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Mythmakers: Gospel, Culture and the Media by William F. Fore William F. Fore received a B.D. from Yale Divinity School and Ph.D. from Columbia University. A minister in the United Methodist Church , he was Director of Visual Education for the United Methodist Board of Missions, then Executive Director of the Communication Commission of the National Council of Churches in New York City. From 1989 to 1995 he was Visiting Lecturer in Communication and Cultural Studies at Yale Divinity School.. His publications include Image and Impact (Friendship Press 1970), Television and Religion: the Shaping of Faith, Values and Culture (Augsburg 1987, currently reprinted by SBS Press, 409 Prospect St., New Haven, CT 06511), and Mythmakers: Gospel Culture and the Media (Friendship Press 1990). Published in 1990 by Friendship Press, 475 Riverside Drive, New York, NY 10115. Used by permission of the author. This material was prepared for Religion Online by Ted Brock.
Chapter 10: Video Violence Mother #1: "Don't let your kids see Friday the 13th; it's full of steamy sex." Mother
#2: "What? That's terrible! I
thought it just had violence." --exchange overheard in Ridgewood,
New Jersey When Benjamin Spock, M.D., was
starting out in pediatrics, he didn't believe that on-screen violence was
harmful to children. Then, about thirty years ago, he changed his mind. It was soon after The Three Stooges became popular on television. A nursery school teacher
told Spock that suddenly children were beginning to bop each other on the head
without warning. When she would tell a child who had just hit another that
hitting wasn't acceptable, the child wouldn't show any regret but instead would
say, "That's what the Three Stooges do." Suddenly, Dr. Spock realized that
children--especially young children--will pattern themselves after violent
behavior just as readily as they will imitate good behavior. He realized that TV
violence can cause harm to children.1 Sometimes it happens with adults,
too. In 1984, after Farrah Fawcett played in The Burning Bed, a TV drama that told the true story of a battered wife
who ended thirteen years of marital torment by setting fire to the
gasoline-soaked bed of her sleeping husband, a number of copy-cat assaults
occurred across the nation. In Milwaukee, thirty-nine-year-old Joseph Brandt
viewed the TV show and shortly thereafter poured gasoline over his estranged
wife and set her afire. In Quincy, Massachusetts, a husband became angered by
the movie and beat his wife senseless. In Chicago, a battered wife watched the
show, and then shot her husband.2 It is a fact that people in the U.S.
are more prone to violence than are people of any other industrialized nation.
Between 1963 and 1973, while the war in Vietnam was taking 46,212 lives,
firearms in the U.S. killed 84,644 civilians. If the United States had the same
homicide rate as Japan, our 1966 death toll from guns would have been 32 instead
of 6,855. In the last fifty years the rate of rapes in the United States has
increased 700 percent, on a per capita basis. In 1980 there were eight handgun
murders in England and 10,012 in the United States.3 During the last
thirty years the U.S. homicide rate per capita has increased almost 100 per
cent. Between 1974 and 1983, the number per capita of aggravated assaults
increased 6 percent, forcible rape 26 percent, robbery 2 percent, and child
abuse 48 percent. 4 And although reliable Canadian statistics were
not available before 1980, one authority states that "violent crimes have
constantly increased" there during the last half-century.5 For years people have asked whether
the amount of violence portrayed on movie and TV screens has anything to do
with the growing violence in real life. As early as the 1950s, the U.S.
Congress held hearings on the possible negative effects of television. Industry
representatives immediately promised to reduce violence while simultaneously
denying any evidence of harmful effects. Yet television violence increased
steadily. In 1967, following a two-week period
when whole sections of Detroit and Newark were bombed, burned, and vandalized,
President Lyndon B. Johnson established a National Advisory Commission on Civil
Disorders. In March 1968, the Commission issued a 608-page report that laid
much of the blame for the crisis on the mass media. The Commission charged that
although the media tried to give a balanced and factual account of the events
of the summer of 1967, they tended overall to exaggerate "both good and
bad events." Television, in particular, was found to have presented
violence in simplistic terms--depicting "a visual three-way alignment of
Negroes, white bystanders, and public officials or enforcement agents,"
which tended to create the impression that the riots were predominantly racial
confrontations between blacks and whites, while factors such as economic and
political frustration were pushed into the background. The national unrest persisted. In early
1968 Martin Luther King, Jr., was shot and killed in Memphis, then Robert
Kennedy was assassinated in Los Angeles. A new U.S. National Commission on the
Causes and Prevention of Violence, headed by Milton S. Eisenhower, stated:
"Violence on television encourages violent forms of behavior, and fosters
moral and social values about violence in daily life which are unacceptable in
a civilized society." It concluded: "Television entertainment based
on violence may be effective merchandising, but it is an appalling way to serve
the 'public interest, convenience and necessity.'''6 Once again, the broadcasting
industry resisted the conclusions of the Commission and attacked its findings
as based on insufficient evidence. At the same time, network presidents solemnly
proclaimed that violence was
being reduced and that children's
programming was being improved. Yet one more time, in 1969, John O.
