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Finding the Face of Jesus by Ronald Goetz Dr. Goetz, a Century editor at large, holds the Niebuhr distinguished chair of theology and ethics at Elmhurst College in Elmhurst, Illinois. This article appeared in the Christian Century March 21-28, 1984, p. 299. Copyright by the Christian Century Foundation and used by permission. Current articles and subscription information can be found at www.christiancentury.org. This material was prepared for Religion Online by Ted & Winnie Brock. Throughout
the history of Christian art, portrayals of the face of Jesus have been as
varied and revealing as the various theologies interpreting his person produced
throughout the history of Christian thought. It is curious that none of the
evangelists, and certainly none of the great theologians of the church, ever
met and conversed with Jesus, yet all have had strong, though differing, views
of who he was. Christian artists have produced revealing, incisive portraits of
a face no artist has ever seen (visions and raptures aside). Although there has been no agreed-upon
description of Jesus, virtually all portrayals of his face are recognizable as
his “likenesses.” This is true largely because any competent artist always
invests the portrayal with an unmistakable authority. Yet even here, the sense
of Jesus’ authority has differed drastically from age to age and from artist to
artist. Great portrayals of Jesus exhibit a myriad of
styles and visions. At one extreme is the Romanesque (11th and 12th centuries)
depiction of Jesus’ face, characteristically envisioning him with a masklike
visage and a radically expressionistic, transfixing gaze, reflecting a profound
sense of the transcendent source of holiness. The human countenance is stricken
by a holiness that consumes the merely human. In sharp contrast are Rembrandt’s
pictures of Jesus. Although he was equally expressive, Rembrandt nevertheless
painted far more naturalistically, showing Christ’s divine authority as
emerging from the depths of his human sympathy and suffering love. “Christian” style is not merely a function of
artistic genius and theology. It is also related to the accidents of history,
For example, the art called “early Christian,” some of which dates from as late
as 400 AD., was stylistically dependent on the art of late antiquity. Jesus was
portrayed in the naturalistic manner of Hellenistic, pagan classicism.
Christianity, as a sect within late Hellenism, contributed nothing to the
development of this style. It simply drew its artistic sustenance from its cultural
environment. All of this changed as the Constantinian era
took root and the church’s power became secure. No longer a persecuted minority
religion dependent on the culture of an “alien” world, Christianity now itself
became a wellspring of culture. Byzantine art was the first mature style born
of the new situation. The Byzantine portrayals of Christ were abstract, severe
and dematerialized. Such a vision incorporated a theology that looked to our
salvation as a work of deification, just as Jesus’ humanity was deified. The
stem, commanding face also reflected the awesome sense of regal power vested in
the emperor, a power supposedly modeled on Christ’s power. This change leads to a disturbing question. Does
this great variety in Christian styles provide an overwhelming illustration of
the way in which we simply foist our own perspectives, ideologies, needs and
vanities onto Jesus? Is Christianity the projection of ourselves onto this
conveniently obscure figure from the past? Does art graphically illustrate that
self-deification which is a bit more difficult to ferret out of the
self-glorifying sophistries we call theology (Feuerbach)? That we do try to make Jesus over in our own
images -- in art, in historical research, in theology -- is our sin, our idolatry.
But in another sense we have no choice but to project ourselves onto the past
in our attempts to interpret Jesus. The study of history entails a measure of
self-projection. How can we “see” unless we project ourselves by creative
intuition into greater proximity to the factual events we seek to understand?
History would be folly if it were done in the vain hope of reconstructing the
past as it actually was. Not even those living in that past saw it “as it was.”
We do history in order to understand ourselves in relationship to the past.
However, the “past” we view is always the past we re-create by projection and
intuition. The “facts” anchor speculation, but they do not speak for
themselves. We cannot see Jesus with the “pure” eyes of the
first century; but even then Jesus was “seen” as many things by those who
actually saw him. Was he the son of God or one in league with the devil? The
Messiah or a blasphemer? Even his own disciples drew him after their own
nationalistic and vainglorious conceptions of the Messiah. As his
contemporaries, they knew what he looked like, but that did not do them much
good. The Gospel of John boldly acknowledges that in
order to attain a truer picture of Jesus, in order to achieve a finally more
penetrating vision of the historical significance of the historical Jesus,
distance, not proximity, is required. “It is to your advantage that I go away,
for if I do not go away the Counselor will not come” (16:7). The unbridgeable historic gap faced by the
Christian artist in portraying Jesus is similar to the perilous chasm faced by
theologians or biblical critics in their respective enterprises. All are
pointing subjectively toward an objective reality. But critical reconstructions
of the historical Jesus and theological interpretations of his being stand no
more chance of being objectively “true” than do the countless portraits of
Jesus of constituting accurate renderings of his actual visage. The very
multiplicity of theologies -- all claiming to be true and all in detail or even
in totality contradicting one another -- and the equal multiplicity of higher
critical judgments about the ‘‘historical’’ Jesus -- all done in the name of
objective historical probabilities and all at odds with one another -- are an
indication of how radically interpretive, speculative and indeed projective is
all our Jesus talk or picturing. My comments are not meant to suggest that there is no
truth that can be spoken about Jesus, or that any view is as valid as any
other. They are, rather, meant to illustrate that any truthful portrayal of
Jesus, be it theological, historical or graphic, entails a creative act. Such
an act is inspired by the muses of human creativity; however, if it is valid,
it is also inspired by the most ancient of all the muses -- the Holy Spirit
(Gen. 1:2).
