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Mythmakers: Gospel, Culture and the Media by William F. Fore William F. Fore received a B.D. from Yale Divinity School and Ph.D. from Columbia University. A minister in the United Methodist Church , he was Director of Visual Education for the United Methodist Board of Missions, then Executive Director of the Communication Commission of the National Council of Churches in New York City. From 1989 to 1995 he was Visiting Lecturer in Communication and Cultural Studies at Yale Divinity School.. His publications include Image and Impact (Friendship Press 1970), Television and Religion: the Shaping of Faith, Values and Culture (Augsburg 1987, currently reprinted by SBS Press, 409 Prospect St., New Haven, CT 06511), and Mythmakers: Gospel Culture and the Media (Friendship Press 1990). Published in 1990 by Friendship Press, 475 Riverside Drive, New York, NY 10115. Used by permission of the author. This material was prepared for Religion Online by Ted Brock.
Chapter 2: How Christians Interpret the Gospel We live not by things, but by the meaning of things. It is needful to transmit the passwords from generation to generation. -- Antoine de Saint-Expuery The Gospels in the New Testament are only the beginning of "the
gospel." "The gospel" has a second source which is not found in
the written record of the Bible at all: the historical witness and testimony of
almost twenty centuries of Christian believers. While Jesus' life, death, and
resurrection are essential elements in the Christian experience, so are the
faith responses of Christians throughout history, and both are part of the
gospel in our time. For almost two thousand years Christians have been
interpreting the gospel in terms of what they knew about the Old and New
Testaments, their own cultures, their media, and their experiences. Each
generation of believers has incorporated its own life and times into what the
gospel means. So we need to know something about that interpretation over the
centuries, because it forms a crucial living link between Jesus and ourselves. The Gospel Always Comes Wrapped in a
Cultural Context As we said in Chapter One, we simply can never expect to transport
ourselves back to first century Palestine and experience the "real"
gospel in its "real" culture. That very human desire was the trap
that the "quest for the historical Jesus" scholars fell into. In
reality, there is no "real" gospel except as it has been transmitted
to us in the Bible and through the faithful for whom it has had meaning over
the centuries. Each generation has had to face anew the question "Who is
Jesus?" and to work out its own answers, in terms of its own culture. The gospel always comes wrapped in a particular language,
particular customs and traditions and ways of doing things, particular
unwritten rules about politics and religion and the family -- in other words,
in a particular culture. Culture has many complicated meanings, but I use it
here simply to describe a system of beliefs (about God or reality or ultimate
meaning), of values (about what is true, good and beautiful), of customs (about
how to behave and relate to others), and of the institutions which express the
culture (government, church, law courts, family, school and so on) -- all of
which bind the society together and give it meaning. 1 We can never get completely "out" of our culture. Our culture
was there before we were born into it, and we became human as we interacted
with it. While we may pick and choose to emphasize certain aspects of it, and
even change it slightly during our lifetime, our culture is like the air we
breathe -- something we take for granted, but without which we would cease to
be who and what we are. In the last two thousand years, Christianity has been experienced in
many different cultures. Therefore, Christians have interpreted Christianity in
widely different ways over the centuries. Jaroslav Pelikan, an imminent church
historian, has devoted an entire book to the ways people of different times
have understood Jesus. He shows that "For each age, the life and teachings
of Jesus represented an answer (or, more often the answer) to the most
fundamental questions of human existence and of human destiny, and it was to
the figure of Jesus as set forth in the gospels that those questions were
addressed." 2 The Jesus of History During the first three hundred or so years after Jesus, Christians
regarded their gatherings not as a society for the promotion of personal salvation,
but as a way of proclaiming the Lordship of the God of Jesus, the God of love,
peace and justice. According to Leslie Newbigin, the message of Jesus to these
early followers "was about the kingship, the universal sovereignty of God.
