexual promiscuity that stands condemned, not evangelical belief that homosexual practice is wrong.

This is largely unacceptable special pleading. Certainly there has been homophobic and misguided public restriction of private sexual acts between consenting adults, and that must end. But to demand that Christians either give up a belief that homosexual practice is wrong and endorse government sanction of gay marriage, or else accept major responsibility for the AIDS crisis, is nonsense. Gay folk can stop being promiscuous and thus end the risk of infection any time they choose. They don’t need to wait for others to affirm their sexual preference.

My next comment on the issue of AIDS as punishment for homosexual practice may upset even more people than my previous point. The Bible throughout teaches that God is both loving and just, both merciful and holy, and therefore has established a moral order in the universe. Ignoring God’s law structured into nature has consequences. A major article on AIDS in a religious periodical asserted that "The God of the Christian revelation is not a God who punishes people" (Engage/Social Action, February, 1986, p. 43) But that is not what the Scriptures say. In fact, nowhere in the Bible is there more discussion of punishment of sin than in the words of Jesus. Furthermore, St. Paul argues the general point about there being a moral order in the universe precisely with reference to male and female homosexual practice (Rom. 1:26-28) God has created free persons who may freely choose to reject God’s law, but their choices have consequences both now and in the future.

This point is just as relevant, of course, to any type of self-destructive behavior, or to acts of economic injustice, as it is to homosexual practice. (Someone has quipped that if AIDS is divine punishment, then surely the people who bring us economic oppression, environmental pollution and devastating wars should at least get herpes.) Oppressing the poor violates God’s moral order and produces disruption, chaos and other evil consequences. (It is relevant to point out here that the unusually high proportion of blacks and Hispanics in the population of drug addicts, including intravenous drug users with AIDS, is surely related to the incredibly high unemployment rate for black and Hispanic teen-agers, which in turn is related to racism and economic injustice. Similarly, the increasing number of female prostitutes with AIDS is related to female poverty and the tragedy of battered women.) Sexual sin is no worse than other varieties, and they all have consequences.

We cannot ignore this general truth when we come to the issue of AIDS. If the Bible teaches that homosexual practice is wrong, as I think it does, then it is right to suppose that violating God’s law in this area will have negative consequences.

This is not to say that the AIDS virus is some supernatural divine creation to punish homosexual practice; have emphasized that I reject that view. But I refuse to bow to today’s widespread relativism and deny and ignore the clear biblical teaching that some actions are wrong no matter what Hollywood or Greenwich Village says. Ignoring the moral order of the universe has consequences.

As a citizen. I insist on the right to say that and to seek to shape public policy in ways consistent with that belief without being called a bigot. Evangelical Christians believe that one reason Western society today is in trouble is its widespread ethical relativism and accompanying sexual promiscuity (both heterosexual and homosexual) I do not ask that public policy enforce biblical sexual norms, but I do ask that public policy not undermine them.

It is important to add here that there are contexts in which it is appropriate, and other contexts in which it is inappropriate, to emphasize the link between actions and consequences. When a person is dying of lung cancer, one does not lecture her on the dangers of smoking. When a friend is struggling to survive a heart attack, one does not denounce him for poor eating patterns or failure to exercise. Nevertheless, warnings about smoking and vigorous personal appeals to friends not to destroy their health by overwork or overeating are entirely appropriate at other times.

I have been dismayed by failures to observe this very simple distinction. In his book on AIDS, John Fortunato quotes an evangelical chaplain who began every initial conversation with gay AIDS patients with a harsh denunciation of the sin of homosexual practice (AIDS: The Spiritual Dilemma Harper & Row, 1987], pp. 103-104). Such an approach is so far from Jesus’ compassionate and forgiving relationship with the adulterous woman that one wants to scream. The first thing the Christian must say to an AIDS patient is that God loves him or her so much so that if it were necessary for Jesus to experience the cross again just for that person, he would gladly do it.

But just because one does not admonish and educate at the deathbed does not mean, to quote Episcopal Bishop John Walker of Washington, D.C., that "our calling is not that of judging but of serving" (Washington Post, October 31, 1986). We must do both, albeit in different settings. Much depends, too, on what one means by "judging." Harsh, insensitive, self-righteous attitudes are never acceptable. But "not judging" in that sense is fully compatible with insisting that certain behavior is wrong. Jesus never supposed, as do some modern relativists, that his command to "judge not" means that we cannot condemn sin.

The most basic role for the church is to set a good example. Thus far it has not batted 1,000. Members of one church in Florida not only led the fight to exclude three hemophiliac boys with AIDS from public school but also decided not to admit persons carrying the AIDS virus into Sunday school, worship or other church activities (Florida Baptist Witness, September 17, 1987). Many other churches, on the other hand, have exhibited a different spirit, recognizing that the AIDS virus cannot be spread by casual contact.

Second, the church should provide direct ministry, both pastoral and other services, to people with AIDS and their families. (Christianity Today rightly deplores the fact that far more is happening already in this area than the media report [August 7, 1987, p. 15]). Third, the church can serve an indispensable role in education. Because people generally trust the church, it should be able to combat the irrational fears and rumors by presenting facts and respected counsel.

Fourth, the church should, as James Nelson suggests, engage in further theological reflection on the issues raised by the AIDS epidemic. It needs to rediscover and proclaim the full biblical understanding of the joy and boundaries of sexual expression, teach by word and example the goodness of the lifelong marriage covenant between a man and a woman, and learn better how to offer unlimited acceptance to everyone without succumbing to mushy relativism. Those four points take only three minutes to articulate. To incarnate them requires a lifetime of struggle.

Nelson is very helpful in calling for a careful balancing of individual rights and social good. The people who speak most often about the sanctity of human life should have been the very first to champion the right of people with AIDS to adequate healthcare rather than lobbying against government expenditure for AIDS research, as did the Moral Majority. And the people who speak frequently about democratic freedom and individuals’ personal relationships with God ought to be among the most vigorous champions of the right to individual freedom and privacy. At the same time, Nelson rightly insists that these individual rights must be balanced by a concern for the public good so that we protect the blood supply, and the health of schoolchildren and health professionals, while wisely allocating scarce medical resources.

Finally, the topic of condom ads needs to be addressed, not because it is more important than (probably it is not even as important as) other public-policy questions such as mandatory AIDS testing or contact notification, but because it has provoked such extensive discussion among evangelicals. Some conservative Christians have vigorously, even viciously, denounded fellow evangelical Surgeon General C. Everett Koop for suggesting advertisements and education about condoms in the battle against AIDS. Kooop insists that the only safe dex is that within a monogamous relationship, but he also demands that we deal with the real world where promiscuity persists and spreads the AIDS virus at a terrifying rate.

Koop is correct that we need a public education campaign that includes TV and print media encouraging people who choose to persist in high-risk behavior to use condoms. But I also find substance is the response of many people – from Sir Immanuel Jakobowits, the chief rabbi of Britain, to writers in Christianity Today to delegates to the 1987 Southern Baptist Convention – that the promotion of condoms could easily encourage promiscuity. Of we are trying to warn adolescent youngsters about the dangers of promiscuity, I doubt we do it effectively by a TV ad featuring (to take one current example) a glamorous young woman who says she wants love but she is not willing to die for it.

There is a way to meet both sides’ concerns. We could have TV spots featuring someone like Rock Hudson at a stage of the AIDS disease where its ravages are unmistakable. The text could read something like this:

The only safe sex is within a lifelong monogamous relationship. I wish I had lived that way before I got AIDS. But if, in spite of today’s harsh facts, you want to play Russian roulette with your life, then please use condoms. They are not fail-proof, but they do improve your chances.