As early as the middle of the 19th century Søren
Kierkegaard could see the skeptical morass into which higher biblical criticism
was leading. In an attempt to reconstruct Jesus’ life historically, various
scholars so contradicted one another that its reality seemed to slip away.
Kierkegaard met this situation by saying that the only historical facts
Christianity needs are that in such and such a year God became man, and that he
died. A century later Rudolf Bultmann was to detheologize such a historical
reductionism by saying that the only thing of which one can be historically
certain is that Jesus died on the cross under Pontius Pilate. Of course even Bultmann, to say nothing of Kierkegaard,
wrote in the conviction that he knew more about Jesus than the mere fact of his
death. Bultmann even engaged in theological reflection -- an extremely risky
business, it would seem. From a purely naturalistic perspective, what is
theology but abstract reflection on the alleged meaning of historical
uncertainties? Nevertheless, there is the Holy Spirit, who comforts us in our
epistemological uncertainty and who prods us to think, paint and preach, in our
hope to find the truth. The poet Robert Frost once wrote, “Heaven gives
its glimpses only to those not in a position to look too close.” I have always
regarded this as a profound insight into the situation of Christian revelation.
We have, in faith, glimpsed Jesus Christ. However, when the content of that
glimpse is portrayed -- verbally, visually or musically -- the vision and the
viewer inevitably become one. Though the glimpse is real, we are not “in a
position” to sort out where it ends and we begin. Nevertheless,
there is the Holy Spirit. The apostle Paul was bold enough to claim that
if we are in the spirit of God, “we have the mind of Christ” (I Cor. 2:16). If
this is true, then any supposed necessity of separating ourselves in our
subjectivity from the objective reality of Jesus Christ is fundamentally
dislocated. So-called “objectivity” -- i.e., detachment from the object of
concern -- becomes irrelevant to the highest ideal of Christian theology,
scholarship or art. Quite apart from the reality of our philosophic situation,
wherein modern skepticism has called into question the very possibility of
objective “truth,” there is the overriding theological consideration: objective
detachment from the object of faith, which is Jesus Christ, is not one of the
gifts of the spirit. It is only out of our subjectivity that we can discover
who the real Jesus is, for his mind is actually present in the world. But it is
present only in his seekers and followers, as a gift of the Spirit. To illustrate how an artist, in his or her
subjectivity and historical situation, can, through the ministrations of the
Spirit, plumb the objective realities of Jesus Christ, I would like to discuss
three portrayals: Michelangelo’s Pietà Rondanini, Henri Matisse’s Fourteen
Stations of the Cross and Georges Rouault’s 1905 Head of Christ.
That this contorted, expressionistic work was
achieved out of the wreckage of an earlier, more naturalistic undertaking --
done in a style much closer to that of the high Renaissance, with which
Michelangelo is generally associated -- is particularly revealing. During the last
30 years of his long (89 years) life, Michelangelo had grown increasingly
convinced that his earlier work, such as the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel, had
been not an authentic witness to the Christian faith but, rather, an exercise
in Promethean pride. The older Michelangelo, though always a
Catholic, had not been untouched by the spirit of the Reformation. He had come
to a profound sense that salvation is by “faith alone.” More and more, as he
brooded over the realities of sin and death, he sensed the hopelessness of his
state apart from grace. The great paintings of his maturity, The Last
Judgment in the Sistine Chapel, the twin frescos The Conversion of Paul and
The Crucifixion of Peter, also in the Vatican, all reflect his deepening
sense of absolute dependence on God’s grace. However, until the very end, he could not
totally transcend the humanism of the High Renaissance, which he had helped to
create, but then had come to reject. Even though the works of his last 30 years
reflected his moving away from this perspective and from naturalism, still,
when he drew or sculpted the human figure, he continued to portray it in a
glorified, idealized manner. The vast, perfect muscularity of his earlier
“Promethean” period continued to appear in his works, even though, as in The
Last Judgment, these perfect human specimens were often shown grappling
with despair, or, if redeemed, grasping a salvation that came from above. As long as he idealized the human body, his art
expressed a vision that his later theology refuted -- i.e., that idealized
humanity can serve as an adequate symbol for communicating the Christian faith.