It was not a message about the interior life of the soul considered in
abstraction from the public life of the world." 3 Newbigin places these first century Christians and their role in society
in stark contrast to the role of churches in the Western world today. If these
early followers had been content to withdraw from and forget their relationship
to the rest of society, Newbigin says, they would have posed no threat to the
Emperor and his power: "[the first century church] would have enjoyed the
protection of the law -- the same protection which churches enjoy in our modern
culture, available for exactly the same reason -- namely, that they pose no
threat to the ideology which controls public life." 4 Instead, Christians refused to bow the
knee to Rome, because Almighty God, not the Emperor, was the Lord of all. They
called their gathering the ecclesia Theou, the assembly of God -- a
public assembly to which all humankind were summoned and which was called
together not by the town clerk but by God, an assembly where no earthly emperor
could claim absolute supremacy. This was the kind of assembly Roman power could
not permit. Therefore, Christians understood their lot to include persecution
and, often, torture and death, and they lived in hope of the return of Jesus:
"Truly, I say unto you, this generation will not pass away till all these
things take place. Heaven and earth will pass away, but my words will not pass
away." (Matt. 24:34; Mark 13:30; Luke 21:32). Evidence of their persecuted
status is still visible in Rome, where the catacombs reveal thousands of
martyrs' bones and rude stone caskets record hundreds of deaths in the faith. By the fourth century a shift in the status of Christianity affected the
understanding of the gospel. A Roman Emperor, Constantine, passed from paganism
to Christianity. History is ambiguous about the reasons for his conversion, but
we do know that in 312, at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, "Constantine
was directed in a dream to cause a heavenly sign to be delineated on the
shields of his soldiers, and so to proceed to battle." 5 He marked his shields with the Chi-Rho
(in Greek, the first two letters of "Christ"), an emblem of
Christianity. The battle was won, and shortly thereafter Constantine declared
Christianity the official religion of the Empire. When he built Constantinople
as the New Rome, he constructed huge Hagia Sophia, one of the grandest of all
churches. In its southern gallery one can still see today a golden mosaic
depicting the Constantinian transformation to imperial (and triumphal)
Christianity: Christ as King (Pantocrator) is seated in the center on a
throne, flanked by the Emperor Constantine on one side and the Empress Zoe on
the other. Spiritual and temporal power were united. This understanding of the gospel as earthly power resulted in struggles
for authority and territory between medieval European rulers and the Western
church centered in Rome. This perspective also set in motion the Crusades that
flourished from the 11th to 14th centuries. To "take up the Cross"
meant literally to sew a red cross on one's garment, and to go off to war
against the Turk in Palestine. As judged by a modern historian, Steven
Runciman, this "Crusading fervor always provided an excuse for killing
God's enemies" -- in Jesus' name. 6 But another understanding of Jesus and the gospel began to take form.
During the Middle Ages the church became increasingly institutionalized through
the monastic movement. Thousands of men and women who turned to a cloistered
life patterned themselves closely after Christ. And "by the time they were
finished," Pelikan observes, they "were likewise patterning Christ
after themselves." Through the monastic life they demonstrated how to
"share by patience in the passion of Christ and hereafter deserve to be
united with him in his kingdom." Theirs was a simple, direct formula: "not
to value anything more highly than the love of Christ." 7 St. Francis is perhaps the most revered of those who understood Jesus in
terms of his humility, poverty and self denial. Early in the thirteenth century
Francis created a monastic order founded on the principle of conformity to the
life of Jesus "in all things." Toward the end of his life this
principle was dramatized when "the marks of nails began to appear in his
hands and feet, just as he had seen them in the vision of the Man nailed to the
Cross." 8 For thousands of followers of Francis,
Jesus became the literal model for all of life. And many monks and nuns, in
response to the gospel stories of Jesus' ministry, became active in the world,
serving as missionaries to areas of Europe not yet Christian, caring for the
poor, preaching and teaching. In the Middle Ages the church was the institution that preserved
documents and provided most education. But the gospel story itself was
communicated to most of the faithful through pictures, carvings, stained glass,
drama, music and spoken words rather than through books. During the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, the understanding of Jesus and the gospel emerged in a
renewed way into daily life. Gospel stories were often consciously allegorized
into everyday terms. Painting, especially in Italy, became a valued means of
communication, through such artists as Giotto, Botticelli and Leonardo da
Vinci. The Bible came to life on their canvasses, as every parable, saying and
deed of Jesus' life was rendered in vivid color and with increasing realism and
depth of perspective. The culture of the time guided the artist's eye. The
Madonna became a round and rosy Italian maid, the Baby Jesus a bouncing Italian
bambino, while Roman governors, disciples, saints and martyrs were all depicted
as Medieval Italians against an Italian landscape. To the north in sixteenth century Flanders and Germany, the genius of
Peter Brueghel and Albrecht Durer brought the Bible to life for anyone who
could see their paintings and drawings. Old and New Testament figures became burghers
and hausfraulein, and the biblical scenes were set among the familiar
barns, haylofts, farmhouses and countryside of everyday life. The understanding of the gospel in the culture of its time reaches a
musical apex in the 18th century. In the St. Matthew Passion and St.