Pastore, chairman of the U.S. Senate Communications Subcommittee, requested the
surgeon general, Dr. Jesse Steinfeld, to appoint a committee to conduct a study
"which will establish scientifically insofar as possible what harmful
effects, if any, these [televised crime and violence] programs have on
children." Steinfeld testified in 1972 at a Senate hearing that the study
had unearthed "sufficient data" to establish a causal relationship between watching television violence and behaving
aggressively. Said Dr. Steinfeld: "My professional response ... is that
the broadcasters should be put on notice. The overwhelming consensus and the
unanimous Scientific Advisory Committee's report indicate that television
violence, indeed, does have an adverse effect on certain members of our
society."7 But according to the "Violence
Profile" conducted annually by George Gerbner of the University of
Pennsylvania's Annenberg School of Communication, the level of violence in
television showed no significant change throughout the 1970s. Instead,
broadcasters continued to insist that the research on behavioral effects of TV
violence was "inconclusive." The research continued, and in May
1982 the National Institute of Mental Health released the findings of a
ten-year follow-up to the surgeon general's 1972 study: "After ten more
years of research, the consensus among most of the research community is that
violence on television does lead to aggressive behavior by children and
teenagers who watch the programs."8 Thus by 1982 the overwhelming weight
of research had demonstrated various degrees of relationship between violence
in the media and violent behavior in the society. The U.S. public felt
something was terribly wrong but lacked an organizational structure to do
anything about the degree of violence. Some vigilante groups, tired of promises
and no action by the broadcasting industry, began to take matters into their
own hands by initiating boycotts and urging the passage of censorship laws in
communities and states. Fortunately, they had very little success, because the
courts rejected attempts by individual groups to impose their views on others. At that point the National Council
of Churches decided the time had come to do something about both the increase
of violence and the increasing threats of censorship. But to take action, it
first needed the facts. In 1983 it established a special study committee
"to examine the problems of exploitative sex and gratuitous violence in
the media." The study had two aims: first to
help church people and the public to identify the issues; and second, to
identify solutions that would not restrict the rights of citizens to express
themselves freely in a democracy. The committee recognized that
sexuality and violent actions are found in all of life, and that the mass media
would be dishonest if it were to attempt to "sanitize" these
dimensions of the human condition. For these reasons, the Commission focused on
"exploitative sex" and "gratuitous violence." In 1984 the study committee held
three public hearings, one focused on the research findings (in New York City),
a second on the views of the communications industry (in Los Angeles), and a
third on policy proposals and alternatives (in Washington, D.C.). It heard
testimony from thirty-one persons, including researchers, producers, directors,
writers, actors, corporate executives, legislators, and leaders of national
educational and public interest organizations. Research Findings The committee consulted some of the
most respected and eminent researchers in the field. Here is a summary of what
these experts reported: Edward Donnerstein of the Center for
Communication Research at the University of Wisconsin reported on young men who
were exposed to "slasher" films (I Was a Teenage Werewolf, Texas Chainsaw Massacre, and The Toolbox Murders). When these men were placed in a "jury" at a
mock rape trial, they were far more likely than the control group to believe
that the rape victim "was asking for it," that the rape did not do
serious damage to the woman, and that the accused should get off with a light
sentence. Donnerstein's research showed that
films which combine erotic material with violence tend to desensitize people regarding aggression against women. He emphasized that the
problem was with the element of aggression, not with the sexual
component. David Pearl of the National
Institute of Mental Health had just conducted a ten-year follow-up study on
behalf of the surgeon general's office. Pearl found that television has four
effects on violent behavior: 1.