Such TV spots would not glamorize promiscuity. But they would get the word out on condoms. It is highly unlikely that condom manufacturers would pay for such ads. But promoting their profits is not our agenda. (In fact, TV ads by condom manufacturers should be discouraged because their commercial interests will almost certainly override any concern for public-health education.) Rather, government agencies and private groups, including churches, should develop such spots, and stations should run them as public-service announcements.

Religious leaders today have the awesome task of helping to lead people through what may well become the most deadly epidemic in human history. I hope we will have the courage and faith to turn away from irrational fear, panic and the temptation to place personal security above compassionate care for the marginalized and ravaged. I hope that instead we will be given the grace to incarnate the belief that all persons, including our sisters and brothers dying of AIDS, are stamped with the divine image and are thus of inestimable value.

Making Schools Work For The Rich And The Poor

Raymond Abbott is a high school dropout from Camden, New Jersey, one of the poorest cities in America with over 60 percent of its residents on welfare. The schools Raymond attended -- indeed, virtually all the schools in Camden -- were and are a disaster. During Raymond's academic years, Camden's schools spent about one-half as much per student as did schools in Princeton, New Jersey. According to the Philadelphia Inquirer, Camden schools could not afford science, art, music, or physical education teachers, or staff to detect learning disabilities. As a result, Raymond's learning disabilities went undiagnosed, and the system promoted him year by year even though he was learning very little. When he dropped out of high school, he could read only at the seventh grade level.

Raymond Abbott's name appeared as lead plaintiff in a court case brought by Camden and several other poor school districts against the State of New Jersey, demanding that the state provide equal funding for all schools. Seven years later, the judge agreed with the poor districts, but it was too late for Raymond. By then he was a cocaine addict living in the Camden County jail. "It took a judge seven years and 607 pages," the Philadelphia Inquirer reported, "to explain why children in New Jersey's poor cities deserve the same basic education as kids in the state's affluent suburbs." The judicial decision would have meant more to Raymond, the paper lamented, if it had come.. . when there was still a chance to teach him something."

Some people argued that lack of money is not the problem in places like Camden, but the judge was not convinced. He cited the explanation given by a wealthy district for its request to back out of a cross-busing plan with a poor district: The wealthy district did not want to integrate with the poor district because of the latter's "old and dilapidated buildings, lack of adequate equipment and materials, [and] lack of science programs."

A black principal from Camden High is more blunt. When she is invited to speak at places like Princeton and people try to argue that it makes little difference that Camden spends $4,000 and Princeton $8,000 per student, she retorts, "If you don't believe that money makes a difference, let your children go to school in Camden. Trade with our children. When I say this, people will not meet my eyes. They stare down at the floor."

I am quite willing to grant that the inequities in education in this country are not only or primarily a matter of funding. Lingering racism, unsafe drug-infested neighborhoods, dysfunctional families, malnutrition, oversized administrative bureaucracies, unresponsive teachers' unions, and peer pressure that mocks academic success all play a role in undermining education. Nevertheless, funding is a major problem, and it's a sign of the pressing need for fundamental educational reform.

What direction should that reform take? It should be undertaken with these imperatives in mind:

1) Demand equity. Every child, regardless of his or her family's race, religion or income, should have full access to quality education so that he or she has the opportunity to realize God-given abilities. At the very least, therefore, schools for poor and minority children should have as much funding per student, as many qualified teachers and as good physical facilities as other schools.

2)Allow families to choose. Since primary responsibility for nurturing children rests with the Family, parents should be able to choose the kind of school they want for their children. Biblical principles require what the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) stipulates: "Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children" (Art. 26,3).

3) Respect freedom and pluralism. The educational system should be organized in a way that offers genuine freedom and treats every religious tradition fairly, neither discriminating against nor benefiting any unequally. The amazing diversity of moral, religious and philosophical perspectives in contemporary society makes impossible any effort to teach only one perspective -- whether secularism or historic Christianity -- in all schoo1s.

4) Promote the common good. To promote the common good, society must use government's powers of taxation to ensure that every child has access to the necessary funds for an excellent education. Since equal access to education for all is both morally right and in the long-term interest of everyone, we dare not privatize the funding of education. Making each child's access to education dependent on his or her family's economic status condemns the poor to inferior education in blatant defiance of biblical norms.

The following changes would move us in the right direction to meet the goals just outlined.

Decentralized governance and administration. Reduce bureaucracy and administrative overhead and promote innovation, flexibility and competition among schools.

Smaller schools. Smaller schools have proven to be more effective than larger schools, especially with poor children.

Competition. Schools will improve if the system allows competition and closes schools that parents do not choose.

Common curriculum in the basics. It is especially important for poor and minority students that all schools effectively teach the basics in reading, math, English (oral and written) and science that are essential to succeed in society.

Diversity of schools. We need more experimentation with a wide range of teaching methods, patterns of governance, and underlying philosophical and religious foundations while still maintaining an overall framework in which all schools teach the basics.

High expectations. Teachers should place high demands on every student, and administrators should demand excellent teaching from every teacher.

Standardized tests. Parents, students and society should require objective measures of academic success to make informed decisions.

Broad social, economic and racial mix. One of the best established facts of educational research is that the educational background and aspirations of fellow students significantly determine what a student will achieve. This is especially important for low-income students who learn more in schools with relatively few rather than a majority of low-income students.

More parental control. If parents have more power in shaping where and what their children study, they will be more involved in the educational progress.

More teacher incentives. We need more incentives for well-qualified teachers to make a long-term commitment to teach disadvantaged children.

Adequate funding. Every state should determine how much high-quality education costs and guarantee that every school -- especially those serving poor and minority children -- has at least that much money.

Is there any concrete reform that would substantially move public education in the direction just sketched? Obviously, no one reform by itself is enough. Adequate funding, a common curriculum in the basics, and standardized tests would all help. More and more people today, however, believe that nothing short of sweeping reform that breaks up the monopoly of large, centralized, bureaucratic school systems will work. There is also a growing demand for educational vouchers.

Vouchers -- sometimes called public scholarships -- would offer parents an "educational check" that could be cashed at any eligible school, whether public or private. Twenty years ago only a conservative minority endorsed vouchers. Today a majority does.

Why the change? Partly the abysmal failure of inner-city public schools. Partly the fact that private Catholic schools do better with disadvantaged children at much less cost. Partly because limited tests of parental choice offer promising preliminary results. Partly because this one reform would dramatically implement many of the desired changes outlined above: more and smaller schools, less bureaucracy and administrative overhead, more competition, more parental control, more diversity of schools, and maybe even more racial integration.

Should we switch to a voucher system for American elementary and secondary education? No. We do not know enough to undertake such a sweeping change. Should we test the use of vouchers? Yes. Such a proposal, of course, is enormously controversial. People of good will argue on both sides. Many think that the best thing to do is simply invest more resources in a cluster of interrelated changes within the present system. Others are convinced the problems are too deeply entrenched for that to work.

I believe the best way for us to proceed is to invest several billion dollars in a massive five-year test of both proposals. Since the most severe problems are in inner-city schools, we should focus our efforts at reform there. Why not spend equal money on two parallel tests: a test of vouchers in a dozen places, and a test of the best "reform the public schools" proposals in a dozen other places. Careful research can then tell us which approach is more successful, and especially which approach is better for poor and minority children. Let's begin by examining the two reform options.