John Passion, as well as many of his cantatas, Johann Sebastian Bach
portrayed the gospel story in vivid, dramatic detail. The Evangelist tells the
story in direct narrative style, soloists act out the various roles of Jesus,
Mary, the High Priest, Peter and others, while the chorus comments on the
betrayal, death and resurrection. The story was old, the musical setting the
work of genius, but the music, at the time, was familiar; Bach employed
scores of earlier hymns and even popular songs, and of course the language was
German, with the result that the average Protestant churchgoing listener had a
new experience -- the words and music of the time were recast to provide
religious relevance and meaning. Of all the interpretations of the gospel during the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries, few were more direct and at the same time more
communicative than hymns. A century earlier John Wesley and his brother Charles
had written hundreds of hymns which stirred working class people in England,
and this tradition continued in America through such writers as Timothy Dwight,
Samuel Longfellow, Oliver Wendell Holmes, and more recently Henry Sloane Coffin
and Harry Emerson Fosdick. While hymns covered just about every subject, those
which found particular favor in nineteenth century America were based on a
personal experience of Jesus and the gospel, particularly in regard to faith
("Blessed Assurance, Jesus is Mine"), the atonement of Jesus
("When I Survey the Wondrous Cross"), confession ("Just As I Am,
Without One Plea"), dedication ("Nearer, My God, to Thee"),
following Jesus' example ("Saviour, Like a Shepherd Lead Us"), and
salvation ("Amazing Grace! How Sweet the Sound"). Our own century provides understandings of Jesus and the gospel that in
some ways differ from previous understandings, but nonetheless are linked to
earlier traditions. Think of the coronations in the United Kingdom, where the
civil head of state is crowned in Westminster Abbey by the Archbishop of
Canterbury attended by all the prelates of the church, in a centuries-old
religious ceremony replete with choirs, trumpet fanfares and processionals,
seen and heard worldwide by millions on radio and television. Similar coverage
is accorded the Pope's visits to North America and other continents, including
special jets, cars with special bullet-proof glass, hordes of police and press
-- a modern-day evocation of the church triumphant that goes back more than a
thousand years. In stark contrast, this century also witnessed Gandhi's Long March to
the sea, which, because it was picked up by London and New York newspapers,
focused world attention on the plight of the Indians under their British
rulers. Later the world saw a similar drama, this time on television, enacted
in Selma and Birmingham, as Martin Luther King Jr. joined hands with religious
leaders from throughout the United States to protest against injustices which
led to major legal reform in civil rights. In both cases, the image of the
gospels displayed to participants and spectators alike was Jesus' emphasis on
community, suffering for others, and self-giving love. Other twentieth century views of Jesus have aroused widespread response.
Picasso's "Guernica" depicted the horrors of the bombing by Nazi
planes of a tiny village during the Spanish Civil War, making striking use of
the cross to drive home the inhumanity of modern warfare. In a score of
powerful "Miserere" paintings and prints, Georges Roualt interpreted
suffering and death as the essence of Jesus' way. Fellini's film "Jesus of
Nazareth" emphasized the starkness of Jesus' time; its image of the Sermon
on the Mount delivered in a howling storm is unforgettable. A few years ago in
Canada, empathy and protest were aroused by the sculpture "Christa,"
in which the figure on the cross was female. These scattered examples illustrate that Christians of every generation
have needed to come to terms with the meaning of the gospel of Jesus, and that
they have expressed their understanding in terms of their own life and times.
We cannot judge whether any particular understanding was more or less
"true" than that of another generation, but we must understand that,
for those Christians it was true. It was by that particular
understanding of the gospel, wrapped in the culture of their days, that people
guided their lives, spent their time, took certain actions and avoided others.