direct imitation of observed violence; 2. "triggering"
of violence which otherwise might be inhibited; 3. desensitization
to the occurrence of violence; and 4. viewer
fearfulness. Regarding the overall social effect,
Pearl warned Consider the situation if even only
one out of a thousand viewing children or youth were affected (there may well
be a higher rate). A given prime time national program whose audience includes
millions of children and adolescents would generate a group of thousands of
youngsters who were influenced in some way. Consider also the cumulative
effects for viewers who watch such programs throughout the year. Even if only a
small number of antisocial incidents were precipitated in any community, these
often may be sufficient to be disruptive and to impair the quality of life for
citizens of that community.9 George Gerbner, dean of the Annenberg
School of Communications, reported on the findings of his seventeenth annual
Violence Profile, which indicated that the overall Violence Index during
1982-1983 once again had not
diminished but was approximately at
its seventeen-year average. However, violence in children's weekend programs
reached a record high,
with a rate of 30.3 violent
incidents per hour against a seventeen-year average of 20. Gerbner summarized
his findings: For the past 17 years, at least, our
children grew up and we all lived with a steady diet of about 16 entertaining
acts of violence (2 of them lethal) in prime time alone every night, and
probably dozens if not hundreds more for our children every weekend. We have
been immersed in a tide of violent representations that is historically
unprecedented and shows no real sign of receding.10 Since then, Gerbner and his
researchers have issued five additional annual Violence Profiles that show
essentially the same pattern: no decrease in violence on TV. Indeed, there has
been a slight but continuing increase in violent programming aimed at children through the 1987-1988 season. Gerbner explained to the study
committee the role of television in creating a "mean and violent
world" in the minds of many viewers--particularly heavy viewers: viewers in every education, age,
income, sex, newspaper reading and neighborhood category express a greater
sense of insecurity and apprehension than do light Most heavy viewers .... Fearful people are most dependent,
more easily manipulated and controlled .... They may accept and even welcome
repression if it promises to relieve their insecurities. That is the deeper
problem of violence-laden television.11 Gerbner called for parents,
educators, and religious and political leaders to mobilize, to combat not only
violence in the media "but the larger structure of inequity and injustice
behind it."12 The study committee concluded that
violence in the media does
lead to aggressive behavior by
children, teenagers, and adults who watch the programs. The committee stressed
that not all viewers become aggressive, of course, but the correlation between
violence and aggressive behavior by some is undeniable. In the words of the
committee: "Media violence is as strongly related to aggressive behavior
as any other behavioral variable that has been measured." Who's in Charge? If media violence, especially when
that violence is in its nature sexual, in fact does threaten the quality of
American life, then how do the creative and managerial people in television
feel about the use of violence in their productions? What pressures within the
industry lead to such a high degree of violence? Who makes the decisions: the
actors? directors? producers? distributors? networks? sponsors? And what can
concerned citizens do about the problem? These media issues were discussed by
the National Council of Churches study committee with a number of the media
creators in Los Angeles, people who spend most of their time bringing into
being the world of television. What the committee found was disturbing, though
perhaps predictable. First, individual members of the industry are concerned, many of them profoundly, about the increasing amount of sex
and violence in the media in which they work. For example, from Christine Foster,
a major TV producer: "Mainstream, legitimate network
and production company executives, producers, writers and directors, are, like
you, conscientious citizens, family people, mothers and fathers .... We are
conscious of the effect we have on the public and on our communities." Second, the people working in the
media industries are part of a vast and complex system which parcels out
responsibility, a little bit to everyone, so that, in the end, no one is ultimately responsible. For example, when participants in the Los Angeles
hearing were asked, "Who has the responsibility to do something about the
problem of sex and violence?" the answers consistently placed
responsibility on someone
else. Actors said they only do what they
are told by the writers and directors. Writers and directors said producers
require them to put more sex and violence into the shows. The producers said it
is the networks that demand more sex and violence. Networks said their choices
are limited, the competition is brutal, and the sponsors demand results.