Reform the Public Schools: No widely endorsed package of comprehensive reforms exists. As John Mitchell of the American Federation of Teachers told me, every local situation is different, and therefore, no one reform package applies everywhere.

Widely affirmed proposals call for the restructure of low-performing schools, more emphasis on the basics, safer classrooms, more rigorous graduation standards, periodic measurement of progress through some kind of standardized tests, longer days and year-round schooling, decentralization into smaller learning communities and greater freedom for those smaller units, smaller classes, better-qualified teachers and improved salaries, more parental input and more equitable funding.

If a dozen different public school systems were to embark on a five-year experiment as part of a larger nation-wide experiment encouraged by federal dollars, local teams of educators, parents and community leaders would need to devise appropriate local models. They would also need to report to state and federal educational officials so that the methods and results of the different local public school reforms could be compared to each other and to voucher experiments.

Educational Vouchers: Vouchers are still relatively new to many Americans. Therefore, before I outline a concrete proposal, it is essential to examine the pros and cons of vouchers.

On the pro side: First, black parents want vouchers. Recent polls consistently show that African-Americans, especially poorer, inner-city people and those with school-age children favor vouchers more than do middle-class whites. In a recent nationwide survey, Professor Terry Moe found that 79 percent of inner-city poor people favored vouchers and 59 percent of whites in more advantaged communities favored them. A vast majority of both inner-city poor and advantaged whites agreed that school choice would be "especially helpful to low-income kids, because their public schools tend to have the most problems." Another poll in 1997 found that 72 percent of blacks and 48 percent of the general population endorsed vouchers. Still a third national survey (1997) discovered not only that a strong majority of African-Americans (57 percent) and Hispanics (65 percent) favored vouchers, but also that it was precisely the black age group most likely to have children in the public schools (those 26 to 35) who supported vouchers most strongly (86.5 percent!). We ought to listen carefully to those whose children suffer in the worst schools.

Vouchers would give the poor what everybody else already has. Most Americans now have school choice -- it is called enough money to buy a private education or a house in a suburb with a good educational system. We all know that middle-class parents with young children leave the city to seek better schools. Seventy-two percent of all families with incomes over $50,000 have their children in private schools, public schools they specifically chose (e.g., magnet schools) or schools selected through a conscious choice about where to live. The poor are simply requesting the parental choice that middle-class Americans already enjoy.

Private schools are more successful -- especially with disadvantaged children. One study concluded: "The achievement growth rates of Catholic school attendance are especially strong for students who are in one way or another disadvantaged: lower socio-economic status, black, or Hispanic." The dropout rates are strikingly lower in Catholic schools than public schools, even in the case of those at special risk of dropping out. And the reason does not seem to be different policies on admission or expulsion but the different atmosphere of Catholic schools.

A more recent study is even more striking: "The achievement of students in Catholic high schools was less dependent on family background and personal circumstances than was true in the public schools." In fact, "Catholic high schools seem to correct the tragedy where minority students fall further and further behind white students the longer they stay in school." This study found that "the achievement advantage of white over minority students . . . increases in public schools during the last two years of schooling, whereas the minority gap actually decreases in Catholic schools."

Equally striking is the evidence surrounding college enrollment. Students from every racial group are more likely to attend college if they go to a Catholic school, but the positive impact is greatest for urban minorities. If an urban minority student goes to a Catholic high school, the probability of graduating from college jumps from 11 percent to 27 percent.

Recent analysis of the widely followed voucher experiment in Milwaukee shows that low-income minority students who attended private schools scored substantially better in reading and math after four years than those who remained in public schools. And it cost less! In fact, the researchers report that "if similar success could be achieved for all minority students nationwide, it could close the gap between white and minority test scores by at least a third, possibly by more than half."

Everyone -- teachers, parents, students -- is more satisfied with private schools. That is the clear finding of a recent report by the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics. In spite of much lower salaries ($ 12,000-$20,000 less per year!), teachers in private schools were more than three times as likely as public school teachers to say they are "highly satisfied" with their jobs. Less than half (48.7 percent) of parents whose children were assigned to a public school were satisfied, but 82.5 percent of parents who chose a private school were. "In their answers to almost all questions, parents are more enthusiastic about choice schools, usually by large margins." And the private school students feel more safe, are only a quarter as likely to be apathetic, and one-sixth as likely to treat their teachers with disrespect.

Private schools do more with less. In 1993-94 the average tuition in Catholic schools was $1,600 at the elementary level and $3,600 for high school. Average public school expenditures per pupil for the same years were $5,900. New York's Cardinal John O'Connor has repeatedly volunteered to accept the lowest 5 percent of the city's public school students at Catholic schools -- at about one-third the cost.

Public schoolteachers prefer private schools for their own children. Public schoolteachers in central cities are far more likely than the average central city resident to send their own children to private schools. In fact, when pushed to estimate the percentage of urban-area school teachers with school-age children in private schools, Keith Geiger, the president of the National Education Association, replied: "It's about 40 percent." Why should we force poor parents to send their children to public schools that the teachers themselves do not trust with their own children?

Competition forces change. Many recent analysts argue that lack of competition is a central reason for the failure of inner-city schools. Vouchers would enable a wide range of non-government schools to compete with the current government-operated educational monopoly. In a competitive market, you either satisfy customers or close.

Pluralism and morals. Moral foundations are essential for good education. In an increasingly pluralistic society, however, it becomes harder and harder to define a common morality that all can accept. It is not fair, for example, to compel a child being raised by a gay couple to attend a school in which the teachers say homosexual practice is sin. Nor is it fair to compel a child from a home that embraces historic Christian sexual norms to attend a school in which the teachers portray homosexual practice or open marriage as just one of many equally acceptable lifestyle options. With a voucher system, every group has full freedom to sponsor a school grounded in its own moral and religious beliefs. Such a system respects society's pluralism in a way that allows vigorous moral teaching in the schools.

An educational experience grounded in historic Judeo-Christian morality is even more important at a time when a weakened family structure increasingly fails more children. A large majority of inner-city children live in single-parent homes. Small, faith-based schools with religiously motivated teachers are more likely to offer the special attention, loving intimacy and moral standards hat an increasing number of dysfunctional homes cannot provide.

Vouchers strengthen the family. By returning effective control of education to the family, vouchers would enormously strengthen this crucial institution in society. Parents rather than the state would again control one of the most significant influences shaping their children. As a result, parents would be able to pass on their moral commitments through schools of their choice.

Most democracies permit parental choice. In all of the countries of the European Union (except Greece and Italy) and in Australia, New Zealand, Scandinavia and Japan, parents can choose to send their children to nongovernment schools (usually including religious schools) and receive government tax dollars to pay for tuition. In most cases, tax revenues pay the costs at private schools up to the expenditures per pupil in government-operated schools.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children." Unlike the United States, most democracies think this means that tax dollars should accompany every student whether they attend government-operated or privately operated schools.

With such strong supportive arguments, why do many people still oppose a major test of vouchers?

There are six important criticisms: First, vouchers will undermine democratic society. Some argue that a democracy needs public schools that all students attend so all learn shared values and discover how to work together across class and racial lines. Those who hold this view believe that if people from different religious groups attend separate schools, our society may fly apart as has that of the Balkans, where Catholic Croatians, Orthodox Serbs and Bosnian Muslims slaughter each other.