In a sense, they "bet their lives" on the meanings of the gospel they
found, created and celebrated within their own culture. Our challenge today is
to engage in a similar process of understanding, creation and commitment. The Jesus of Geography The meaning of the gospel depends not merely on time but also on
location. Today the gospel is given very different interpretations by people in
different cultural settings. A few years ago in Japan, my wife and I visited an old friend, Masao
Takenaka, professor of Christian Ethics at Doshisha University in Kyoto, the
spiritual center of Japan. One afternoon Masao led us to a lovely garden behind
his office where we were served tea according to the traditional ceremony,
sitting on straw tatami mats and using hand-molded cups three centuries old.
Then he presented us with his book called Christian Art in Asia, the
very first compilation of the works of Asian artists on Christian themes. In
those pages the gospel is made flesh within the Asian experience: Jesus calling
Japanese fishermen; the nativity in a Korean barn; a beautiful Indian
"Blue Madonna;" an Indonesian madonna and child; an Indian Last
Supper; a Sri Lankan Christ; a crucifixion in the midst of the Philippines. Two decades earlier I experienced other unique gospel interpretations,
this time in Africa, most often through music. I shall never forget visiting a
Methodist girls' school in what is now Zimbabwe, where, for a foreign visitor,
the teen-agers sang "Just As I Am, Without One Plea" to an
accompaniment of rattles, drums, tinkling spoons and Coke bottles, and at a
pace and syncopation, that simply made you want to dance. And in Bolivia, where I had gone to make a film about missionary
activity, the music again was Christian, and again unique. This time a young
woman, completely uneducated, came into a studio in La Paz, ten thousand feet
high in the Andes, and sang lullabies and folk songs that sounded as if she had
been studying music all her life. The record sold thousands of copies, long
before the Beatles and others discovered the riches of Bolivian folk music. But
this folk music was transformed by a Christian perspective. Of course, wherever one encounters Latin American Christianity, there is
music, whether in the streets of Rio de Janeiro or Miami or Los Angeles.
Singing and dancing are a way of life, and Christian interpretations of Jesus'
life, death and resurrection are commemorated in dozens of Latin American
festivals and carnivals. In 1988, when Latin American and North American
Christian communicators met in San Juan, Puerto Rico, a highlight of the week
was the presentation of indigenous songs and dance by Puerto Rican Christians
who carry on a rich and sophisticated religious musical tradition for the sheer
joy of it. One of the most powerful cultural interpretations of the gospel came to
American through the experience of African slaves. James Weldon Johnson
celebrated the unique sermon style of black preaching in his book God's
Trombones, which includes a famous passage from "The Creation": Then down between The darkness and the light He hurled the world; And God said: That's
good! 9 Martin Luther King, Jr. was formed out of this tradition, and he used it
to create a preaching style that stirred the moral imagination of both black
and white audiences and was a significant element in validating his leadership
of the civil rights movement. For example, imagine King's voice as he told his
congregation at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta how it will be when God
judges the world: Oh, there will be a day.