Everyone agreed they don't like the amount of exploitative sex and gratuitous
violence that they, together, created. What about the sponsors? Producer
Gene Reynolds charged that "sponsors in the last twenty years have escaped
responsibility." David Levy (president of the Caucus of Producers,
Directors, and Writers) explained that some twenty years ago such sponsors as
Kraft, Hallmark, and Texaco normally purchased a whole series of programs on television, but that today sponsors only purchase time--a few minutes of spot advertising on many different programs. Thus the
sponsors now reach many different audiences many times each day but in doing so
they diffuse their responsibility for any particular program among a half-dozen
or more other sponsors. Sponsors dearly have an interest in
the content of programs with which the public may associate their commercial
message. For example, General Motors has had the following guideline for many
years: Our aim is to avoid association with
those programs that appear to emphasize offensive subject matter and language
for their own sake. Levy summed up the situation by
saying that "there are no 'wild men' in the media today. Instead, they are
all in a System that traps them." Third, each TV network has only one
ultimate objective--to win the largest number of viewers during every half hour of every day. This ratings drive, on which fees for commercials are based, is the
economic reality at the root of the problem. Given this system, advertisers are
acting quite rationally when they buy the cheapest programs that will reach the
largest number of viewers with their message, regardless of program quality.
Broadcasters are considered by their stockholders to be acting in an
economically responsible way if they provide programs that are produced very
cheaply--even if the programs contain much unnecessary violence--if, in doing
so, they reach the largest possible audience and make the largest number of
sales and highest possible profits. But their decision to air violent programs
must be considered irresponsible by the public at large. Deregulation of broadcasting in the
U.S. and the Federal Communications Commission's apparent indifference to the
practices of broadcast licensees and cable operators in effect seem to
legitimize the operation of these media as businesses like any other business,
disregarding the public trusteeship that is required by the Communications Act.
In spite of the view of writer Bill Sackheim that "ninety percent of the
people in this business want to do good work," the FCC has created a
regulatory vacuum that inevitably fosters inexpensive, low quality programming
which, to be cheap and yet get instant mass attention, must become increasingly
violent. In summary, there are four major
reasons for the high amount of sexual violence and overall violence in TV
produced in the U.S.: (1) monopoly control of program production and
distribution by a handful of powerful companies (2) the drive for profits far
in excess of those enjoyed by the vast majority of U.S. businesses (3) a lack
of accountability on the part of sponsors and (4) the failure of
the Federal Communications Commission to exercise adequate oversight of
broadcasting. What has happened since the National
Council of Churches study report and recommendations? Essentially nothing. The
churches have not seen the issue as a high priority. Some even question whether
church organizations ought to be meddling in such matters. The vigilante and
boycott groups have gotten nowhere. Meanwhile, the Violence Profile for 1987
shows that the amount of violence on television continues at the same high
levels. Some programming, such as MTV and cable channels, are actually
increasing the overall amount of violence and sexual violence going into homes
in North America. What can be done? The study
committee made specific recommendations for each of the major visual media in
the U.S., recommendations that remain to be implemented. In Canada the problems
are somewhat different, both in scope and complexity. In May 1985 a Canadian
Task Force report on Broadcasting Policy was established by the minister of
communications, and it studied most of these same issues within the Canadian
context.13 Where applicable, the Canadian Task Force report will be
used to supplement the U.S. recommendations. How to Decrease Violence on
Television 1. In the U.S., the key to
decreasing violence on television is for broadcasters to exercise their
responsibility to serve the public welfare. Television will serve this larger
purpose only when the Federal Communications Commission reasserts its oversight
of the broadcasting industry on behalf of the public interest. Broadcasting was
deregulated during the early 1980s, and as long as deregulation remains in
effect, the public cannot expect an industry engaged in a constant
"business war" over ratings to take seriously its social obligation
to reduce the amount of violence in its programming. The Canadian
Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) regulates radio and
television and imposes conditions of license which are considerably more
detailed than in the United States. With the growth of the multinational
communication giants and their effort to remove communication from regulation
worldwide, Canadians should insist that present regulations of the CRTC not be
compromised. Also, the Canadian Task Force recommends the creation of "TV
Canada," a new satellite-to-cable service which would be non-commercial
and would focus on "redressing the present imbalance that favours foreign
[American] programs."14 2. In the U.S., broadcasting
networks and stations should be required by the Federal Communications
Commission to carry the rating of the Motion Picture Classification and Rating
Administration (G, PG, PG-13, R, and X), with additional short descriptive
phrases that indicate the amount and intensity of violence. Ratings and
descriptions should appear in on-the-air promotions for programs, in newspaper
and television guide listings, and in network, sponsor, and station
advertisements. In Canada, movie ratings are
determined differently in each province, so there is no national rating system.