There are two problems with this argument. First, this vision of common schools that all class and racial groups attend is a myth. Today, the rich attend private schools and elite public schools in wealthy suburbs. Efforts at effective desegregation of largely minority inner-city schools and largely white suburban schools have failed. If the unity of society requires that children from all different backgrounds go to school together, then we must outlaw private schools and compel suburban children to go to the same schools inner-city children attend. No major antivoucher voice promotes that politically impossible suggestion.

Second, the data we have do not suggest more intolerance on the part of private school students. Rather, evidence suggests that students in private schools are at least as tolerant as those in public schools. A 1992 survey by the U.S. Department of Education discovered that private school students had more community spirit and were more likely to value helping others and to volunteer in community causes. A very recent study discovered that families with children in private schools are also significantly more involved in the common civic life of the community (voting, visiting the local public library, volunteering.) In one study of a fundamentalist Protestant academy (Bethany Bible Academy), a Jewish intellectual found the Bethany students more tolerant on issues of race, religion and freedom of speech and less concerned with making a lot of money than their public school peers. Widespread attendance at religious schools in a number of Western democracies, including Britain, Australia, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Canada, has not resulted in more religious intolerance.

Vouchers will increase racial segregation. It is true that private academies for white students sprang up in the South after the historic Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Won't vouchers simply help whites flee to segregated schools? In reality, as a recent article in the prestigious Brookings Review points out, private schools today are more integrated than the public schools. The U.S. Department of Education reports that in 1992,37 percent of private school students but only 18 percent of public school students attended schools in which the number of minority students was close to the national average. Fifty-five percent of public school students are in schools in which over 90 percent of all students are white or minority. Only 41 percent of private school students attend such overwhelmingly segregated schools. The same study also found that in private schools students are more likely to form cross-racial friendships. Private school students, teachers and administrators all report fewer racial problems than in public schools.

Nationally, in 1990-91, Catholic schools were 25.2 percent minority, and conservative Protestant schools were 18 percent minority. While court-mandated school integration has largely failed, integration in private schools that parents freely choose surpasses public schools. It may be that parental choice via vouchers -- especially if the voucher mechanism favors integration -- offers the best hope today for increasing integration in our schools. As Harvard professor Paul E. Peterson notes, one "attraction of inner-city school choice is the possibility that a choice-based system could reduce the racial isolation within the central city."

Choice programs cream off the best students, leaving the poor and marginalized behind. Sandra Feldman, the president of the American Federation of Teachers, complains that vouchers take "money away from inner-city schools so a few selected children can get vouchers to attend private schools, while the majority of equally deserving kids, who remain in the public schools, are ignored."

"Creaming" already happens. Well-to-do children go to private schools or elite suburban public schools. In most big cities, magnet schools, gifted classes and honors tracks siphon off the most gifted. The only question is whether we will grant the poor and disadvantaged the choice that the majority already enjoy.

How we structure a voucher plan is, of course, crucial. First of all, it should cover at least all students with family incomes below 150 to 200 percent of the poverty level. Voucher programs that affect only a fraction of students do leave others behind, but that is not an argument against vouchers; it is an argument in favor of a voucher plan that is comprehensive. Weighted vouchers so that children with special needs receive extra funds are also essential. I would also favor adding 15 percent to the vouchers of students from families with incomes below the poverty level.

Done right a voucher model could correct some of the unfairness that present creaming produces.

Some parents will use their vouchers unwisely. Some dysfunctional parents will not even care enough to choose a school. Other poorly educated parents, lacking the time and knowledge to shop and compare, will choose badly. Again, this is a valid concern. There will be a small percent of highly dysfunctional parents who will not take responsibility for selecting a school. This is a complicated, delicate issue, but some careful provision for others to select a school for these children will be necessary.

In a voucher plan, state educational authorities will define minimum requirements for schools eligible to receive vouchers. Competition will force the poorest schools to improve or close. Even if a parent chooses the poorest voucher school, it will very likely be better than today's worst inner-city schools. At the same time, it will be necessary for educational authorities to operate an excellent informational program to tell all parents about their options.

Much of the discussion about bad choices by poor, uneducated parents is simply elitist paternalism. The overwhelming majority of poor, struggling, inner-city parents -- including single moms -- that I have been privileged to know care deeply about their children. I trust them to make decisions for their children that are at least as good as those being made today by large administrative bureaucracies and teachers' unions in our inner-city school systems.

Vouchers will allow fanatics to operate schools. Won't the Ku Klux Klan start running schools? Eligibility standards for all schools can exclude schools that teach racism and hatred without preventing wide methodological and religious diversity. Only schools accepting anyone regardless of race or religion should be eligible for vouchers. Again, the wide experience of voucher-type arrangements in many other democracies offers no reason to fear that fanatics will be able to operate schools at taxpayers' expense.

Vouchers are not constitutional. Vouchers will mean that tax dollars finance sectarian religious beliefs in violation of the First Amendment. For decades, the Supreme Court has rejected government funding for religious elementary and secondary schools on the ground that "no tax in any amount, large or small, can be levied to support any religious activities or institutions" (Everson, 1947).

Certainly tax dollars dare not fund narrowly religious activities such as worship and evangelism. But the First Amendment does not, I believe, preclude government funds going to faith-based programs that offer public goods (e.g., health care, job training, education) that the society wants the government to fund. In America today, there is a vast range of religious, secular and government organizations providing a wide variety of social services. If government funds only secular agencies, it promotes a secular faith.

The fairest solution is for government to fund all successful providers of desired public goods such as education and health care whether or not a particular provider is religious or not. In fact, we already do that in a number of areas -- Pell grants for poor college students, child care to the parent, not a religious institution, and the parent freely chooses a school that is secular, Buddhist, Baptist and so on. Government is fair if it offers equal benefits to those of every and no religious belief. There is strong reason to believe that the Supreme Court will in fact approve a wisely devised voucher plan that includes but in no way favors religious schools.

The arguments favoring a test of educational vouchers far outweigh the criticisms. Present evidence suggests that a voucher plan would probably be better for poor and minority children, increase integration, strengthen the family, better respect societal pluralism, renew moral values and cost less. That is why a number of prominent progressive church leaders recently signed "A Progressive Call for Public Scholarships." Signers include the heads of several denominations, including the Progressive National Baptist Convention, the Disciples of Christ and the Reformed Church in America.

"Devastating problems demand daring experiments," the declaration insisted. "Inner-city public schools are a disaster." Together these leaders -- long identified with the struggle for racial and economic justice -- demand a test of vouchers with one basic criterion in mind: "Do public scholarships help or hurt our poorest children and the children of ethnic minorities? If significant new tests demonstrate this approach harms these children, we will lead the battle against educational vouchers. But if the tests do indicate that such scholarships help, no ideological straitjacket will prevent us from demanding their widespread adoption."

It is tragic that teachers' unions fight every and all voucher experiments. As Harvard's Paul Peterson says, if they are right that vouchers would be harmful, then "a few experiments will put the choice idea firmly to rest." Are they afraid a fair test might prove that vouchers work? As columnist Raspberry says, "It's time for some serious experimentation." Alongside the best public school reform proposals outlined above, as a nation we should invest equal resources in testing a voucher plan.

Somehow, as quickly as possible, we must discover the most effective way to end the scandalous failure of our inner-city schools. Public school advocates offer one possible solution; voucher proponents urge another. We simply do not know enough to try only the one or the other. We should be open enough to test both. Providing a good education for our children, especially those with least opportunity, is, as the Progressive Call insisted, "not a Republican or a Democratic issue, not a conservative or liberal cause, not a pro-business or pro-union agenda. It is rather a matter of justice and equal opportunity for our children."