Only in the Pietà Rondanini does he finally achieve a complete stylistic
break with the past, a break expressing his Catholic “Protestantism.” To cite
the great Michelangelo scholar Charles De Tolnay: In this work the master superseded at
last the Renaissance principles of causality and the representation of the
rationally possible. What he achieved is an image contradicting the law of
gravity and yet speaking with utmost immediacy to the heart of the beholder. .
. . A fully articulated body would here only detract from the essential [Michelangelo:
The Final Period (Princeton University Press, 1960), p. 92]. As we’ve observed, Michelangelo destroyed an
earlier work in order to bring forth his final Pietà. It is still
‘‘Catholic” in the sense that it still holds out the possibility that
representational art can properly testify to the incarnate love of God.
However, it is “Protestant” in its profound declaration that Christianity can
be proclaimed only in symbols of human brokenness, and in its awareness of the
radical tension between nature and grace. Ironically, the more Michelangelo grew in his
spiritual knowledge of Jesus Christ, the less able he seemed to find the face
of Jesus -- as his final misty crucifixion drawings and, above all, the Pietà
Rondanini witness. In the Pietà, the unfinished face has the look of
a tortured search. Michelangelo destroyed his earlier face of Christ in order
to find a truer countenance. One wonders if the somber genius would ultimately
have whittled the head away to nothing. Michelangelo confronted a paradox which Luther,
in his own way, also encountered. We know God through his revealed word,
through Jesus Christ; and having “the mind of Christ,” we must witness boldly
to that knowledge. However, in the depths of our knowing, born of the
experience of faith, there is also the sense of an abysmal mystery, which
Luther spoke of as the Deus Absconditus -- the hidden God.
Here is where our faith is most sorely tested. When confronted with a depth of
mystery which leaves us gaping in awe, do we not despair of what we know? The
terrible awareness of the immediacy of God’s mystery can drive us to despair of
God’s promise, to despair of God’s love. Both Luther and Michelangelo struggled
with an awareness of this dark side of faith. Ironically, the deeper one’s
personal faith, the deeper the sense of devastation in the presence of God.
“Woe is me! For I am lost. . . . For my eyes have seen the King, Lord of
hosts!” Henri Matisse (1869-1954) came to do Christian
art very late in his life, and even then it was decidedly an atypical subject
for the great master of sensation, color and line. I have long admired Matisse
and his almost hedonistic celebration of beauty, but I had thought that his
foray into Christian art could only fail, since Matisse clearly was not a
Christian. I had seen pictures of his great Vence Chapel (in the hills above
the French Riviera) but because I was so convinced, a priori, that this could
have been only a tour de force, I did not really see what I was looking
at. Then I went to Vence, expecting to have my prejudices confirmed. However,
even the most rock-bound dogmatist could not help but be overwhelmed by the
sheer spiritual delight of the chapel. Utterly severe, all white but for the
black murals and the black accent tiles on the floor, the interior was tinted
in blues and yellows by the gorgeous late Matisse stained-glass windows.
Matisse had created a tiny temple in grateful celebration (he seemed incapable
of any other mood) of the beauty of life and creation. Matisse refused to be converted by the
theological enthusiasm of his Christian admirers. He said, “The only religion I
have is my love of the work I have to do, my love of creation, and my love of
absolute sincerity. I made the chapel to express myself completely and for no
other reason. To this disclaimer, however, one must at least reply that it is
revealing that, toward the end of his life, in order to express himself
‘‘completely” he chose to do a chapel -- free of cost and with the proviso that
his design be submitted to church authorities for approval. He wished to make a
religious statement about his love of beauty, and it was a characteristically
French statement. I am reminded of the French carol that is translated, “Praise
we the Lord who made all beauty for all our senses to enjoy.” In the Vence Chapel there is an astonishing wall
of tiles on which Matisse sketched the Fourteen Stations of the
Cross. One critic has observed that the drawing “looks like the urgent
notes of an eyewitness to Christ’s passion.” The “witness” is certain that the
event is of great significance. Therefore he hastily records the tragic
details, lest the memory be lost. However, the witness “witnesses” from a
detached perspective, without emotion or interpretation. We know only that he
recognizes the importance of the event by the bare fact that he records it. He
is like a reporter with instincts for the newsworthy. Matisse, then, is pure reporter. Do not ask for
commentary, for he has none to give. Although he cannot ignore Jesus, he cannot
penetrate the question of who he was. Thus there is no face in his drawing,
save for the image on Veronica’s veil. This image, without expression and once
removed, he can record; but Jesus Christ himself Matisse can view only from
afar in detached fascination. Michelangelo found it increasingly difficult to
picture Jesus’ face, precisely because he had faith -- showing us that even in
revelation, God remains mystery. Matisse’s stations of the cross stand as a
magnificent confession of the faith of modern secular humanity. Many moderns
can neither embrace nor ignore Jesus: who he was eludes them; that he
was haunts them.