The question won't be how many awards did you get in life. Not that day. It
won't be how popular were ya in your social setting. That won't be the question
that day. ... The question that day will not be concerned whether you are a
Ph.D. or a No.D, will not be concerned whether you went to Morehouse or ... No
House.... On that day the question will be what did you do for others. Now I
can hear somebody saying, "Lord, uh, I did a lot of things in Life. I did
my job well... I went to school and studied hard. I accumulated a lot of money,
Lord, that's what I did." Seems as if I can hear the Lord of Light saying,
"But I was hungry, and you fed me not. I was sick and ye visited me not. I
was neck-id in the cold, and I was in prison and you weren't concerned
about me, so get out of my face!" 10 The spirituals, the participatory sermon styles
("Amen!"..."God Almighty!"), the dynamic worship
experiences -- all testify that African-Americans found ways to express their
gospel of liberation, freedom and salvation in the midst of oppression and
hardship in America. A contribution not yet so well recognized is that of the
Native Americans, bringing profound identification with nature, deep
appreciation of the continuity of all things, and a connectedness with
ancestors that has greatly enriched religion in North America. Finally, popular music, while not great poetry, is nevertheless full of
metaphor and meaning, and some of it sees the gospel in the light of secular
experience. An example is "The Tree Springs to Life," from a
contemporary hymnal: They hung him in Jerusalem, And in Hiroshima, In Dallas and Selma too, And in South Africa. We hear you, O Man, in agony cry, For freedom you march, in riots you die. Your face in the papers we read and we see, The tree must be planted
by human decree. 11 Missionary Implications Cultural differences of the kind we have been describing have posed
particularly difficult problems for missionaries. In their attempt to
"bring Christ" to people in other cultures, missionaries (and until
recently most Christian missionaries were sent from either North America or Europe)
sometimes confuse "the gospel" with "the culture," namely,
their own. Charles Kraft, missionary and professor of missions, recalls an
experience in a pre-scientific culture in Northern Nigeria: One day I was presenting
the gospel message in the best way I knew how and came to the point where I
asserted that the supreme proof that the message of God is true rests in the
fact that God raised Jesus Christ from the dead. "Very interesting,"
one of my hearers replied. "My son rose from the dead just last week, and
my uncle last month. My uncle was climbing a tree and he fell out of the tree,
died, and, after half an hour, rose from the dead." What does one say to
people for whom death and unconsciousness are in the same category? 12 Culture shock can also flow in the opposite direction. Alice Hageman, a
lawyer, Presbyterian minister and part-time teacher in Cuba, tells of talking
with Sergio Arce, professor of theology at the Protestant seminary in Matanzas.
When Professor Arce is speaking in North America and Europe, he finds he is
often asked, "How is it possible to be a Christian in a communist
country?" To which he replies: "How is it possible to be a Christian
in a capitalist country?" 13 Too often in the past missionaries have been content simply to export
"the gospel" as they knew it. Festus Asana, former principal of the
Presbyterian Theological College in Cameroon, reports that "I saw snow for
the first time when I left Africa, but years back in Cameroon, during our dry
and brown, dusty Christmas season, we would sing: In the bleak mid-Winter, Frosty wind made moan, Earth stood hard as iron, Water like a stone; Snow had fallen, snow on snow, Snow on snow, In the bleak mid-winter Long ago" 14 And even when the gospel message seems clear, traditions, customs and
unspoken assumptions can alter what the words mean. A former missionary to New
Guinea points out how some basic biblical injunctions can be interpreted
differently: Even such clear
statements as the Ten Commandments have as it were, fuzzy borders. For
instance, is it stealing to pick up a child's toy from a suburban sidewalk?
Yes, in the United States. No, in Mexico. In ancient Israel one could pick and
eat fruit while passing through another man's orchard, but that would be
recognized by everyone as theft in present day Southern California. Many Papua
New Guineans see my culture's practice of leaving the care of the elderly to
the state as a clear violation of the fifth commandment. My Bahinemo [New
Guinea] brethren do not see taking a second wife as adultery, but it would be
for me. It seems that the essence of each commandment is clear, but the edges
are defined differently by different cultures. God's universal standard must be
realized in different situations by different behavior. 15 One solution is to try to sort out what is fundamental to the gospel from
what is "merely cultural." But this approach is unsatisfactory, as
Kraft discovered when a Nigerian church leader pointed out to him that the
Bible commands both that we not steal and that we not allow women to pray with
their heads uncovered, and then asked why missionaries teach that the one
command be obeyed and the other ignored: are they using a different Bible? In
reality both the commands are expressed in terms of customs current in biblical
times and places. The solution requires two steps. To understand the original
meaning, missionaries (and all Christians) need to look beyond the biblical
commands to discover how the words and customs were understood by those who
wrote them and those who first heard them. To understand the relevance for
today, the missionaries (and all Christians) must also examine the culture we
find ourselves in, and ask what is God's will in the context of all of the ways
God is revealed, through Scripture, tradition and personal witness. An even more serious problem is the unconscious assumption on the part
of some missionaries that not only is their gospel "the
gospel," but that their mission is to "bring" it to others by
whatever means available. Kraft, who was trained in anthropology as well as
theology, describes a situation he encountered in Nigeria: I observed in one of my
colleagues a disturbing type of behavior that I wanted at all costs to avoid.