However, the CRTC could enact a regulation requiring all stations to alert
viewers to the amount and intensity of violence on forthcoming programs.
Fortunately, many newspapers in Canada and the United States voluntarily note
excessively violent and sexually explicit material in their movie reviews. 3. The FCC should be required to
conduct annual hearings, open to the public, in which producers of television
programming (networks, stations, syndicators, production houses, sponsors)
would be required to explain how and by whom decisions are made to determine
the content of entertainment programs. Only by such public discussion can the
present anonymity of program decision making be penetrated and responsibility
for program content be fixed. Stations should also be required to meet
regularly with members of the public to discuss and assess the content and
effects of entertainment programs and the relationships of these programs to
generally accepted community values. Some stations follow this procedure even
though regulations no longer require it, but most stations have dropped any
significant community involvement. 4. Networks and stations should be
required by U.S. law to devote a percentage of their air time, production
budgets, and facilities to children's programming. The United States remains
the only developed nation that does not require its television industry to
provide programs for children. There is no Constitutional reason why Congress
could not require television stations to provide regularly scheduled
programming for children, Monday through Friday during after-school hours, at a
time when older children could view it (4 p.m. to 6 p.m.). The courts have
ruled that while the FCC cannot tell broadcasters what to broadcast, it can establish program categories that broadcasters must provide, and "children's
programs" could be such a category. In Canada the number of hours of
children's programming per week actually increased between 1976 and 1985, but
the CBC, Canada's public broadcasting network, recently has reduced its
children's programming as part of overall cutbacks. If the Canadian Task Force
recommendation for the creation of a "TV Canada" cable system is
approved, the new channel would provide extensive additional programming for
children and young people. 5. Incidents of violence should not
be included in commercial announcements, such as trailers that advertise violent
movies. If violent commercials are run, then free counter advertising time
should be accorded to local community groups under a "Fairness
Doctrine" which would require that a station that airs an issue of public
importance (such as violence) must also air the opposing views. In the 1960s
when the FCC required stations to run counter advertisements (under the
Fairness Doctrine) every time an ad for cigarettes was played, the broadcasting
industry soon agreed to legislation prohibiting all smoking ads, since the
alternative was to run one free
minute for every paid minute of
cigarette advertising. The same mechanism could work against commercials with
violence. In Canada, such additional regulation would be up to the CRTC. How to Decrease Violence on Cable
1. The film rating system of the
Motion Picture Association of America should be adopted by the U.S. cable
industry. This step would involve a commitment by all "member" cable
companies to make the ratings available in all advance information, schedules,
and promotion as well as on the screen at the time of showing, as recommended
for television broadcasting stations. In Canada, every cable company is
licensed by the CRTC, which to date has much stricter requirements than in the
U.S. The CRTC could require cable systems to adopt the MPAA ratings, or
establish a similar rating system for Canada that would be carried on cable. 2. Congress should require all cable
companies to make the lockout feature available on all channel-switching
devices they normally provide to their subscribers. The lockout makes one or
more channels temporarily unavailable. 3. Cable companies should be
required to place all R- and Xrated films on a channel separate from other
movies. For example, HBO, Cinemax, and The Movie Channel each would be required
to have an "A" channel for family fare and a "B" channel
for the more violent and sexually explicit films. This division would allow
parents easily to lock out films deemed objectionable for their children, and
still have access to them when desired. Suppliers such as Disney, which run
only G, PG, or PG-13 films, would still have only a single channel, as would
Playboy and other suppliers of exclusively R- and X-rated films. The advantage
of this plan is that it does not restrict access on the part of adults while it
gives parents more freedom of choice about what their children can see at home.
The same system could work in Canada, especially since most of the "second
tier" cable channels are American. How to Decrease Violence in Videocassettes
The number of stores renting and
selling videocassettes has increased dramatically during the past decade. Sixty
percent of U.S. homes now have videocassette recorders, and this number is
expected to increase steadily. The New York Times reports that dealers estimate that from 20 to 40 percent of cassettes
rented in video stores are in the category of sexually explicit material.