Religion-free Texts: Getting An Illiberal Education

In the current culture wars, religious liberals tend to ally themselves with the educational establishment against those on the Religious Right who are attacking the public schools. In politics and they, I line up with the left. Nonetheless, I believe with the right that public education is hostile to religion -- not least to liberal religion. The problem isn't the absence of school prayers. Schools respect the religious liberty of students in prohibiting religious exercises. There is no hostility to religion in that. The problem is that systematically excluding religious voices from the curriculum makes public education fundamentally illiberal -- something that, ironically, most liberals fail to see.

During the past few years I've reviewed 82 high school textbooks in a variety of subjects -- history, economics, home economics, literature, health and the sciences -- for their treatment of religion. I've also read the national content standards that have been developed for K-12 education over the past decade by thousands of scholars, teachers and representatives of professional organizations. To keep my discussion manageable I will comment only on high school texts and standards in three subject areas: economics, the sciences and history. But the problems we find here cut across the curriculum at all levels of education.

Economics. The scriptures of all religious traditions address justice and the moral dimensions of social and economic life, as does much recent moral theology -- from the social gospel through liberation theology. Most mainline Christian denominations and many ecumenical agencies have official statements on economics and justice. Central to scripture and this literature is the claim that to understand the economic domain of life we must apply moral and religious categories to it. Yet in the 4,400 pages of the ten economics texts I reviewed, all of the references to religion add up to only two pages, and all are to distant history. In the 47 pages of the national economics standards there are no references at all to religious ways of understanding economics.

Neither the texts nor the standards address poverty as a moral or spiritual problem; indeed, they say little about poverty at all. They are silent about the relationship between the First World and the Third. They ignore the effect of economics and technology on the environment. They are oblivious to the moral problems of a consumer culture. They ask no questions about dehumanizing work. They emphasize the importance of the profit motive and competition, and never mention that profits may be excessive or that competition may have its costs. They never speak of the dignity of people, the sacredness of nature or our obligations to any larger community (or to God).

The problem isn't just what's left out, however; it's also what's included. The texts and national standards teach neoclassical economic theory. According to this theory, economics is a "value-free" science, and the economic world can be defined in terms of the competition for scarce resources between self-interested individuals with unlimited wants. Values are subjective preferences. Decisions should be made according to cost-benefit analyses that maximize whatever it is we value and that leave no room in the equation for duties, the sacred or the unquantifiable dimensions of life. Economics and religion seem to be entirely separate realms.

My findings confirm what sociologist Robert Wuthnow discovered in his study of American religious life: people divorce economics from religion. When "asked if their religious beliefs had influenced their choice of a career, most of the people I have interviewed in recent years -- Christians and non-Christians alike -- said no. Asked if they thought of their work as a calling, most said no. Asked if they understood the concept of stewardship, most said no. Asked how religion did influence their work lives or thoughts about money, most said the two were completely separate."

The way we teach economics contributes to the growing secularization and demoralization of economic life. In-deed, it is virtually impossible to reconcile the understanding of human nature, values and economics found in the texts and the national standards with that of any religious tradition.

According to the national economics standards, students should be taught only the "majority paradigm" or "neoclassical model" of economic behavior, for to include "strongly held minority views of economic processes risks confusing and frustrating teachers and students, who are then left with the responsibility of sorting the qualifications and alternatives without a sufficient foundation to do so." We certainly don't want to confuse teachers or students by making them consider alternatives.

Science. The attention given to the conflict over biological evolution distorts the issue by making it seem as if there are just two sides -- the evolutionists and the fundamentalist creationists. Actually, there are a variety of religious positions, liberal as well as conservative. Yes, religious liberals have accepted evolution pretty much from the time Charles Darwin first proposed it, but in contrast to Darwin many of them believe that evolution is purposeful and that nature has a spiritual dimension. Darwin stated in his Autobiography that there is no more design to be found in nature than in the course which the wind blows, and the National Association of Biology Teachers and the National Science Association have decided to align themselves with his view that evolution is purposeless. This is what students learn in biology classes -- though the religious implications of evolution are rarely addressed explicitly. Biology texts and the national science standards both ignore not only fundamentalist creationism but also those more liberal religious ways of interpreting evolution found in process theology, creation spirituality, intelligent-design theory and much feminist and postmodern theology.

There is also a good deal of speculation now among scientists, theologians and philosophers about cosmic evolution, for there appears to be impressive evidence that the universe was fine-tuned to produce life. Life is extraordinarily complicated and improbable, and if conditions had been different in only the very smallest degree the universe would have been lifeless. It is possible to argue that the development of life was, in some way, programmed from the beginning. A creator God seems the most reasonable explanation for this -- or so it is often argued. In fact, the whole Big Bang theory has often been taken to be of some theological significance. Yet physics texts and the science standards are silent on all of this.

A vast theological literature addressing the environmental crisis has sprung into existence over the past few decades. Much of this literature argues for the virtue of stewardship, often in part on biblical grounds. Much ecotheology, process theology and creation spirituality go even further by arguing against the traditional split between inert, value-free nature and a transcendent God, and by arguing that God acts in and through the processes of nature, which are reconceived as sacred or spiritual. But neither the science texts nor the standards address religious interpretations of nature or of the environmental crisis.

Many liberal theologians have held that science and religion are conceptual apples and oranges, as it were. According to this "two worlds" view, they should have nothing to do with each other. One is about mechanics, the other about meaning. In recent decades, however, there has been a growing movement among theologians (and among some scientists) to see relations between science and religion. Theologians quite properly use scientific insights to shape their convictions about nature, and scientists -- at least those working at the level of basic theory -- are inevitably drawn to theological considerations. But because the national science standards and the textbooks have nothing to say about the relationship between science and religion, students will assume that science is competent to provide a complete picture of nature -- a claim deeply controversial for religious liberals as well as conservatives.

History. It is widely thought that students learn about religion when they study history. Indeed, the textbooks and the national history standards say a good deal about religion -- yet they don't take religion as seriously as they should. World history texts typically devote about three pages to explaining the origins, basic teachings and early development of each of the great world religions. But religion virtually disappears from the texts as we page past the 18th century or, in American histories, the Civil War. The world histories devote about 1 percent of their pages to religion after 1750. Each of the American histories I reviewed gave more space to the Watergate scandal than to all post -- Civil War religion.

Of course, one of the reasons religion disappears as we approach the present is that contemporary societies are much less religious than previous civilizations. Yet none of the texts discuss the secularization of modern civilization -- surely one of the most important themes of modern history. With the exception of brief discussions of Darwin in the world histories and the Scopes trial in the American histories, the texts ignore theological responses to science after the 18th century

While the American histories typically give the social gospel a couple of paragraphs, neither the American nor the world histories mention the development of historical-critical ways of interpreting the Bible or the rise of liberal theology. The Second Vatican Council is briefly mentioned in only two of the eight texts I reviewed; it is not mentioned in the 250 pages of the national history standards. Perhaps most important, while the great Western religions have held that God is revealed in the events and shape of history, none of the texts discuss religious interpretations of history. The texts clearly (and uncritically) assume that history is a secular discipline and that secular explanations are adequate.