Rouault’s mature paintings of Jesus have an
iconlike quality. They are works inspired by love, and done to inspire love.
These later portraits have an increasingly serene quality. Even in the midst of
his suffering, Christ is portrayed as patiently offering himself and his
suffering to the beholder. The subject is enhanced by Rouault’s technique of
laying thick patches of paint on his canvases, so that undercolors glow through
to the surface. He achieves the suggestion of stained glass, eternally lighted
from within. It is the stylistic characteristics of this later Rouault with
which we are most familiar. However, Rouault’s mature vision of Jesus
evolved out of the intense struggle, indeed anguish, of his earlier work. It is
the Christ of the earlier period I want to focus on: the Head of Christ, 1905.
There is no serenity here; it is a violently painted face that almost looks as
if it had been dripped onto the canvas, à la Jackson Pollock. In this radically
expressionistic work, Christ’s huge eyes stare in sorrow and distress, and his
ambiguously painted mouth is a shattered grimace. The Head of Christ was done during the
same period in which Rouault painted a great number of carnal, yet pathetic,
nudes, often prostitutes; a fiercely drunken woman; sad or debauched clowns;
cruel judges, and so on. Most of his works of this time are searing
representations of human lust, cruelty, pride and brokenness. They reflect a
drastically Augustinian sense of humanity as a “mass of perdition.” Seen in
this larger context, the Head of Christ is a powerful statement of
Christ’s passion as an atoning event. It declares the substitutionary character
of Christ’s death and his desperate loneliness. Interestingly; Karl Barth’s
early work sounds almost like a commentary on this painting: “My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken
me?” People have attempted to absolve Jesus from blame for this utterance by
the argument, difficult to substantiate, that it was not an expression of real
despair -- and the fact has been quite overlooked that it was not less but more
than doubt and despair: as our old dogmatists knew, it was derelictio, a
being lost and abandoned [The Word of God and the Word of Man (Harper
Torchbook. 1957), pp. 118-119]. Although our century has produced little
significant Christian art, its first half witnessed a flowering of Creative
theology. Twentieth century theology came into being in a time characterized by
a drastic and/or existentialist mood. The two most influential theological
portrayals of Jesus in our age have been Albert Schweitzer’s and Barth’s. Schweitzer radically redrew the liberal
conception of the historical Jesus in his 1906 The Quest of the Historical
Jesus (done almost contemporaneously with Rouault’s Head of Christ). Schweitzer
portrayed Jesus as an imperious first century apocalyptic fanatic, beckoning to
us from his own age, as an alien in our own. Although Schweitzer’s case for
Jesus’ obsessive apocalypticism was overdrawn, we are nevertheless left with an
awareness that Jesus must remain historically alien to us. Estrangement and
faith mingle in the brokenness of modern Christian awareness. Barth’s early indifference to the “historical”
Jesus was grounded in his realization that the Jesus of history can, indeed,
only be an alien to us; he is “the crater made at the percussion point of an
exploding shell, the void. Such a shattering metaphor typifies the
existentialist, expressionist mood in which the early Barth -- and with him the
preponderance of post-World War I theology -- came to see Jesus. The
compatible, gentle Jesus reconstructed by earlier liberals was lost in the
‘void.” The only thing that could clearly be known of Jesus was his suffering,
his brokenness and his rejection by the world. Schweitzer and Barth were far from being
theological allies, and Rouault was a French Catholic who probably had no
knowledge of Protestant theology. Nonetheless, together they helped to create
the modern sense of the person of Christ. The modern experience of faith in the
context of radical historical and cultural paradox requires that we cannot see
Christ in the more serene light of the late Rouault or the late Barth (if we
are ever granted such confidence at all) unless we go through the anguish of
Christ’s being crucified anew in our age. Violent expressionism and existentialism
inevitably consume themselves. It is not possible to live permanently at the
extremes. Faith must either find some resolution or shatter in the icy air
blowing from the void. Yet modern Christianity was born in a sense of the void.
Rouault’s Head of Christ is a profound symbol of the wellsprings of
modern faith. Perhaps the present poverty of Christian art and thought can be
traced to our avoidance of the cross and our consequent deprivation of the joy
of resurrection, hindering new creation. We tremble to pray for a renewal of
creativity within the church, for we sense that it can come only by way of
crucifixion. Would that there could be new life without it! |