He took a great interest in the culture of the people he worked among but, when
he discovered their secrets, he consistently used this information against
them. His attempts to communicate the gospel constantly compared their customs
with what he called "the Christian custom." When he described
"the Christian custom," however, it always bore a striking resemblance
to an idealized version of an American custom. 16 Then Kraft began to recognize his own cultural biases: "I, like the
majority of my generation of evangelical Protestants, had been taught to fear
heresy above almost anything else in the world. I had been taught to respect
the nearly two thousand years of western theological study and to assume that
such dedicated theologians had answered just about every problem worth
answering. ... I had been taught to preserve my orthodoxy by closing my mind to
other options....I began to realize that, if I were to face the problems of the
Nigerian situation squarely, I would have to become more open than I had
been. ... I was becoming ...open to learning things from people of a different
culture concerning what biblical Christianity should look like in their
culture. There was nothing in my church background or theological training
that would enable me even to counsel those who were interacting with God in
terms of a different culture." (emphasis supplied). 17
Kraft's insight not only reveals the cultural biases of some
missionaries. Even more important, it shows the problem all Christians
face in understanding the meaning of the gospel in their own cultures today.
North American culture has changed radically in the last hundred years. Dress
and diet and leisure time activities are strikingly different. And beneath the
surface are more crucial changes in the ways we find out about the world,
create our assumptions, and make our decisions. It is the thesis of this book that the mass media of communication have
placed Americans in an environment so different from former times that our
values, assumptions, perspectives and worldview, and therefore our
understanding of religion, are affected at their roots. The mass media have radically altered the nature of meaning in our
lives. This is why Kraft's comment is so apt. Today we live, in effect, in a
"different culture" from the culture of thirty years ago, even though
we may be still be living in the same place we always did. In a sense, time has
speeded up. Since the Second World War we have moved into a new kind of culture
-- a mediated culture, where for the first time in history, whole
nations get more of their information and ideas from the mass media than from
home, church and school. We have to learn to understand what this new mediated
culture is saying about religious values if we expect to be able to conduct our
own quest for meaning within it. People in North America are "interacting with God in terms of a
different culture" -- not different in location, but different in terms of
the radical transformation that has resulted from the technological revolution.
Part of our task is to try to understand the ways this technological
revolution, and especially the revolution in communications, shapes culture,
and it is to that task that we now turn. REFERENCES 1. Based on a definition in "The Willowbank Report of a
Consultation on Gospel and Culture," (Wheaton, IL: Lausanne Committee for
World Evangelization, 1978), p. 7. 2. Jaroslav Pelikan, Jesus Through the Centuries: His Place in the
History or Culture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), p. 2. 3. Leslie Newbigin, The Other Side of 1984: Questions for the
Churches (Geneva: World Council of Churches Risk Book Series, 1985), p.
32-32. 4. Newbigin, p. 33. 5. Lactantius, "On the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died"
44; Divine Institutes 44.26-27; Epitome 47, in Pelikan, p. 50. 6. Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951-54) Vol 3, p. 7; Vol. 2, p. 287). 7. Benedict, Rule 4; prologue, in Pelikan, p. 112. 8. Bonaventure, Major Life 13.3 Habig ed., p. 731. 9. James Weldon Johnson, God's Trombones (New York: The Viking
Press, 1927), p. 18. 10. Martin Luther King, Jr., "The Three Dimensions of a Complete
Life," sermon quoted in Richard Lischer, "The Word That Moves: The
Preaching of Martin Luther King, Jr.," Theology Today, July 1989,
p. 174. 11. Good Friday, "Hymns for Now," p. 12, in Sallie McFague, Speaking
in Parables (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1975) p. 109. 12. Charles H. Kraft, Christianity in Culture (New York: Orbis
Books, 1979), p. 6. 13. Paul Deats and Alice Hageman, "Protestant Churches in
Cuba," in Costa, One Faith, Many Cultures, p. 88. 14. Festus A. Asana, "Indigenization of the Christian Faith in
Cameroon," in Costa, One Faith, Many Cultures, p. 123. 15. Kraft, p. 30-31. 16. Kraft, p. 8. 17. Kraft, p. 138. |