Health and sex education and home economics texts and curricula avoid any discussion of religious ways of thinking about sexuality, marriage, abortion and homosexuality. While some literature anthologies are organized chronologically and so include some religious literature, most include only recent secular literature. Civics textbooks discuss government, law, rights and justice without any substantive discussion of religion. The growing character education movement in public education bends over backwards to avoid any reference to religion's role in nurturing virtues and values.

Ignoring religion, the texts and standards are hostile to religion and discriminate against it. There are a variety of ways of making sense of the world. Many of us accept one or another interpretation of reality; others accept one or another secular interpretation. The differences between us often cut deep. Yet public schools systematically teach students to think about the world in secular ways only. They don't even bother to note that there are religious alternatives.

Some argue that a secular curriculum is religiously neutral so long as it doesn't overtly attack religion. But this view is naïve. For some time now, people have rightly argued that ignoring black history and women's literature (as texts and curricula have traditionally done) has been anything but neutral. Rather, it betrays a prejudice; it is discriminatory. And so it is with religion. Indeed, it is more dishonest and dangerous to ignore religion than it is to attack it overtly. An overt attack at least makes students aware of potential tensions and conflicts between religious and secular ways of thinking and living. It makes them realize that what they are taught is sometimes controversial.

No doubt much of what students learn in their secular studies is compatible with religion. The problem lies less with the "facts" they are taught than with the philosophical assumptions, the governing worldview, with which they are taught to interpret the various subjects. They learn particular -- always secular -- ways of thinking about the content. The assumption is that secular perspectives are adequate to getting at the truth about any subject. The cumulative effect of this approach is that public education nurtures a secular mentality. Religion is intellectually compartmentalized and, therefore, marginalized--though this is almost always done implicitly (and often, no doubt, unintentionally).

It is true that most students continue to believe in God. But God has little to do with how they think about the world or how they live their lives. The vast majority of my students at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill are religiously illiterate. Perhaps worst of all, they are convinced that religion is a matter of irrational faith, and that when we talk about evidence, arguments and reason we must be talking about science.

Why don't liberals see a problem in this? Some continue to believe, mistakenly, that our constitutional "wall of separation" between church and state prohibits serious study of religion in public schools. No doubt many are concerned that in a religiously pluralistic society it is too difficult -- and too controversial -- to put religion on the educational agenda. And, of course, there is no vision of what an adequate treatment of religion might look like.

Perhaps more important, our cultural wars have led to tactical alliances between religious and secular liberals, who wish to present a united front against those who would make America into a Christian country and our schools into Christian schools. As James Davison Hunter has persuasively argued, the most important battle lines seem to separate liberals from conservatives, not religious folk from secular folk.

There are good liberal, secular reasons for incorporating the serious study of religion into the curriculum of public schools. First, a good liberal education should expose students to the major ways that humankind has devised for thinking about what is most important. Some of those ways are religious. Religions continue to possess a great deal of intellectual vitality even in our secular culture. They continue to ask and provide answers to those existential questions on which any educated person must reflect. Theologians -- conservative and liberal -- continue to provide alternatives to secular ways of thinking about the world.

Second, there are liberal political reasons for taking religion seriously. When we are deeply divided about some matter of importance, public schools must not educationally disenfranchise a significant segment of the public by ignoring its ideas and ideals. Because we are deeply divided about politics, public schools should not side with Democrats or Republicans but should give students some sense of what it has meant, and continues to mean, to be either. We are also deeply divided about religion. Justice requires that religious citizens not be educationally disenfranchised.

We now widely acknowledge the importance of giving oppressed sub-cultures a voice in the curriculum and think that their history and literature should be taken seriously. Hardly any groups are now so ignored in the curriculum as are religious sub-cultures -- which provide many Americans with their deepest sense of identity and meaning.

Third, there are liberal constitutional arguments for requiring, not just permitting, the study of religion in public schools. Ever since 1947, when the Supreme Court first applied the First Amendment's establishment clause to the states in Everson v. Board of Education, the court has held that government must be neutral on matters of religion. This commitment to neutrality has become the liberal position on church and state. (Conservatives have generally held that it is permissible for the state to promote at least nonsectarian religion.)

Of course, neutrality is a two-edged sword -- as the court has also made clear. If the state can't promote religion, neither can it denigrate it: As Justice Hugo Black put it in Everson, "State power is no more to be used so as to handicap religions than it is to favor them." Writing for the court in Abington v. Schempp (1963), Justice Tom Clark held that public schools cannot establish a "religion of secularism," preferring "those who believe in no religion over those who do believe." In a concurring opinion, Justice Arthur Goldberg warned that an "untutored devotion to the concept of neutrality" can lead to a "pervasive devotion to the secular and a passive, or even active, hostility to the religious."

This is just what has happened. An "untutored" conception of neutrality has led educators to conflate secular education with religiously neutral education. The only way to be truly neutral when all ground is contested is to be fair to the alternatives.

How to incorporate the serious study of religion into the curriculum is, of course, controversial and complex. But religious voices (conservative and liberal, Christian and non-Christian) must be included in the curricular conversation, not to save religion, but to be consistent with our educational, political and constitutional principles.

An Economist’s Reflections In A Time Of Prosperity

For those who remember the days of recession, high unemployment and high inflation in the 1970s, the state of the American economy in 1999 is remarkable. We are enjoying the longest peace-time recovery in U.S. history, a record low unemployment rate (4.3 percent in May), and few signs of inflation, despite rapid expansion of output and jobs. The strength of the U.S. economy is largely the result of unusually strong spending by consumers. Increased levels of personal wealth (in the form of rising values of financial capital and housing) have made households more comfortable about borrowing to finance spending. Furthermore, demographic changes have augmented the number of younger households, which borrow against future earnings as they begin to establish families and careers, as well as the share of retired households, which spend beyond their current incomes by gradually reducing savings and selling assets.

Despite all this good news, some have expressed concern about the possible hidden costs of our macroeconomic success. And some wonder if the U.S. has prospered at the expense of other countries. Did the Asian countries, perhaps, suffer a financial recession over the last few years as "payment" for the U.S. economy's continued expansion?

Nothing could be further from the truth. Precisely because demand in the U.S. continued to be strong, export sales from Asia fell less than might have been expected, giving those countries an opportunity to begin to recover from recession. The long U.S. economic expansion of the 1990s has done more than lower domestic unemployment rates (which was especially valuable during a time of welfare reform, because it enabled large numbers of recipients to move off welfare into jobs). Expansion has also provided the needed spending stimulus to prevent Asian and Russian economic crises from drawing the whole world into a recession.

Other critics focus on job losses in particular industries, such as steel, and call for protectionism. Job losses by less-skilled workers, income disparities by race and gender, and the deterioration of our central cities do present real challenges. But the answer is not trade protection. Protectionism usually surfaces when economies are suffering from recessionary levels of unemployment, and governments seek to protect workers from job losses due to foreign imports. It is surprising to see bitter trade skirmishes between the U.S. and the European Union (over items such as bananas and hormone-fed beef) at a time of economic growth.

If the U.S. economy were suffering large job losses due to foreign import competition, raising barriers to trade would still not be the answer. One of the long-lasting lessons of the Great Depression is that raising trade barriers to save jobs easily cascades into a cycle of retaliation, which in the end decreases trade, income and jobs. Furthermore, studies repeatedly show that the cost to a nation of saving a job in an industry facing strong import competition is several times the typical wage in that industry. For

example, a recent study of Europe put the average cost per job saved there by protectionism at a cool $215,000, for a total cost of $43 billion in one year (from the Economist, May 22). Obviously, there are cheaper ways to help workers while keeping markets open and competitive.