Virtually all of the Rand PG-13 films that contain violent and sexually violent
material are available for sale in videocassette stores. The situation is
similar in Canada, and many of the video stores are subsidiaries of U.S.
companies. Congress should require that videos
intended for adults (Rated, X-rated, and unrated) not be displayed prominently
in storefronts and not be sold or rented to persons under seventeen years of
age. Videocassettes do not come into the home like cable TV. Cassettes must be
rented or purchased in stores. In this sense they are more like books or
magazines than television, and they are entitled to the same protection under
the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution accorded books and magazines. However, the First Amendment
protection of free speech does not extend to children. The Supreme Court has
taken the position that society has the obligation to judge what speech is
appropriate for children. Just as persons under a certain age are not allowed
to drink, drive, or vote, the sale of X-rated videos to children should be
forbidden, either by industry self-regulation or, if this does not work, by
law. Most video stores in the U.S. and Canada do not openly display X-rated
videos, or sell or rent them to children under seventeen. On the other hand, to
allow government the authority to decide what adults may see and hear represents a greater threat to the welfare of the
society than to allow expressions that may be objectionable to many. Conclusions Clearly, violence and sexual
violence in the media must be reduced. This goal can be attained without
depriving those in the media of their livelihood or the rewards which are
justly theirs, and without depriving citizens of their freedom of speech. In Canada, the Canadian
Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission is reasonably responsive to
public concerns, and concerned citizens should express their views regarding
the growing problem of violence and sexual violence in all of the mass media.
The CRTC could require better information about the amount of violence in
broadcast material; it could insist that the CBC and other broadcasters provide
more children's programming; and it could require lockout boxes on all cable
systems -- changes that would go a long way in dealing with violent material. In the U.S., concerned citizens must
understand the extent to which the whole system of commercial broadcasting establishes an environment encouraging not
violent programming itself, but the conditions that result in violent
programming. Profits require large audiences and economies of production. Large
audiences require vivid, exciting, simple movement. Economies of production
require stereotypes and action rather than complex relationships. Sponsors want
audiences, networks engage in "business war," and writers and
directors get the message: more violent action. In one sense no one is in charge of
this complex system, hence no one can be blamed. But in another sense, everyone must share the blame--including the audience, the industry, and the
political leaders who symbolically wash their hands of the problem by leaving
it to "the marketplace." So long as we allow television to be an
instrument for sales rather than for communication, the situation will persist.
Christians have an obligation to reduce violence wherever possible, an
obligation that stems from the explicit teachings and example of Jesus, from
their faith in God's purpose for human creatures to live in harmony, and from
their everyday ministry with those who suffer the effects of violence. REFERENCES 1. Benjamin Spock, "How
On-Screen Violence Hurts Your Kids," in Redbook, November 1987, p. 26.
.
Newsweek,
October 22, 1984, p. 38. 3. Jervis Anderson, "An
Extraordinary People," The
New Yorker, Novem- ber 12, 1984, p. 128. 4. U.S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of the Census, Statistical
Abstract of the United States 1985 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office,
1984), pp. 166, 172, 183. 5.
The Canadian Encyclopedia, 2nd ed.
(Edmonton: Hurtig, 1988), vol. 1, p.536. 6. National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence,
"Commission Statement on Violence in Television Entertainment
Programs," September 23, 1969 (Washington: U.S. Government Printing
Office). 7.
Broadcasting magazine, March
27, 1972, p. 25. 8.
Broadcasting, p. 25. 9. David
Pearl, "Television: Behavioral and Attitudinal Influences," National
Institute for Mental Health, Washington, DC, 1985, p. 6. 10. George Gerbner, "Gratuitous Violence and Exploitative Sex: What
Are the Lessons? (Including Violence Profile No. 13)," prepared for the
Study Committee of the Communications Commission of the National Council of the
Churches of Christ in the U.S.A., September 21, 1984 (Annenberg School of
Communications, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia PA 19104), pp. 2-3. 11. "Gratuitous Violence," pp. 5-6. 12.
"Gratuitous Violence," pp. 10-11. 13. Task
Force on Broadcasting Policy, Government of Canada, Report of the Task Force on Broadcasting Policy (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services, 1986). 14. Task
Force, Report, p. 353 |