Given the present condition of the U.S. economy, which is creating many more jobs than are lost due to changing technology and international competition, protectionist voices should be relatively weak. But economists have long noted that the beneficiaries of free trade -- citizens who enjoy more variety, greater quality and lower prices of goods -- are poorly organized politically to have their voices heard over those of the well-funded spokespeople for the sectors and industries experiencing job losses. Even more muffled in the power corridors are the voices of many Third World people who stand to suffer when markets for their exports are not strong and expanding.

Recent history shows that whenever the leading economic powers are not actively engaged in further efforts to reduce trade barriers, backsliding is inevitable. The achievements of post -- World War II GATT tariff rounds, which successfully ratcheted down tariff barriers among all the major trading nations, have been regularly threatened by perverse innovations in protectionism. "Voluntary export controls" and, more recently, "antidumping procedures" have been introduced whenever there was a lull in negotiations.

President Clinton's administration deserves some credit for the passage of legislation creating the North American Free Trade Area in 1994. This is the first free-trade arrangement ever to include both developed nations and a developing country. However, since then Clinton has been ineffective in persuading Congress to grant him "fast track" negotiating authority either for a new international round of free trade negotiations, through the World Trade Organization (permanent successor to GAIT), or for gradual expansion of NAFTA to embrace most of Latin America. This failure is almost certainly the result, in part, of a second term during which the president and Congress were distracted with impeachment proceedings and other wranglings.

The fact that Americans have enjoyed low inflation rates during the current long business boom is surprising. A booming economy typically begins to face upward pressure on prices and wages, because the now fully employed work force cannot keep up with rising demand. Some experts talk of a new economic paradigm, as if the old connection between full employment and inflation has been permanently dismantled. This is not the case. Even those who do not understand (or fully approve of) free markets and economists' models know that the pace at which any economy can expand production is finite. And the price of expansion at a faster clip is rising prices.

What seems to be a bizarre suspension of economic gravity has plain causes -- and the situation cannot be expected to last. Productivity has grown faster in recent years than during the preceding 15 (some say computerization is finally showing itself in production statistics). That is clearly good, and a significant counter to any inflationary pressures; but productivity growth cannot be guaranteed to continue at such a pace. Second, the prices of certain key raw materials -- notably oil -- have been unexpectedly low. That is certainly good for the living standards of people in societies that are dependent on oil imports for production, transportation and heating. But such trends are not permanent, and we have already seen oil prices begin to rise.

Finally, the strong dollar has made foreign goods unusually competitive in U.S. markets. This has been fortunate, because it has siphoned off spending which would have been inflationary if directed toward domestic purchases. On the other hand, nothing ensures that the dollar will not fall again (as it did during the late 1980s), which would aggravate the inflationary pressures of an already strong economy.

As a consequence, Americans should be glad -- not angry -- that we have experienced a rising trade deficit over this decade. It is silly for Americans to label Japanese and European trade partners as "unfair" on the basis of their trade surpluses with the U.S. Without foreigners' strong exports to the U.S., the Federal Reserve Bank would have been obliged to use restrictive monetary policy to dampen inflationary pressures, prompting higher U.S. interest rates and lower home purchases. Here again, it's evident that trade protectionism is not the answer; it would not only lower American living standards (and those of all our trade partners), but also produce inflation.

Discussion of economic policy among Christians and others often suffers from extreme positioning. Liberals are critical of free markets, finding them suspect from the standpoint of justice and calling for redress by way of government regulation, taxation and spending. In the case of international markets, their call is for tariffs, subsidies and other controls to ensure that low-wage workers are not hurt by the flow of goods, services and capital across international borders.

Conservatives, on the other hand, praise markets, finding them to be the handmaiden of freedom, and they criticize governments for interventions that blunt individual responsibility and reduce incentives for work, investment and saving. They also often reject any role for governments in addressing social-economic problems, such as unemployment or the low wages earned by workers who are trapped in unskilled occupations or isolated in central cities, where financial and physical infrastructures are inadequate and social networks are weak.

Most economists don't entirely rule out a role for government in closing some of these grievous holes in social-economic justice. Instead, they urge that programs be designed to provide help in ways that preserve choice, competition and initiative. Without these, both liberty and economic well-being are compromised.

For most economists, then, earned income tax credits are preferable to direct income assistance in helping those who are able to work. And offering tax credits related to the cost of education and training obviously helps raise relative earnings by enlisting individuals' active involvement in the buildup of their "human capital." A useful parallel can be drawn between policies that encourage education and the work of groups like Habitat for Humanity, where the "sweat equity" of family members, combined with the personal and financial involvement of others, provides better housing for many.

When the American economy is doing so well, and a federal government surplus shines over the immediate future, we should be pressing hard for Social Security and Medicare reform. The fiscal window of opportunity to rescue these programs for the sake of future generations of retirees and workers will soon close. The tempting federal surplus "pie" is already being nibbled away by additional spending proposals from Congress and the president.

Educational reform at the state and local levels remains key to reducing income gaps between skilled and unskilled workers. And any public policies or private initiatives that provide increased access to health care and training for relatively disadvantaged persons are primary means by which, over time, the benefits of economic growth can be more widely shared. During the early and mid-1980s, earnings inequality in the U.S. increased, but then started to fall significantly in 1993. (Between 1981 and 1993, women's earnings relative to men rose from about 52 cents on the dollar to almost 60 cents.) Earnings differences between African-American and white workers have remained constant -- African-Americans earn 70 cents to white workers' dollar. It is interesting to note, however, that inequalities of income within both racial groups are much more significant than the difference between average earnings of these groups. (See Economic Trends, Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, November 1998.)

Prison reform is another cause crying out for action -- one that has tremendous possibilities for social benefits and fiscal saving. In addition, tax reform to increase incentives for personal saving has more potential to enhance living standards than any moralizing about credit card overuse.

Finally, attention needs to be paid to retraining displaced workers and to caring for those too young or too disabled to depend on work for their entire income. With the economy prospering, now is the time to address these issues.

Protest March (Mk 11:1-11)

Even if we’ve set out on the Lenten pilgrimage on Ash Wednesday and taken every step in penitence and prayer, we are still not prepared for the arrival. Neither were those who joined Jesus in Galilee and made their way up to Jerusalem. For many it was an annual pilgrimage, this Passover. Others, having to travel greater distances, saw the Holy City through the joyful tears of those who know they will never make the journey again. But in one particular year, the pilgrimage was a once-in-a-lifetime experience because it was made in the company of Jesus of Nazareth. For him too, Jerusalem was the end of a pilgrimage.

The portion of the journey to which Mark draws our attention goes from Bethany, a town just east of the Mount of Olives, to Jerusalem. It is difficult to listen to Mark describe the scene because the event has been elevated into a major Christian celebration, Palm Sunday or Passion Sunday, and celebrations tend to draw upon all the available resources in order to enlarge the drama. Matthew contributes the children, John the palms, and all the Evangelists except Mark describe the pilgrimage as going into the streets of the city. Only Mark speaks of the procession going to the entrance of the city, and says that Jesus went alone into Jerusalem. He alone enters the temple, not to occupy it, not to cleanse it, but to survey it, and then to leave it and the city, retiring with the Twelve to Bethany. Simply put, Mark’s account is not only brief, it is restrained and without the claims about Jesus found in the other three Gospels.

This is not to say that the journey from Bethany to Jerusalem is for Mark an unimpressive parade. There is the mysterious locating and commandeering of an unbroken colt, the silence of Jesus except for instruction to two disciples, the large and loud crowd, the garments and branches to pave his way, and the bursts of praise and blessing. But this description is subdued compared to that of Matthew, who makes Zechariah 9:9 the centerpiece of the event, calls Jesus King, says the people hailed Jesus as Son of David, enlarges the crowd and pictures all Jerusalem in turmoil over the celebration. The relatively modest narrative in Mark is consonant with the secrecy surrounding Jesus throughout this Gospel. The popular description "triumphal entry" better fits Matthew than Mark, and neither Gospel justifies the church’s celebration of the day as though it were an Easter before Easter. As we sometimes have early warm weather called "false spring," so it is possible to observe a "false Easter." Those who keep the last Sunday of Lent as Passion rather than as Palm Sunday avoid the problem.

Whatever may have been in the minds of the crowds, whatever may have been in the minds of the Twelve, the reader knows there is more going on than a parade honoring Jesus. One might describe the event as a protest march. Although there is only a dramatic hint of protest in the passage before us -- he entered the temple, looked around and left -- the larger context justifies the term.

While still in Galilee, Jesus had engaged Pharisees and scribes in serious disagreement over the interpretation of scripture and tradition. In addition to the running debate over table fellowship, sharp differences arose over fasting and Sabbath observance. Jesus protested the subordination of human need and welfare to the rigid and unfeeling application of law. As early as chapter three, Mark reports that Jesus’ positions on key issues brought threats against his life. And, of course, once Jesus was in Jerusalem, protest followed protest, beginning with Jesus’ interference with temple practices.

The stakes are higher now -- he is no longer in the villages and open country of his home province. This is the capital and the seat of religious and civil authority, where chief priests and elders have power. To what extent the crowds of pilgrims or the residents of Jerusalem supported his protests is not fully clear. The crowds were "spellbound by his teaching," and Jesus’ popularity with them caused his opponents to fear the crowds.

The final Sunday of Lent is therefore marked by a celebratory parade, which was also a protest march. Only Jesus knew that the same event was also a funeral procession. The Twelve should have known; on three occasions Jesus had told them of his approaching death in Jerusalem. Their response after each prediction makes it evident, however, that they did not comprehend his words. It is painful to read of their continuing claims of adequacy for what lies ahead and of their divisive competition for seats of favor in the coming kingdom.

But we must not rush to judgment. The Twelve spent much time with Jesus listening and observing, it is true, but that time together lay on the other side of the cross and the empty tomb. After the resurrection they remembered -- and for the first time, they understood. To their credit, they regrouped. Records subsequent to Mark testify to faithfulness in continuing the work of Jesus, even in the face of opposition as strong as any Jesus himself had to endure.

It is important for the reader to remember that we know the end of the story and view the whole through an empty tomb. This realization checks our impatience with those who walked with him from the Mount of Olives to Jerusalem. But this realization is also a burden, a burden of knowing. How solemn and heavy is the joy of being admitted into the circle of those who now understand, at least in part. "To whom much is given . . ."

He Is Not Here (Mk 16: 1-8)

We will have to deal with the question sooner or later, so we might as well get it over with: Where does the Gospel of Mark end? There are four possibilities. The ending with the least support among ancient Greek manuscripts of Mark is the one comprising 16:8 and a short summary statement. This "shorter ending" is obviously non-Markan. The longest ending, verse 8 plus verses 9-20 plus a lengthy insert, is also suspect (the insert after verse 14 is especially lacking in manuscript support). The third candidate, verse 8 plus verses 9-20 without the insert, has more manuscript support, but the verses are not in the oldest and most reliable texts of Mark, and some of them are found in the other three Gospels and Acts. These verses can best be read as the work of a Christian scribe seeking to overcome the awkwardness of ending at verse 8.

That leaves Mark 16:1-8, with its awkward Easter ending. "They said nothing to anyone, for they were afraid" is hardly a shout of victory over death. There is no appearance of the risen Christ to the women or anyone else. In the Greek text the final word in verse 8 is "for." Granted, this is a conjunction, which in Greek is not normally placed at the beginning of a clause, but even so it is an unusual final word in a narrative. Some scholars are convinced that the original ending, being the outermost part of a scroll, was worn off or broken off. Our task is to accept this text as Mark’s Easter account and to hear what it says and does not say.

Following a death, there is nothing to do, and there is much to do. There is nothing to do: nobody goes to work, nobody goes to school, nobody is hungry, nobody has anything to say. Helpers are helpless, and in the way. There is much to do: legal matters need attention, the body must be prepared for burial, a tomb must be located. Fortunately for the family and friends of Jesus, a nearby tomb has been provided by one Joseph of Arimathea who himself placed the corpse in the tomb and rolled a stone against the door. Mark does not indicate that the body was prepared with spices since the burial was in haste, the Sabbath day being very near. However, two Galilean women, Mary Magdalene and Mary the mother of Joses, saw what Joseph did, and after the Sabbath came, along with Salome, to anoint the body.

What happened at the tomb is told in five verses. The stone has been rolled away, a young man in white (an angel?) is seated inside on the right, and as would be expected when experiencing a divine revelation, the women are alarmed. The Easter message they receive is brief: do not be afraid; Jesus was crucified; he was placed here; he is not here now because he has been raised. Then they receive an Easter commission: go, tell his disciples and Peter that Jesus is going ahead of them to Galilee; in Galilee they will see him. This is the message Jesus had told them earlier. The response of the women is to run in terror, amazement, fear and silence.

Is this any way to run a resurrection? Is this enough to persuade, to stir new life in the followers of Jesus? First, let it be said that none of the Gospels provides an unambiguous, totally convincing account. Matthew says the disciples worshiped Jesus but some doubted; Luke says that in their joy they were disbelieving; and John says one of the Twelve refused to believe until he touched and felt. Faith is not coerced, even on Easter. In the New Testament, faith is response to divine revelation, and Mark provides that from the mouth of the young man in the tomb.

Second, Mark did not need an appearance of the risen Christ to affirm his faith in the resurrection. Faith can be expressed by adding an appearance after death and burial or it can be expressed by remembrance of Jesus’ repeated promise of a resurrection. Mark chose the latter. Descending the Mount of Transfiguration, he told Peter, James and John not to speak of their experience until after the resurrection; each of the three predictions of the passion included a prediction of resurrection; and on the way to Gethsemane, Jesus said, "But after I am raised up, I will go before you to Galilee." At the tomb the angel said to tell his disciples and Peter that he would meet them in Galilee, "just as he told you." The recollection of the words of Jesus is the stuff of faith.

Third, the question of why Mark, who obviously believed in the resurrection, included no appearance of the risen Christ is a natural one raised by the text itself. We can only speculate, but a reasonable answer may be in Mark’s accent on the cross. He has told the story of Jesus from baptism to crucifixion. The journey to Jerusalem was a journey to the cross, and all who would follow him must take up the cross. Perhaps for Mark, ending the story with a glorious resurrection would have reduced the cross to a stop on the way to resurrection and have turned the tomb cave into a tunnel with light shining through. Perhaps.

Fourth, even Mark’s brief Easter account is full of Good News. To disciples who had abandoned him and to Peter who denied him, Jesus’ word was, "I will meet you in Galilee. There we began together; there we will begin anew.

And finally, of the women, afraid and silent: what can be said? When such persons find their voices, what powerful witnesses! No glib and easy Easter words here. They had been to the cemetery.